Party Institutions Research Articles

Political Communication Strategy of the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan in Efforts to Maintain Party Domination in West Lampung Regency

The main objective of this research is to examine and analyse the political communication strategy of the Partai Demoktasi Indonesian Perjuangan (PDI-Perjuangan) in an effort to maintain its dominance in West Lampung Regency. This research uses qualitative methods and is explained using Anwar Arifin's political communication strategy theory. In an effort to maintain its party dominance in West Lampung Regency, PDI-Perjuangan took the following steps; First, maintaining its figures and strengthening party institutions. Second, creating programmes for the community and compiling political messages tailored to the community by making maximum use of the mass media. Third, building consensus not only with political parties but also non-political institutions such as religious institutions and traditional groups and being willing to open up to the community. These steps were taken as an effort to maintain party dominance in West Lampung Regency.

Situation of Religious Communities in the USSR National Autonomies in 1985-1991: The Case of the Khakass Autonomous Region

The authors consider the situation of religious communities in the Khakass Autonomous Region in the context of the state-religious policy of the USSR during the period of perestroika in 1985-1991. The study was carried out on the basis of the records of state Soviet, party institutions and religious associations stored in the National Archive of the Republic of Khakassia and the State Archive of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, as well as regulatory documents. In the course of the research it was established that in Khakassia, as well as throughout the country, from 1985 religious life was intensified. At the same time, the Commissioners of the Council for Religious Affairs under the Council of Ministers of the USSR for the Krasnoyarsk Territory characterized the religious situation in Khakassia as turbulent from the 1960s and asked for a dedicated post for this national autonomy. It was found that the largest part of the religious communities in the region belonged to different trends of Protestantism, although there were also followers of Orthodoxy, Catholicism, and Islam. In Protestant communities there was an increase in missionary work, and in some cases they wanted to avoid contacts with authorities. The liberalization of the state policy was not always adequately reflected in the actions of the authorities of the Khakass Autonomous Region. There was found relationship between ethnic and religious processes. It was noted that Khakassians tended towards Pentecostalism and Jehovah's Witnesses; representatives of German and Polish nationalities tended towards the communities of Catholics, Lutherans, and Seventh-day Adventists. In addition, in the region there was recorded an increase in the preaching activities of religious leaders from Sweden and the United States.

Family Politics in the Recruitment Process of Legislative Candidates in the 2024 Elections: A Case Study of the Indonesian Unity Party (Perindo)

This research aims to explain the political recruitment process of the Perindo Party in endorsing legislative candidates with the family backgrounds of its general chairman. This research uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The results showed that the Perindo Party normatively implemented a more innovative political recruitment process for the 2024 legislative elections by involving public participation and technology. However, in this idealized process, a phenomenon of family politics occurs. The family of the chairman of the Perindo Party did not go through the entire recruitment process because they have strong ties to the party elite who have decision-making power. The chairman's family jumped straight to the nomination stage to be nominated by the Perindo Party. The mechanism is also directly through appointment rather than e-voting as cadres and the general public must go through the title of the people's convention. Therefore, the political recruitment of the Perindo party for the 2024 legislative elections has a gap in the process for the chairman's family because it does not apply the principles of openness and fairness. This has implications for the lousy party institutionalization trend in political recruitment.

INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES THROUGH ARRANGEMENT OF CANDIDATE LEGISLATIVE MEMBERS IN BANYUMAS REGENCY

This paper will explain the institutionalization of political parties through the policy of structuring the Gerindra Party legislative candidates in the 2019 legislative elections in Banyumas Regency. The Banyumas Regency Gerindra Party was chosen as the research locus with the consideration that the Gerindra Party's vote acquisition in the 2019 election was very significant as a newcomer party. The method used in this research is a case study with a purposive sampling technique. Data collected by documentation studies, interviews, and observations. Research informants included DPC Gerindra Party officials in Banyumas Regency and legislative candidates who failed or succeeded in the 2019 legislative elections. The data were analyzed interactively and validated through source triangulation. The results of this study, first; the arrangement of legislative candidates in the 2019 election was carried out by the Gerindra Party with a local wisdom approach as a strategy to avoid 'party elite bias' so that the candidates proposed were candidates with high electability and community support. Target cadres include women activists, cadres of NU, Muhammadiyah, Al Ersyad organizations, village heads and community leaders and are placed in the constituency where they live. With this strategy of structuring cadres based on local wisdom, the Gerindra Party can choose potential cadres who have the support of a stronger mass base. So that the Gerindra Party's seat acquisition can be stable to this day..

Institutionalization and party resilience in Indonesian electoral democracy

Political democracy in Indonesia in the reform era paints a different picture from the previous era. This article discusses and analyzes the institutionalization and resilience of parties in electoral democracy in Indonesia. This present study combines a qualitative approach through library research and survey methods to obtain the expected information. The survey was conducted across Indonesia among 1200 respondents, with a margin of error of ±2.9 % and a confidence level of 95 %. The findings of this article propose three matters. First, in the reform era, parties experienced shocks due to the change of democratic regimes from controlled and repressive democracies to liberal democracies that prioritize electoral functions. Second, the demand for the importance of institutionalizing political parties as part of democratic consolidation for the improvement of the quality of democracy is characterized by the strengthening of the identity of political parties. Third, the strengthening of the leadership role of political parties as a beacon for the resilience of political parties in the face of electoral democracy and, on the other hand, maintaining the ideological and cultural characteristics of the party. The relevance of this article for academic literature is the importance of party resilience in the future, which is much influenced by the party's ability to institutionalize democracy within the party itself to answer the challenges of electoral democracy in Indonesia.

Tanzania under Magufuli: the personalization of a party-based regime

ABSTRACT Contemporary research has shown that authoritarian regimes are not static. At the same time, gradual changes are often difficult to detect and the literature has not yet developed convincing tools to identify autocracy-to-autocracy transitions outside the visible ruptures of coups, power transfers, and opposition victories. Building on fieldwork in Tanzania, we show that patterns of rule shifted significantly under Magufuli. Once the model case of a party-based system in Africa, we argue that Tanzania should be reclassified as a party-personalist regime for the time of his presidency. The basis for his success lies in the increasing factional tensions within the CCM which gave him the power to act as the arbiter and to manipulate party institutions and nominations to his favour. Beyond providing a thick description of a single case, we address the theoretical and empirical challenges of correctly classifying authoritarian regimes.

Assessing Congressional Institutionalization and Political Elites’ Renewal in Latin America Through Legislative Amateurism

Legislative experience, one of the various indicators of both congressional institutionalization and political elites’ renewal, has been mostly measured by either turnover or reelection. However, in regions such as Latin America, with more volatile and less institutionalized party systems, where most careers are not stable and ambitions are not mostly static, turnover and reelection may not be accurate measures of legislative experience. This paper aims to fill this gap by assessing parliamentary experience in Latin America by means of a more accurate indicator: legislative amateurism. Using a novel dataset comprising eighteen national single or lower-chamber legislatures over almost three decades, we find that legislative amateurism is a consequence of party system institutionalization, electoral volatility, and newly implemented gender quotas. Overall, our findings suggest that weak political parties and certain electoral rules may become fertile ground for amateur legislatorś landing in Congress.

The Influence of Internal Conflict on Party Institutionalization: Case Study of the Democratic Party 2010-2015

This study was motivated by conflicts that occurred within the Democratic Party and aimed to be able to see the development of the institutionalization of the Democratic Party both before the conflict occurred and after the conflict occurred within the Democratic Party. In this context and background, this research then be carried out. This study aimed to find answers related to how internal conflicts within the Democratic Party can affect the institutionalization of the Democratic Party. In analyzing this research, researchers used conflict theory and party institutionalization theory. This study used a descriptive qualitative research method. In data collection techniques, primary data was obtained through interviews with relevant informants, and secondary data was obtained through studies of various references from books, search of various sites containing research results, documents of political parties. The results of this study indicated that the internal conflict of the Democratic Party was influenced by the power struggle that occurs within the party. The occurrence of this conflict was also based on the dominance of a strong elite in influencing the course of the organization. Thus, the strong personification of figures in the Democratic Party has a negative impact on the institutionalization of the Democratic Party in the organizational aspects of political parties. The occurrence of this conflict was also based on the dominance of a strong elite influencing the course of the organization. Thus, the strong personification of figures in the Democratic Party has a negative impact on the institutionalization of the Democratic Party in the organizational aspects of political parties. The occurrence of this conflict was also based on the dominance of a strong elite influencing the course of the organization. Thus, the strong personification of figures in the Democratic Party has a negative impact on the institutionalization of the Democratic Party in the organizational aspects of political parties.

Elections and Corruption: Incentives to Steal or Incentives to Invest?

AbstractBy now, most political systems around the world hold regular multiparty elections of different quality and type. However, we know relatively little about the effect of elections on corruption, especially in high-discretion, public procurement contracts implementing development aid. To address this gap in the literature, we employ unmatched comparisons and matching estimators to analyze a global government contracting dataset that provides an objective proxy for corruption: the incidence of single bidding in competitive markets. We find that, all things being equal, corruption risks increase in the immediate pre-election period: single bidding is higher by 1.3–6.1% points. We demonstrate that the corruption-enhancing effect of elections is stronger under conditions of (i) high electoral competitiveness, (ii) medium-level party institutionalization, and (iii) “localized collective goods” clientelism.

Dynamics of Personalization of Political Parties in the Recruitment of Prospective Candidates for Mayor of Solo 2020 (Case Study of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P))

This study aims to explain the dynamics that occur in the recruitment process for candidates for Mayor of Solo in the 2020 simultaneous local elections. These dynamics are influenced by personalized action within the party characterized by the dominance of the general chairperson and the weakness of the party organization. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative using primary and secondary data including interviews, documentation, and literature study. The results obtained from this study indicate that there are problems in the recruitment function for candidates for Mayor of Solo, including intervention from the Party Chairperson as a result of his strong domination in political parties so that the party structure at the local level, namely the PDI-P DPC Surakarta City cannot implementing a bottom-up scheme by nominating candidates based on the election results. The weakness of party institutions can also be seen in party regulations regarding the recruitment of regional heads which are not implemented properly, not reflected in the principles of democracy within the party, the lack of independence of the party structure at the local level, to the pragmatism of the party by nominating a solo mayoral candidate based on the candidate's social background. is the son of the son of President Joko Widodo who is currently in office.

Regional Head Leadership Relations Model in the Perspective of Power in Deli Serdang Regency, Indonesia

This study aims to explain the Regional Head Leadership Model from the perspective of power in Deli Serdang Regency. The leadership style greatly influences the structure under it, both in terms of political party institutions and internal bureaucratic institutions. The leadership in Deli Serdang Regency comes from the same family but has different character; this also gives the uniqueness of the leadership relationship model that is carried out. This study used a phenomenological descriptive-analytical method with a qualitative approach. The results show that leadership and background factors strongly influence the relationship model. The characteristics of leader such as Ashari Tambunan who come from civil society are considered more populist considering the conditions in Deli Serdang Regency where the people are very diverse. So, the civilians are more flexible because they come from civil society, while the leadership model of the late Amri Tambunan, who came from bureaucrats, is synonymous with firmness and calmness in making decisions. The application of a combination of leadership types maintains its power in Deli Serdang Regency. The power that is exercised in Deli Serdang Regency has approaches of kinship, humanism and mutual cooperation in developing Deli Serdang Regency.

The party system effects of unstable electoral rules in Latin America

Prior studies have shown that electoral rules fail to determine the number of parties in new democracies due to the uncertainty of voters and politicians about which parties are viable. Latin American democracies, where electoral volatility has generally remained high and party institutionalization low, have been a primary example of this phenomenon. We argue that even in shifting political environments the fragmentation of the party system is likely to become consistent with the permissiveness of electoral rules and the level of social diversity as voters and party leaders accumulate experience with elections and the rate of electoral regime change declines. We find support for these propositions analyzing an original dataset on Latin American democratic elections. This article contributes to research on electoral systems and political parties by identifying the conditions under which equilibrium electoral outcomes can be expected after a transition to democracy in unstable institutional settings.

Cooptation without opposition: government response in the authoritarian legislature in China

ABSTRACT Cooptation is widely applied to study authoritarian legislatures, but it is often used to identify and placate the opposition groups. For one-party authoritarian regimes in which the hardcore opposition groups are not represented in the legislature, do autocrats still display dynamics of cooptation when responding to the delegates? Based on a unique dataset of government responses to delegate proposals in China, this article finds that the Chinese regime indeed responds to People’s Congress delegates based on the need for cooptation. Delegates who are members of the ruling Communist Party of China (CCP), who are more tightly controlled through the party institution, receive less favourable state responses than non-CCP delegates. However, the disadvantages of CCP delegates disappear when the risk of internal defection increases. The findings further show that even in the absence of strong opposition parties, authoritarian regimes still adopt cooptation strategies in legislatures.

Utilizing Media Network and Big Data on Presidential Election’s Winning: A Case Study

Background: Media and big data can be used as a political communication tool to win the presidential election, as in the case study of the Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin pair who made optimal use of these two tools to win the 2019 presidential election contest. With big data, the successful team moves more efficiently and on target in attracting potential voters in the 2019 Presidential Election. Aim: To analyze the use of media networks and big data by the Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin pair in the 2019 Presidential Election. Method: This study uses a qualitative descriptive approach with a literature study method. Self-study review dipakai penulis dalam menyajikan topik yang dibahas dengan pemahaman atas subjek penelitian. Findings: In the case study of the Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin candidate pair, the utilization of media networks and the use of big data to map the battle areas in the 2019 Presidential Election contestation, has brought the candidate pairs Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin (as political actors supported by party institutions) bearer politics) to be the winner in the political contestation. This is none other than because the success team of the Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin candidate pair has paid attention to all aspects to win in the political contest, and took steps to involve media both digital and non-digital to the fullest, and utilized big data analysis in determining steps in the campaign.

WhatsApp and political communication in West Africa: Accounting for differences in parties’ organization and message discipline online

Social media has become central to how political parties plan, organize, and coordinate electoral campaigns in Africa, with WhatsApp increasingly the preferred medium. How, we ask, have African political parties made use of WhatsApp to organize internally during elections, and what explains the approaches they have taken? We argue that pre-existing party institutionalization is the main factor influencing how parties use WhatsApp to organize and coordinate campaign events, and reach voters. Comparing Ghana and Nigeria, we show that more institutionalized parties create formal, hierarchical online structures, with in-group policing of message content. Conversely, less institutionalized parties rely on informal, personality-based online structures with unclear hierarchies and where there is little message discipline. This matters both for the spread of mis/disinformation and inflammatory content online, and for parties’ future organizational strength. In both instances, “digital clientelism” ensures that existing patrimonial structures are replicated online, restricting the empowerment of new political actors.

How do voters respond to party switching in Africa?

ABSTRACT Are there electoral consequences for elected politicians who switch from one party to another? Existing research on this question discovered that switchers often perform worse in elections than non-switchers because voters are suspicious of their intentions, especially in older democracies. Nonetheless, few robust studies have been conducted on this in Africa amidst concerns of weak party institutionalization and voters’ passivism, despite the prevalence of switching on the continent and copious existing research on the issue on other continents. I conducted a nationwide representative survey gauging voters’ response to party switching and analysed an original dataset on party switching among African MPs, using Nigeria with over 200 cases of party defection within eight years as a case study. I discovered party switchers in Nigeria, Africa's biggest democracy, performed worse in elections compared to non-switchers, with significant implications for our understanding of voting behaviour in Africa.

Can low-cost, scalable, online interventions increase youth informed political participation in electoral authoritarian contexts?

Young citizens vote at relatively low rates, which contributes to political parties de-prioritizing youth preferences. We analyze the effects of low-cost online interventions in encouraging young Moroccans to cast an informed vote in the 2021 elections. These interventions aim to reduce participation costs by providing information about the registration process and by highlighting the election's stakes and the distance between respondents' preferences and party platforms. Contrary to preregistered expectations, the interventions did not increase average turnout, yet exploratory analysis shows that the interventions designed to increase benefits did increase the turnout intention of uncertain baseline voters. Moreover, information about parties' platforms increased support for the party closest to the respondents' preferences, leading to better-informed voting. Results are consistent with motivated reasoning, which is surprising in a context with weak party institutionalization.

Institutional incentives and contentious politics in post-Neoliberal era in Latin America (1985–2010)

The article focuses on the supply-side of protest activity in Latin America in the post-neoliberal era. It argues that parties’ cohesive voting in Congress under different power constellations and parties’ linkage strategy to voters create institutional conditions of power collusion, inter-branch stalemate, or party erosion that delineates political terrain for social mobilization. First, the firm control of a single party or coalition over the executive and legislature with cohesive voting of party members in line with party leadership denotes power collusion and incites underrepresented actors to protest. Second, the dislocation in the executive-legislative relations (either with party members voting against the president’s proposals in a majority government or with cohesive opposition bloc(s) acting against the president’s will in a minority government) leads to policy immobilism and pushes legislative parties to ignite popular discontent. Third, more programmatic party linkages increase the degree of party institutionalization and predictability about policy commitment and mitigate struggles in extra-electoral arenas. The theoretical argument is tested with a battery of statistical tests that lends credence to the institutional explanations of mass mobilization and corroborated with empirical cases that show the plausibility of the statistical findings in particular contexts.

Political Recruitment and Party Institutionalization: PDIP's Internal Tension in the 2020 Surakarta Mayoral Election

This article aims to explain the causes of internal tension within the Indonesian Democratic Party—Struggle (PDIP) Party. The internal tension occurred vertically and horizontally due to the party’s central office intervention in the recruitment process for the 2020 Surakarta mayoral candidate. The intervention caused disappointment among Surakarta Branch Leadership Council (DPC) Surakarta cadres towards the PDIP's Central Leadership Council (DPP) policies and deconsolidation within the DPC level prior to the election. The research approach used is descriptive-qualitative, with data collection techniques used are documentary and literature studies. In contrast to the explanation of previous works that emphasize the oligarchy and centralism of decision-making, this article shows that the cause of the internal tension within the PDIP Party is the low degree of party institutionalization, especially in the systemness and decisional autonomy dimensions.

Routine Problems: Movement Party Institutionalization and the Case of Taiwan’s New Power Party

Routine Problems: Movement Party Institutionalization and the Case of Taiwan’s New Power Party