Party Ideology Research Articles

Australia's ‘No Jab No Play’ policies: history, design and rationales

ObjectiveSince 2014, five Australian states have enacted ‘No Jab, No Play’ policies requiring children to be fully vaccinated to attend childcare and early education services. We review the five policies and their implications for implementers – including healthcare and childcare service providers – and analyse factors that shaped the design of state policies. MethodsWe employed documentary analysis and analysed key informant interviews in NVivo 12. ResultsOur findings reveal similarities and differences between state provisions regarding exemptions, grace periods, responsibilities of service providers and sanctions for non‐compliance. We elaborate on five factors of influence that have shaped No Jab, No Play policies: i) impetus for change; ii) policy normalisation, growing concurrence and stringency; iii) increased co‐optation of childcare providers into vaccination governance; iv) policy influence and lessons; and v) partisan politics and the development of party ideologies over time. ConclusionA range of factors contribute to how and why Australia's NJNPlay policies have taken their current forms. Implications for public healthNJNPlay policies impact families and healthcare providers as part of the broader policy ecosystem concerned with maintaining high immunisation rates in Australia. Increased coercion of parents over time has been tempered by partisan positions on exemptions for disadvantage.

High School Students’ Attitudes towards Migrant Youth

The appearance of unaccompanied migrant minors in our communities and the impact they have had on Spanish society, and vice-versa, is a phenomenon of outstanding educational importance, as it has brought into public awareness issues such as child vulnerability and focused our attention on the legal, social and educational policies and resources that are meant to materialise an inclusive, democratic and just society. Around these young people, mainly from the Maghreb and therefore identified with Islam, society has created an image that serves to bolster many Islamophobic, xenophobic and racist discourses emanating from the media and the ideologies of Spanish far-right political parties. This is achieved by generalising the criminal conduct of some migrant youths, by depersonalising them as human beings and by linking news about them to vicarious emotions such as mistrust and the feeling of menace. Recognising the importance of this phenomenon, in this article we present the results of a study aiming to identify and analyse the main stereotypes, attitudes and prejudices that Barcelona secondary-school students have towards unaccompanied migrant minors (MENA in their Spanish initials). To this end a questionnaire based on the Overcoming Prejudice Scale (Etxeberria, Murua, Arrieta, Garmendia & Etxeberria, 2012) was administered. Our findings showed that high-school students hold certain prejudices and stereotypes that should be tackled in order to promote the integration and inclusion of unaccompanied migrant minors and to ensure a culture of peace among young people.

The rise of the Radical Right in Italy: the case of Fratelli d’Italia

ABSTRACT The emergence of the Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia [F.d.I.]) in Italian politics has raised debate on the party’s core ideologies. This article addresses these questions on the basis of a qualitative content analysis of its party manifestos and discourses since its foundation in 2012. The development of the F.d.I.’s party ideology is analysed through the categories derived from the literature on the European radical right phenomenon. The findings confirm that F.d.I.‘s ideology is based on a combination of nationalism, sovereignism, authoritarianism and Euro-scepticism. The article demonstrates that the party’s ideology turned to radical right positions after 2017 and explains this shift in light of the instability affecting the Italian party system and the recurring European Union’s (E.U.) crises during the last decade.

Stage word in the Ivan Franko theater in the context of the historical and cultural process

The purpose of the article of the work is to highlight the stages of evolution of the Ukrainian scenic word in the Ivan Franko Theater in the context of the historical and cultural process from the 1920s to the present and to analyze the features of the artistic direction "socialist realism" and his influence on the scenic word. The research methodology consists in using the method of historical retrospection to analyze the scenic word in the acting works of the Ivan Franko’s Theater from the 1920s till the presenttimes; the culturological method is used to study the influence of state ideology on the socio-cultural environment through the scenic word; the using of the art-historical method makes it possible to analyze the creative work of directors in certain cultural and political realities. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive study of the main stages of the evolution of the scenic word in the Ivan Franko Theater during its existence on the example of acting works in dramatic and musical performances, as well as in studying the influence of the domestic historical and cultural process on the scenic word. Conclusions. The artistic policy of G. Yura at the Ivan Franko Theater in the first decades of its existence. is examined. The influence of the ideology of the communist party on the domestic theatrical process is revealed. The peculiarities of artistic direction "socialistic realism" and its influence on the scenic word at Ivan Franko Theatre on the example of actor's work were analyzed. The article considers the scenic word in the musical performances at the Ivan Franko theater in the context of historical and cultural processes.
 Keywords: scenic word, culture, ideology, socialist realism, Ivan Franko theatre, G. Yura, musical, rock opera

FINANSIJSKA POLITIKA SAVEZA KOMUNISTA JUGOSLAVIJE PREMA KOMUNISTIČKIM PARTIJAMA ITALIJE, FRANCUSKE, ŠPANIJE I GRČKE KRAJEM ŠEZDESETIH GODINA 20. VEKA

Adoption of the early forms of the new Eurocommunist ideology by the communist parties of Italy, Spain and partially, Greece in the late 1960s (1967–1969) made the conflict of these parties with CP of USSR inevitable. This was the deciding factor of forming the new course of financial policies of LCY towards the previously mentioned parties. The main events leading to this outcome were the establishment of military dictatorship in Greece in 1967 and Czechoslovakian Crises of 1968. The process of forming the official standing of the party on the military intervention in Czechoslovakia marked the crucial turning point in the way the party ideologies of CPI, CPS and eventually CPF were defined and understood. In the aftermath of these events, Eurocommunist fractions gained power in CPI, CPS and in the interior CPG. It was exactly during this troublesome and turbulent period for CPI, CPS and interior CPG that LCY formed the policies of providing the regular financial aid to CPI, and irregular but significant financial aid to CPS and CPG interior. Such financial policy had the goal of easing the financial consequences of braking relations with the CP of USSR, who was the main sponsor of the previously mentioned parties until then, and thus contributing in making the victory of the LCY friendly Eurocommunist fractions in the ensuing power struggle within CPI, CPS and CPG permanent. In the case of CPF, financial policies of LCY were focused on financing the research-vacations in Yugoslavia of those members of CPF that belong to the opposition within the party. Eventually, the relationships of the CPI, CPS and CPG with the CP of USSR recovered, as was also already many times the case in complex relations between USSR and SFRY, but CP of USSR never regained the influence it once held within the communist parties of Europe.

TÜRKİYE’DE SİYASİ PARTİLER GENEL SEÇİM BEYANNAMELERİNDE ŞEFFAFLIKLA İLGİLİ NELER VAAT EDİYOR?

The purpose of this study, to determine the distribution of discourses-promises on transparency in election manifestos of political parties that passed the 10% election threshold in eight general elections according to the distinction of trend slopes, party ideology (right-left) and ruling, opposing party between 1991-2015 in Turkey. Although many qualitative and quantitative studies have been conducted in the literature on the effects of the processes and results of the transparency issue after 2000, there is no study encountered analyzing the transparency discourses-promises in the statements. 28 election manifestos were analyzed with content analysis method in terms of “discourse-promise of transparency”. As a result, 258 transparency discourse promises were identified. 146 of them are administrative, 84 are financial and 28 are political transparency. In administrative transparency, providing and obtaining information and the activities of public institutions; in financial transparency, use of resource and bids; in political transparency, in line with the expectations, the discourse-promise of transparency regarding the declaration of property of politicians has come to the fore. Although there is no difference between right and left parties in terms of the discourse-promise of transparency in the statements, especially after 2000, opposition parties have a clear advantage over the ruling parties.

Party ideologies and European foreign policy. Examining the transnational foreign policy space

ABSTRACT The heterogeneity of foreign policy preferences has hampered a more effective Common Foreign and Security Policy. We examine the dimensionality of the EU foreign policy space by analyzing foreign policy votes in the European Parliament (1999–2019). As it contains the EU’s full geographical and ideological diversity, it is an important laboratory for testing expectations about what predicts foreign policy positions. Party ideologies structure voting on foreign policy: party-political disagreements over the CFSP and military interventions matter more on foreign policy votes than others. The left-right dimension and the EU integration dimension still explain a considerable share of voting patterns, although they matter less on foreign policy votes than others.

Educational policy of the authorities in the national regions of Katerinoslav - Dnipropetrovsk (1920s – 1930s)

The aim is to analyze the educational policy of the state in the national districts of Katerynoslav province, later – on the territory of Dnipropetrovska oblast with the biggest concentration of the national formations in the republic. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative and historical-systemic. The main results. It was detected that after the ending of the civil war, representatives of national minorities perceived the ideology of the Bolshevik government without enthusiasm. To strengthen their influence in this environment, they decided to create human resources from local population that were loyal to the party. In the complex of measures that were directed to solve this problem, the most important place was given to the educational policy, on the base on the influence of consciousness of the society and in the first place to its growing generation. It was done by creating a network of general and secondary special educational institutions. The specific formation of this policy in the region is shown. Quantitative indicators testified that on the territory of Katerynoslav (Dnipropetrovs’k) notice able positive results took place in the sphere of education. Despite the proclamation of priority in the development of education, the state did not allocate enough money for this sphere. There were serious problems with providing educational literature in the native language. Circulations and nomenclature of planned educational manuals did not meet the needs. That is why teachers of schools and secondary special educational institutions needed to conduct the educational process due to pre-revolionary or Russian textbooks, or even due to fiction literature. There was a shortage of school facilities. However, it is noted that to the end of the 1920s among national minorities, the percentage of primary education coverage ranged from 80 % to almost 100 %. It is emphasized that a network of various secondary special educational institutions were created. The training of specialists was under a significant ideological influence. From the early 1930s, the policy of indigenization, liquidation of educational institutions, and repression of their pedagogical staff began under the slogans of accusations of “espionage” and “counterrevolutionary activity”. In the middle of 1938 educational institutions of all national minorities ceased to exist. Concise conclusions: educational policy among national minorities in Katerynoslav region was conducted in accordance with the proclamation, which consisted in the introduction of party ideology through the formation in the system of institutions of national education of personnel trained in the spirit of Bolshevik ideology. In the 1920s it was properly implemented. From the early 1930s, educational policy began to change and teaching in national languages began to curtail, accompanied by repression of educators. The process ended in middle of 1938 with liquidation of educational institutions of all types and transition to Russian or Ukrainian languages. In this way, the authorities initiated the process of assimilation and Russification of national minorities in the region. Type of article: research article.

TRANSFORMATION OF BRITISH POLITICAL PARTIES AFTER LEAVING THE EUROPEAN UNION: TRENDS AND PROSPECTS

The main tendencies and prospects of transformation of British political parties after the state’s withdrawal from the European Union are studied. It is noted that in recent years the British political system has been developing and transforming under the direct influence of public debate on the expediency or inexpediency of the state’s stay in the European Union, which resulted in a referendum on leaving the EU and further implementing it at the organizational and institutional level. It is proved that the transformation of the party system can be both progressive and regressive, depending on the nature of external and internal changes that occur under the influence of a holistic set of socio-political factors. It is noted that the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of any party system as an object of transformational change, it seems appropriate to include the following: the model of the party system; the number of political parties that actually claim to participate in the formation and implementation of the political course of the state; legal (formal) institutionalization of political parties; party ideologies, programs, election platforms; public opinion on the evaluation of the activities of both individual political parties and the party system as a whole; results of political elections; the level of defragmentation and regionalization of the party system. The leading role of the Conservative Party in the process of preparing, conducting and implementing the results of the referendum on the expediency of Britain’s stay in the EU, which corresponds to the traditional conservative ideology of protectionism and the decisive role of the sovereign nation in political and economic processes. It is concluded that the British vector of integration as a principled position of the Conservative Party, which is perceived as an alternative to the idea of European integration in the sense of creating common European institutions, whose activities are largely based on supranational sources of law. It has been shown that the traditional left-wing and center-left electorate of the Labor Party has been partially overthrown by populist parties with essentially socialist socio-economic slogans, such as Reform UK. It is assumed that in the charismatic and personal conditionality of modern world politics, the current electoral situation may be somewhat changed by the emergence of a strong, bright and at the same time moderate in political and socio-economic views leader, which is an important factor in election technology.

The Relationship between Credit, Elections, and Party Ideology in Australia

Economic reforms since the 1980s resulted in weaker wage growth and the retrenchment of the welfare state. Labor’s declining share of income in conjunction with consistent asset price inflation, created an environment where the electorate increased its demand for credit to which politicians, driven by opportunistic re-election motives, respond positively. The empirical findings suggest that politicians, irrespective of their ideology, introduce policies and manipulate credit growth to maximize their re-election prospects. Moreover, the results indicate that partisan politics in Australia have become less pronounced, suggesting an ideological convergence of the two major political parties with respect to credit.

Neoliberal consensus and Nigerian party politics

ABSTRACT This paper examines the role and significance of ideology for party politics in twenty-first century neoliberal Nigeria. The question it sets out to answer is: Has the market economy’s dominance led to the convergence of conservative and progressive/liberal ideologies in twenty-first century Nigerian political party contests? The importance of ideology for party politics in Nigeria seems to have declined with the market economy’s dominance over other systems. The deployment of neoliberalism as an ideology in the last three decades through common-sense rhetoric about the goodness of the free market, aided by international lending institutions, has led to a dilution of individual party ideologies.

Эрик Сакс и «Рабочая политика»

The article analyzes the theory and practice of the “Workers’ Politics” (Política Operária, POLOP) that existed in Brazil from 1961 to the ear-ly 1980s, examines POLOP's criticism of the ideology of the Brazilian Communist Party and the influence of POLOP ideas on the Brazilian revolutionary movement of the 1960s, in the context of whose evolu-tion the history of POLOP is shown. Much attention is given to the biography of POLOP leader Eric Sachs. In the early 1960s, the Brazili-an left movement was dominated by the idea of the Communist Party that the country was still dominated by semi-feudal relations, so the Brazilian revolution would be bourgeois-democratic, with the national bourgeoisie as its natural ally for the proletariat. By polemicizing this idea, POLOP proved that capitalism had already prevailed in the coun-try, so the Brazilian revolution would be socialist, or it would not be a revolution. The POLOP concept triumphed in the Brazilian revolution-ary movement of the 1960s. This concept was developed in the ranks of POLOP both by its leader, Vienna-born Eric Sachs, who was greatly influenced by the ideas of the "right-wing opposition" theorist in the German Communist Party, Talheimer, and by Teotonio dos Santos, Ruy Mauro Marini and Vania Bambirra, who were part of POLOP in its early years and would soon become the founders of the theory of de-pendent capitalism.

The «Rout» of the Rup in 1903: The Scale and Factors of the Government's (Un)Success

The article is the first special study of the Gendarmerie operation of the end of 1903 – the beginning of 1904, aimed at the liquidation of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party. Until now the historiography of the issue is limited to several mentions of operation’s individual episodes in publications with a broader content. The source base of the study is comprised of archival documents of Gendarmerie offices and security departments, periodicals of the RUP and memories of its activists. Based on the author's reconstruction of the state and personal composition of party structures in 1903–1904, an attempt was made to determine the consequences of the operation for the central, regional and local organizational levels of the RUP. Attention is paid to the factors that determined the ambiguous course of events and different positions inside party organizations (personnel, management bodies, material and technical base, connections, scope of activities, etc.). The historiographical assessment of these consequences as “a catastrophe for the RUP” has been subjected to a critical review. Being based on the opportunistic statements of the party leader M. Porsh and its “archivist” and historian A. Zhuk it is not confirmed by empirical material. As a result of the Gendarme operation of 1903 the RUP really suffered great losses the latter being partial and temporary. A significant part of the party network at all levels managed to avoid failures and ensure the continuity of the party's activities. Crushed organizations were able to resume their work in a few months. The change of the party leader and the split at the “unheld” congress of the RUP in 1904 contributed to a clearer definition of the party's ideology and organizational structure. This gives reason to qualify the events of that time rather as an (un)success of the government: having delivered a striking blow to the leading organizational centres of the RUP on the territory of the empire, it was unable not only to implement its plan to destroy the whole party, but even to liquidate any local organization.

Pudarnya Ideologi Partai Islam Pascareformasi: Telaah atas Perjalanan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) sejak Pemilu 2009-2019

<p><em>In the midst of a dilemmatic condition about the consistency of maintaining an exclusive party ideology and the interest of winning the battle in the election, PKS began to carry out an inclusion-moderation strategy since 2009. This research aims to discuss the fading ideology of PKS since the 2009-2019 as one of the Islamic parties that is considered to have the clearest ideology when compared with other Islamic parties and with nationalist parties. This research used qualitative methods, meanwhile the data were collected through literature study. The result is political parties in Indonesia implement various strategies to gain as many votes in elections. There is a tendency to moderate and even marginalize ideologies in favor of winning contestation. Despite having a militant conservative religious voter base, PKS chose to moderates the party's ideology through an inclusion-moderation strategy from the 2009 election to the 2019 election. The fading ideology is a consequence of inclusion-moderation strategy. Therefore, in the context of formulating a public policy agenda, the ideological positions of political parties in Indonesia are almost indistinguishable.</em></p>

ELECTION PROGRAMS OF NON-PARLIAMENTARY POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE ELECTIONS TO THE STATE DUMA OF THE VIII TH CONVOCATION. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

Aim. To analyze the election programs of non-parliamentary political parties as the key documents for understanding the party ideology, assessing its attitude to the actions of the authorities, as well as the actions procedure in case of election. Research objectives: to find out if there is a correlation between the volume of the party program and its result in the elections; to establish whether the amount and quality of descriptions of initiatives are related to the results of parties in elections; and, thirdly, to characterize the party programs based on the language features of writing programs.Methodology. The analysis of the programs of the political parties "Yabloko", "Russian Party of Freedom and Justice", "Motherland", "Pensioners Party", "New People" (at the time of the elections it was a non-parliamentary party), "Communist Party of Communists of Russia", "Green", "Green Alternative", "Civil Platform" as well as the manifesto of the party "Growth", which was used by the party as an election program, was carried out. The methods of studying documents, content analysis, and a comparative method are used in the paper.Results. It has been established that the best results among non-parliamentary political parties were achieved by those whose program volume is at least 10 thousand characters. It has been revealed that the number of initiatives included in the program for the voter is as important as the quality and detail of their description, and the linguistic features, identified through the analysis of frequently mentioned within the framework of the program of words, allow to give a basic description of the document as well as to determine the ideological and political features and directions of the party.Research implications of the article is in the comparison of the program documents of the parties with the election results, which makes it possible to identify the most successful strategies for compiling political documents.

Commemorative contention: The Taipei National Revolutionary Martyrs’ Shrine and the politics of death

AbstractThis article addresses the Taipei National Revolutionary Martyrs’ Shrine (Guomin geming zhonglie ci) as a site of contention over national sovereignty and belonging. The shrine originated in Sun Yat-sen's aspiration to commemorate the anti-imperial martyrs of the 1911 Republic and in the Nationalist government's attempt to marshal political allegiance in the 1920s–1940s. Upon fleeing from the mainland to Taiwan after losing to the Communist forces in 1949, the Nationalist leadership renovated the Japanese-built National Protection Shrine in Taipei, transforming it into the National Revolutionary Martyrs’ Shrine to house the displaced spirits of the national dead. Throughout the Cold War era, the spring and autumn sacrifices performed by heads of state and visits to the shrine by foreign dignities served to affirm the sovereignty of the Republic of China vis-à-vis the People's Republic of China. Even though the end of martial law in 1987 opened a new era marked by the Nationalist Party's loss of political hegemony, the shrine continued to adhere to the Nationalist Party's ideology and version of history. Far from embodying a place of remembrance and mourning for war victims, the palace-style compound is a site of contested sovereignty exaggerated by China's extraordinary growth and Taiwan's transforming identity. The enshrined dead have found a new role as both an assertion of the island's autonomy and a reflection of its dynamism. The departed, albeit silent, hold power in the malleability of their memories, and each permutation of how the past is remembered hosts its own tension.

Theoretical Model and Implementation Path of Party Building Intelligent Networks in Colleges and Universities from the Perspective of Artificial Intelligence

The paper aims to promote the growth of party building work in colleges and universities to improve school party organization, team management and strengthen party member ideological construction and overall party quality. We design intelligent party member business knowledge learning classrooms using deep learning to improve the quality of party members. First, we develop a convolutional neural network (CNN)-based classroom face recognition system and improve its loss function using the associated theory of the Visual Geometry Group 16 (VGG-16) model. Then, using the Single Shot Multi-Box Detector (SSD), we establish a classroom standing behavior identification system. The experimental results demonstrate that the accuracy rate of the conventional VGG-16 in the face recognition system is 93.5%, while the upgraded VGG-16 is 96.5%, with a 3.2% increase over the baseline models.

Dealing with the populist radical right in parliament: mainstream party responses toward the Alternative for Germany

AbstractIn recent years, populist radical right parties (PRRPs) have continued to establish themselves in parliaments across Europe. However, there is little research on party responses in parliaments. This article explores how mainstream parties have dealt with the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in state parliaments. Its contribution is twofold: theoretically, it links the existing literature on party responses to the parliamentary arena and proposes a comprehensive framework for analyzing party responses in parliament, distinguishing between the formal and the policy level. Moreover, it tries to understand the variation of responses by emphasizing three important factors: party ideology, the government–opposition divide, and the federal structure of parties. Empirically, the article explores the crucial variation of response patterns toward the AfD at the subnational level, which is often neglected in the study of PRRPs. The results show that party responses reflect an ongoing learning process with no ‘magic formula’ in sight. Overall, the article underlines the importance of party responses in the initial phase for the PRRPs’ impact and offers substantial theoretical and empirical impetus for future research.

‘Tackling inequality’: Australian Labor Party ideology and discourse under Bill Shorten

ABSTRACT While it is often claimed that the Australian Labor Party was ‘bolder’ under Bill Shorten than under both Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard, the party’s discourse and ideology of this period has not yet been comprehensively examined. Framed in the 2019 election as ‘shifty’, Shorten is arguably best remembered for his lack of popularity; yet this obscures the degree of ideological transformation he oversaw. In this article, I analyse key speeches and policy documents to transcend superficial impressions and examine Shorten Labor’s revised discursive framings and ideological positions. While not without ideological contradiction, notably regarding Labor’s own neoliberal economic reform legacy, I find Shorten’s leadership represented a significant progressive reorientation of ALP ideology and discourse on both economic and social issues, particularly compared to Gillard. Specifically, Shorten Labor articulated a socially progressive and inclusive social democratic politics that was once-again prepared to critique markets and their role in producing inequality.

Political leaders with professional background in business and climate outcomes

The literature on how the ideology of political parties in power correlates with climate policy outcomes is abundant, but there is no similar literature for the individual characteristics of government leaders. This assessment is the first study of its kind, building on a dataset of government leaders of OECD countries for the period 1992–2017. We find that national presidents or prime ministers with a professional background in business are strongly correlated with bad climate mitigation outcomes. In particular, higher emissions and lower renewable energy deployment are more likely to occur during the tenure of former business people. Our results suggest that voters and pressure groups should pay attention to candidates’ professional backgrounds, in addition to their party’s ideology.