Party Ideology Research Articles

Separation of powers with ideological parties

Separation of powers with checks and balances (SP) is usually regarded as a key institution complementing elections in the control of elected officials. However, some analysts and many politicians also warn that excessive checks on the executive in the presence of polarization may lead to political inaction. We analyze the interaction between elections and SP, and study under what circumstances they complement each other. We first introduce a political agency model with ideological parties where citizens and politicians care about rents (a valence issue) and policy (a positional issue). Then, we analyze the impact of SP on the effectiveness of elections to discipline and select politicians. We demonstrate that SP unambiguously raises a majority of voters’ welfare in highly polarized non-competitive political environments, because it strengthens both discipline and selection without causing political gridlock. SP also raises voters’ welfare if elections are very effective at disciplining first period incumbents. Nevertheless, SP may reduce voters’ welfare if most rents go undetected and reform is not a first-order issue.

Political parties and Muslims in Europe: the regulation of Islam in public education

Despite growing anti-immigrant discourse and radical-right party electoral support, most Western European states include Islam in religious education classes in public schools. What are the conditions that explain these policy changes? Who are the main political allies of Muslims’ demands for inclusion in religious education? Based on an original dataset that gathered data on religious education policies in 13 European countries between 1970 and 2010, this article inquires how party ideology and secularisation explain the timing and equal inclusion of Islam. The article shows that, while Left-dominated governments are the main drivers for introducing Islam within curricula, Christian-Democratic parties in power promote equal terms of inclusion, especially in contexts with a secular approach to religious education. These findings enrich our understanding of political parties in secular times by illustrating how the aim of upholding religious influence in education systems motivates Christian Democrats to promote equal rights for Muslims. Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at: https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2021.1927546 .

Representations of ‘Other’ Immigrants in the Agendas of Politicians of Immigrant Background: A Content Analysis on the Case of the Netherlands

A growing literature in Western Europe investigates the role of immigrant minority politicians in representing voters with whom they share similar backgrounds. However, not much has been said on the possible contributions of those minority representatives in framing other sorts of immigrants. This research examines how Members of the Parliament (MPs) of immigrant minority origin frame asylum related and other kinds of immigration in their parliamentary work. This is a significant research question as it sheds light upon immigration related policy perspectives constructed by those who themselves have immigrant backgrounds. To answer this question, the researcher conducted a content analysis on parliamentary questions posted by MPs with migratory backgrounds. The paper particularly focuses on differences between representatives with migratory backgrounds by considering party ideology, gender and ethnic identity starting from early 2000’s. The qualitative nature of the research allows space to reveal unforeseen (intersections of) explanatory factors. The Dutch case has been particularly selected for its tradition of group representation under the notion of multiculturalism.

PRO KONTRA PROSES PENGESAHAN UU NO. 16 TAHUN 2017, SERTA IMPLEMENTASI DAN IMPLIKASINYA TERHADAP ORGANISASI MASYARAKAT

This paper looks at how a public policy process is issued, implemented, and its implications. The policy issued was the stipulation of Law no. 16 of 2017 (Law on community organizations) in lieu of Perppu No. 2 of 2017 (Perppu for community organizations). The main thesis proposed in this paper is that the policy of passing the law on community organizations is an attempt by the state to protect the Pancasila ideology, which is the sole ideology in Indonesia. This paper is prepared using qualitative methods by collecting data through Library Research. The findings of this study are that the issuance of the first law on community organizations cannot be separated from debates in parliament. The parties in parliament are inconsistent with their party ideology. Supporting or rejecting the law on community organizations is based on the pragmatic interests of the party. Secondly, the existence of the Community Organization Law makes it difficult for community organizations to stand and makes it easier for the government to dissolve community organizations that are not under Indonesian ideology. Third, the first community organization that was dissolved after the law on community organizations took effect was the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI).

POLITICAL RHETORIC RELATED TO IMMIGRATION IN THE 2017 FRENCH PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN

This article discusses the political rhetoric regarding immigration and the presence of immigrants declared by the French presidential candidates in the 2017 French presidential election. The issue of immigration is one of the most important aspects of French domestic and foreign policy. The purpose of this study is to determine the perceptions and acceptance of immigrants from the 2017 French presidential candidates, and their impact on the French public. The theory used in this research is Norman Fairclough's three-dimensional models, namely the microstructural, mesostructural, and macrostructural dimensions. The data taken is the first source in the form of newspapers, online media, books, and journal articles. The results of this study indicate that the political rhetoric by presidential candidates in the 2017 French presidential election campaign forms its own identity and acceptance of immigrants in the French public view. Five French presidential candidates presented rhetoric related to immigration and the existence of immigrants with different framing according to the party ideology they adhere to. However, the rhetoric presented by presidential candidate Macron from En Marche! is more acceptable to French society than other presidential candidates.

Policy Characteristics, Electoral Cycles, and the Partisan Politics of Climate Change

Abstract Domestic policies are the cornerstone of the new global climate governance architecture. However, what motivates vote-seeking politicians to pursue climate policies remains remarkably unclear, as the climate politics literature suggests that climate policies are usually not perceived as a vote winner. The present article revisits this issue and argues that a better understanding of the relationship between electoral competition and climate policy making requires taking into account differences both in party ideologies and in policy characteristics. Studying twenty-nine democracies between 1990 and 2016, the analysis finds that climate policy production overall tends to increase as the election approaches due to increases in “soft” policies, such as subsidies, research grants, and information instruments, and relatively stable production rates of “hard” policies like taxes and regulations over the electoral term. Regarding partisan politics, left governments are found to produce more hard, but not more soft, climate policies than center and right governments, especially before elections. This suggests that partisan and electoral incentives are important reference points in the fight against climate change.

Alignment and Alienation: The Ambivalent Modernisations of Uyghur Marriage in the 21st Century

Abstract Uyghur marriages in Xinjiang in the 2010s have been characterised by various, sometimes seemingly contradictory trends of modernisation, such as monetisation, simplification, emphasis on ethnic symbolism, displays of piety and the active integration of both Turkish, Western and Chinese elements. This article views these trends as complex, inter-related reactions to the region’s socio-economic transformations and political campaigns. It analyses how these transformations and campaigns affect everyday decisions at the local level. The study of marriage provides a good insight into the effects of economic and political transformations on the ground. In such studies, we argue for a distinction between trends on the level of symbolic positioning and identity display from trends on a deeper structural level pertaining to social relations, economic integration and household strategies. In the case of Uyghurs in southern Xinjiang these two levels have shown opposite trends. On a surface level of symbolic display, the relatively open years of 2010-2014 allowed for the flourishing of trends that did not follow the Party-State line, such as Islamic piety and a strengthened Uyghur ethno-national identity. Yet, on a deeper structural level these trends signified improved integration into modern Chinese society. In contrast, the increased state violence of 2015-2020 enforced a strong symbolic alignment with Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ideology but at the same time alienated the Uyghur population from this society effectively necessitating the development of forms of organisation that the CCP deems backwards and undesirable.

Desain Koalisi Permanen Partai Politik dalam Sistem Pemerintahan Indonesia

The pattern of political party coalitions that fluctuate ahead of the general election indicates that the coalitions are not built based on substantial interests but pragmatic interests. As a result, the status of each party becomes unclear, which one acts on the side of the government and which one acts as the opposition. This study aims to discuss the options of permanent coalition patterns that can be applied. The research problem of this study was “What is the permanent coalition design that can be applied in the Indonesian government system?”. This study used normative legal research with statutory, conceptual, and case-study approaches. The results indicated that a permanent coalition is needed to strengthen the coalition pattern of political parties as a support for the Indonesian government system. The permanent coalition design that can be applied is a two-pole model, in which there will only two coalition groups of political parties: parties supporting the government and parties opposing the government. This two-pole model can be balanced in terms of the power between a coalition of government parties and a coalition of opposition parties. Another design that can be adopted is the coalitions which are established based on the similarity of the ideology of each political party.

Governing entertainment celebrities in China: practices, policies and politics (2005–2020)

ABSTRACT This article examines the practices, policies and politics of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) governance of entertainment celebrities from 2005 to 2020. We identify and critically analyse four principle governing approaches with related examples: ‘banning celebrities’, ‘governing through professional associations, laws and notices’, ‘platform governance’ and ‘co-opting stars’. We argue that celebrity governance should be understood within the broader framework of the CCP’s ‘cultural governance’ and encompasses two dimensions: ‘governance of celebrity’ and ‘governance through celebrity’. We conclude the increasing governance of this elite group has shaped the formation of a ‘neoliberal subjectivity’ with Chinese characteristics, which allows them to navigate the complex trade-off between the intertwined neoliberal market ideology and Party ideology in China’s cultural and entertainment industry. The article sheds vital light not only on the understanding of China’s celebrity and entertainment politics, but also on the logic, approach and politics of the CCP’s celebrity and cultural governance.

Semanticke prehodnotenie v narodnosocialistickom jazyku a jeho dikcie v pravicovom populizme

Language and its correct application is a prerequisite for successful communication, not least for political communication. The main determinant of the success of politicians in elections is, above all, persuasion. It plays an important role in both direct and indirect communication of a political party with voters, and one of the frequent accompanying phenomena in a given communication is the use of language units in accordance with the corresponding ideology of the political party, which we understand in a broader context. A typical example here is the ideology of National Socialism, where it is clear to see how certain words, through semantic re-evaluation, have lost their original meaning and acquired a new one that corresponded to the views of the ruling ideology. However, some of these words are still present in the political discourse of right-wing populists, not least in Austria. It is the right-wing populist party Freedom Party of Austria (German: Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ) that applies a semantic re-evaluation of language units in its election posters, which either explicitly or implicitly reflects national socialist diction in election campaigns. The aim of this study is to demonstrate the application of semantic reevaluation during the rule of the National Socialists on selected words blood, revolution and socialism and to point out the individual linguistic references of National Socialism with contemporary right-wing populists and in their election posters.

Moderating Anti-Feminism: Islamism and Women Candidates in the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS)

As Indonesia’s leading Islamist party, the Prosperous Justice Party ( Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) has attracted much scholarly interest, prompting debate on the extent to which the party’s inclusion in electoral politics has required it to moderate its initially strict ideological vision. In this article, we extend consideration of this “inclusion-moderation” thesis to the party’s attitudes and practices regarding women. PKS has a large and active female support base, but it emphasises that women’s political and social roles should be secondary to their primary duties in the domestic sphere. Through a close study of female PKS candidates in Indonesia’s 2019 legislative elections in East Java, we show that women members of the party are moderating the party’s anti-feminist stance. Though they do not explicitly challenge party ideology, they demonstrate significant independent agency in their campaign practices, engaging in outreach to female voters in a strongly practical rather than strictly ideological mode.

‘Sacrifical lambs’ or candidate mimicking? Gender-based nomination strategies in elections

This paper explores an alternative mechanism for understanding the drivers of the nomination of women for elective office in single-member electoral systems. Previous research has generally examined two sources of gender-based politics: party ideology, with leftist parties being more female-friendly than rightist parties, and the strategic nomination of candidates depending on whether the party is expected to win or lose in the district, with women more likely to be used as ‘sacrificial lambs’ in hopeless contests. We argue that the nomination of male and female candidates across districts reflects an interdependence of party strategies – in particular, the actions of the main opposition party. We hypothesise that when the trailing party is not committed to gender equality, its equilibrium strategy in a given district is the nomination of a candidate of the same gender as that of the front-running party. Secondary data from 1,017 single-member Australian districts and more than 2,000 candidates from 2001–2019 confirm our hypothesis.

Political markets, the party-related factors and political party’s market-orientation in Indonesia’s democracy: evidence from Indonesia’s 2014 parliamentary election

Market-orientation has been advanced by political parties in not merely the Western, but also the emerging democracies. Knowledge of the nomenclatures of political markets that emerge in Indonesia’s democracy, types of political sub-markets considered by Indonesian political parties’ leaders in Indonesia’s 2014 parliamentary election and the effects of the party-related factors on perceptions of these parties’ members and activists regarding the importance of these political markets has, however, been under-developed. Focusing on such issues, this work adopted political marketing perspective and deployed the pure mixed of qualitative and quantitative methods. The findings are as follows. The following political markets evolved in Indonesia’s democracy. They include the governmental, parliamentary, internal party, electoral and non-electoral and the media markets. In facing such election, most of these parties’ leaders considered the internal party, media, electorates, competitors and campaign-donors as political sub-markets. These parties’ members and activists perceived the importance of these political sub-markets. Their perceptions regarding the importance of campaign donors are determined by party ideology and campaign resources. Their perceptions regarding the importance of electorates and party members are instead, influenced by party experience of internal shock. Based on the Indonesian case, this work offers new knowledge of: (1) nomenclatures of political markets that emerge in the emerging democracy; (2) types of political sub-markets considered by political parties’ leaders in such democracy; and (3) types of the party-related factors that likely determine perceptions of these parties’ members and activists regarding the importance of these political sub-markets in the parliamentary election.

Adapting in Difficult Circumstances: Protestant Pastors and the Xi Jinping Effect

ABSTRACT To understand the consequences of Xi Jinping’s rise, one must look down as well as up. Even in the face of increased repression, people have a say over how it unfolds and the shape it takes. Many Chinese pastors are adapting to harsher policies and new ideological narratives by striving to lessen the threat Protestantism is perceived to pose. They reduce ideological competition, by not preaching about politics, dissociating from dissidents, and supporting the China Dream; security concerns, by becoming financially self-sufficient, severing ties to missionaries, and building a Chinese church; and collective action fears, by dividing congregations, avoiding networking, and viewingsmall churches as part of God’s plan. By adjusting Protestant practice and incorporating the Party ideologies into their faith, pastors aim to show they can live with and are being steeled by repression.

THE CULTURAL COMPONENT OF DIPLOMATIC RECEPTIONS IN THE USSR (1941–1945)

An important component of the foreign policy activity of state, public and political figures is participation in official government receptions that have informative and communicative functions. The repertoire policy of concert programs of diplomatic receptions built in such a way not only to inform about state priorities in the field of culture, but also to create a special socio-cultural environment conducive to constructive communication. The researcher analyzed the content of concert programs of government receptions, which organized during the visits to the Soviet Union by W. Churchill, Charles de Gaulle, I.B. Tito. The researcher describes a festive reception at the Reception House of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs on Spiridonovka in Moscow on November 7, 1943, which organized in honor of the anniversary of the October Revolution, with the participation of the diplomatic corps, political and military elite, literary and art workers. Studying the Soviet diplomatic protocol during this period expands our knowledge not only in the field of the history of diplomatic relations, but also allows us to judge the peculiarities of the development of Soviet culture, its dependence on the tastes of the leaders and party ideology. The materials of the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (Fund 057 – “Protocol Department”) used as sources.

What Does Political Context Tell Us? Understanding the Persistence of Ideological Imprints in the Case of Turkish Humor Magazines

This study aims to develop a contextualized perspective for understanding the variation in the persistence of founders’ ideological imprints across different periods. We argue for the time-varying influence of political circumstances on ideological imprinting to grasp the consequences of multiple different imprints. Employing a multiple-case study research design that relies heavily on archival data, we explored the political contextual sources of variation in political cartoons of Turkish humor magazines from 1972 to 2015. Our findings show that the variation in the persistence of ideological imprints is related to political changes that result in (in)congruence between the founder’s political ideology and the ideology of the governing party, the type of political ideology that the founder represents, and change within the party ideology over time. By revealing how political contexts surrounding imprints lead to persistence, we contribute to imprinting theory and the organizational implications of political ideologies in non-Western contexts.

The Influence of Religion on the Political Situation in Egypt in 2011–2013: "Political Islam" and "Islamic Fundamentalism"

The influence of religion on politics is inherent not only to the Islamic world, however, none of political theorist should ignore the role of Islam in Muslims’ public life, its impact on the policies of Muslim nations and the global geopolitical situation. Due to its historical uniqueness Modern Islam is not only a religion but also a way of life for the vast majority of Muslims and the basis of their civilizational and even national self-identification. Therefore, the role of religion in the Muslim world is different to that of countries, mostly populated by Christians, as Christianity is legally separated from the system of public administration in European countries. Islam, on the other hand, regulates not only the sociocultural sphere of society, including human relations, but also significantly affects the socio-political life of many Muslim countries, where Islamist movements have now become the major part this sphere.In Egypt, where authoritarian secular regime of Hosni Mubarak was overthrown during the revolution, Islamists took the lead in the protest movement, won the first democratic elections and used the opportunity to lead the country after nearly 60 years of underground activity. This paper examines the influence of the religious factor on the change of Egypt’s political regime in 2011-2013 by conceptualizing the terms of “political Islam” and “Islamic fundamentalism.” The author concludes that the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party should not be defined as “fundamentalists” because: 1. they don’t try to return to a “righteous caliphate,” Sharia, and a literal perception of the sacred texts; 2. the Brothers could not be viewed as the most conservative force among Islamists, while Salafists are properly rightly considered to be; 3. the association is considered as a part of moderate Islamism, an ideology that does not mandate any the use of armed methods of struggle. At the same time, the author argues that owing to the fact that Egyptian “Muslim Brotherhood” adhered to moderate Islamism as an ideological party basis, it became a decisive reason that provided them a venue at the top tier of the government in 2011-2013.

Analysing the “what” and “when” of women’s substantive representation: the role of right-wing populist party ideology

ABSTRACT Existing scholarship underscores the contested nature of the relationship between women’s representation and right-wing parties. This article contributes to this literature by examining women’s substantive representation in Poland under the right-wing populist Law and Justice government from 2015 to 2019. It is specifically concerned with the “what” and “when” of substantive representation: while the former deals with various women’s issues, the latter concerns the conversion of issues into policies. Using representation theory and refined partisan theory, this article sheds light on gendered representation, an issue often overlooked in the scholarly literature on women and politics in Central and Eastern Europe.

Far-right Radicalism in Ukraine in Past and Present

The article explores the ideological origins of Ukrainian radical nationalism, the formation and evolution of far-right political forces in post-Communist Ukraine, and the ideology of contemporary radical right-wing Ukrainian parties. Ukrainian far-right nationalism originated in the 1920s-30s. Its political embodiment was the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) which operated in Eastern Poland. Ideological foundation of the OUN was the concept of integral nationalism elaborated by Dmytro Dontsov. The OUN proclaimed the creation of Ukrainian sovereign state as its most important goal. The characteristic features of the ideology of Ukrainian radical far-right nationalism of that era were the priority of the interests of the Ukrainian nation, Russophobia, anti-communism, anti-liberalism, and the cult of power. Modern Ukrainian radical nationalists have adopted many of these concepts. In the 1990s, a number of extreme right-wing organizations emerged in Ukraine that declared themselves heirs of the traditions of Ukrainian nationalists of the first half of the XX th century. Some of the newly created parties tend towards integral nationalism, while others tend towards social nationalism, which combines ethnic nationalism with the idea of social justice. At the same time, all Ukrainian radical nationalists are characterized by an ethnic interpretation of the nation, a desire to create a mono-ethnic Ukrainian state, a negative attitude towards Russia and Russians, anti-communism, and commitment to the “third way” in economy. Critical of European liberal values, the Ukrainian far-right radicals are nonetheless in favor of Ukraine joining the EU and NATO, hoping that Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration will distance it from Russia. Ukrainian radical nationalists actively participated in Euromaidan 2013-2014 and the overthrow of Victor Yanukovych’s regime. However, they have never (with the exception of the 2012 parliamentary elections) achieved any significant success in the elections to the Verkhovna Rada. Only a part of the population of Galicia votes for them. At the same time, some ideas previously put forward by the Ukrainian far right have in recent years to a certain extent entered the ideological baggage of respectable pro-European right-wing parties in Ukraine. Thus, the ideological and political influence of the Ukrainian far-right nationalists is more significant than it would be possible to assume based only on their electoral support.

Parties courting Muslim voters in Belgium’s local elections: electoral incentives and ideological tensions

ABSTRACT This study examines how political parties in urban Europe are responding to the changing demographic landscape, by focusing on a growing population of immigrant origin voters from Muslim majority countries. The 2018 communal elections in Brussels provide an opportunity to examine how party ideology and commune-level demography interact to make Muslim candidate nominations, and ultimately their election, more or less likely. While generally true that parties of the Left nominate and elect more Muslims than do parties of the Right, by far the greatest difference in inclusiveness was identified within the Left, between the Socialists and the Greens. And while the Greens had a good result in these elections, they did so in communes where fewer Muslims concentrate. While this may not be as important at the national level, where voting rights are more restricted, it suggests the need to qualify claims that electoral incentives - and demography – trump ideology in competitive electoral contexts.