Party Identification Research Articles

Design and Implementation of Blockchain Based Single Sign-On Authentication System for Web Applications

Today, many services are provided through web applications and the number of these applications is increasing rapidly. Nowadays, most users use their username and password to login to web applications. Many of these users also use the same login information in different applications. This causes a major security vulnerability for applications and users. As a solution to these weaknesses in the field of authentication, there have been many developments in recent years. Some of these studies have been third party identity authentication systems like Google and Facebook. Since this method also contains potential risks, studies have been conducted on the Two-Factor Authentication (2FA) method for more security. In parallel with the innovations that emerge every day, methods should be used in the field of authentication. In these times, blockchain technology offers solutions that make life easier in many areas thanks to its distributed, transparent, secure and immutable structure. In this study, blockchain based single sign-on (SSO) authentication system was developed and implemented for web applications. In this system, a public address and a private key are defined on the private blockchain network for users and this information is used for the 2FA method through the developed mobile application. Detailed information was given about the proposed system and technologies used in the study.

Candidate sex, partisanship and electoral context in Australia

Research on the effect of candidate sex on vote choice has tended to find that, even when voters state preferences for candidates of their own sex, party identification tends to win out on election day. However, not all elections present a clear partisan choice for voters: primary elections in the United States, intra-party candidate selection in Australia, and municipal elections in a range of jurisdictions either pit intra-party candidates against each other or provide only weak partisan cues. In this paper, we use a conjoint experiment to directly compare the effects of candidate sex and partisan affiliation on voters' preferences: in one context where partisan affiliation is constant (e.g. a primary contest) and a second where partisan affiliation varies (e.g. a general election). From a probability-based sample of Australian voters, we find left-identifying female respondents tend to prefer female candidates regardless of the candidate's partisan affiliation and electoral context. By contrast, right-identifying male voters prefer male over female candidates in intra-party contests between right-affiliated candidates, suggesting that conservative men are the least supportive of female candidates. As conservative men dominate Australia's current governing parties, we argue the preferences of this demographic inhibits the advancement of female politicians.

Votando al Partido Popular de Galicia: análisis de los componentes del voto a la formación en las elecciones autonómicas (1993-2016)

Este trabajo analiza los componentes del voto al Partido Popular en las elecciones al Parlamento de Galicia celebradas entre 1993 y 2016. Profundiza en las principales tendencias que ha dibujado el comportamiento del electorado popular a lo largo del período autonómico atendiendo a los factores clásicos que han podido estar en su base, como la identificación partidista, la valoración del liderazgo, el contexto económico y político o la ideología. Este artículo presta, también, especial atención a la influencia del galleguismo, un factor que ha sido puesto en valor desde diferentes ámbitos, tanto académicos como políticos.

Who Cares If You Vote? Partisan Pressure and Social Norms of Voting

Social norms are important in explaining why people vote, but where do those norms come from and is social pressure motivated by partisanship? In this article, we use political discussion network data to examine the role of party identification in shaping the relationship between injunctive norms, civic duty and voter turnout. More specifically, we examine the extent to which both the application of injunctive norms and their impact on turnout is affected by shared partisan identification. We find that citizens are more likely to perceive normative pressure to vote from fellow partisans, a phenomenon we refer to as “partisan pressure”. However we do not find consistent evidence for the hypothesis that turnout is more closely related to the approval or disapproval of discussants who share a partisanship. By separating the role of social pressure from that of normative beliefs we also demonstrate that injunctive norms affect voter turnout both directly and indirectly by increasing civic duty.

Partisan dealignment and the personalisation of politics in West European parliamentary democracies, 1961–2018

Partisan dealignment is recurrently presented in the literature as one of the main drivers of the ‘personalisation of politics’. Yet, on the one hand, the claim that leader effects on voting behaviour are increasing across time is short on comparative evidence. On the other hand, there is limited empirical evidence that such an increase is due to dealignment. This article explores the longitudinal relationship between partisan dealignment, leader effects and party choice, through a novel dataset pooling 109 national election surveys collected in 14 Western European parliamentary democracies across the last six decades. The results show that leader effects increased over time as a function of the decline of party identification. Additional panel evidence from selected countries shows that partisan dealignment is responsible for increasing leader effects on party choice at the individual level. The longitudinal dimension of this study contributes to the most contested aspect of the personalisation of politics debate.

Between knowing and feeling: emotions and the vote in the 2017 Chilean presidential election

How do citizens decide who to vote for in an election? Traditional answers focus on the role of political knowledge, party identification, and evaluations of the past performance of governments as explanatory variables. In this study we evaluate an alternative argument: the role of emotions. Using data from a survey carried out following the Chilean general elections of December 2017, this article investigates the association of emotions with the vote for Sebastián Piñera, and how emotions interact with other relevant factors that correlate with the vote. We conclude that in Chile, together with party identification and the evaluation of past governments, the emotions aroused by candidates are strongly associated with the voting decision.

Populist contagion or anti-elitism in opposition? PSOE’s response to the emergence of Podemos

This article assesses the possible populist discourse contagion experienced by the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) due to the irruption of Podemos. To this end, a content analysis has been carried out on a selection of PSOE manifestos for national and European elections, published between 2004 and 2019. The results show that the evolution of PSOE’s anti-elitism is not necessarily related to the competition with Podemos but to the party’s opposition status, especially in contexts of citizen discontent. Therefore, the main results suggest that the political decline of traditional parties could be a more decisive factor than the emergence and rise of new parties, when explaining the shifts in party identity. In addition, the article shows that populist messages have played three main functions in PSOE’s manifestos: i) to show empathy with and understanding of people’s unrest in contexts of citizen dissatisfaction; ii) to attack the main political competitor when the party is in opposition; and iii) to use economic powers and other elites as scapegoats, especially when the party is in government.

Where Voters’ Party Identification Moved: Owning the COVID-19 Issue in the 2020 Korean Parliamentary Election

Where Voters’ Party Identification Moved: Owning the COVID-19 Issue in the 2020 Korean Parliamentary Election

Automated Security Assessment for IDaaS Framework

Nowadays, we are moving quickly to a new Identity concept due to the cloud computing paradigm called Identity as a Service (IDaaS). However, the one Identity adoption for all services access does not bring only good news. Hackers are increasing more and more their attacks based Identity theft. This means that the security of Identity itself becomes a threat vector. Therefore, this paper focuses on the concept of using Virtual Identity ( $$V_{ID}$$ ) under the framework of IDaaS. This IDaaS is well known for Software as a Service (SaaS) cloud deployment model authentication. It can be delivered by a a third party Identity providers for the whole identity management approach including the creation process, the authentication mechanism and the identity privacy assurance level. Moreover, the proposed $$V_{ID}$$ mechanism for IDaaS framework is considered as a new realization for anonymous Single Sign On (SSO) in this distributed cloud services environments. Actually, we proposed the $$V_{ID}$$ creation framework using Elliptic Curve Cryptography (ECC). After we designed the two approaches either Identity Based Encryption (IBE) or Pseudonym Based Encryption (PBE), we implemented them by MIRACL security library. In order to judge on our solutions security measure, we used the (AVISPA) tool to assess the IBE and PBE protocols vulnerabilities. AVISPA: Automated Validation of Internet Security Protocols and Applications uses a group of applications to build and analyze the formal models of many known or designed security protocols. Through its language structure, we built our communication protocols in a descriptive way. The analysis of our $$V_{ID}$$ proposed approaches based on IBE and PBE using AVISPA back-ends indicated that both of them are safe (i.e. no attacks found). So, the $$V_{ID}$$ proposed approaches based on IBE and PBE are suitable and scalable enough to secure the anonymous communication in cloud services environment comparing to the state of the art solutions.

Tribalism in America: Behavioral Experiments on Affective Polarization in the Trump Era

AbstractOur research speaks to the ongoing debate over the extent and severity of partisan political divisions in American society. We employ behavioral experiments to probe for affective polarization using dictator, trust, and public goods games with party identification treatments. We find that subjects who identify politically with the Democratic or Republican Party and ideologically as liberals and conservatives display stronger affective biases than politically unaffiliated and ideological moderates. Partisan subjects are less altruistic, less trusting, and less likely to contribute to a mutually beneficial public good when paired with members of the opposing party. Compared to other behavioral studies, our research suggests increasing levels of affective polarization in the way Americans relate to one another politically, bordering on the entrenched divisions one commonly sees in conflict or post-conflict societies. To overcome affective polarization, our research points to inter-group contact as a mechanism for increasing trust and bridging political divides.

National Opinions on Death Penalty Punishment for the Boston Marathon Bomber Before vs. After Sentencing.

Humans seek consistency between their internal thoughts and the outside world. Thus, when legal authorities make decisions, people are likely to accept and obey these decisions in order to remain consistent with the societies in which they live. Few studies have explored these biases in an applied context. We examined the relationship between the sentencing of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev (the Boston Marathon bomber) and Americans' opinions about his punishment in a natural quasi-experiment. We expected that Tsarnaev's sentencing would be associated with increased support for his death penalty sentence, in a manner consistent with the legitimization literature. A survey of a representative U.S. national sample (N=3,341; 78.13% total response rate) was conducted between April 29 and June 26, 2015. We assessed views about Tsarnaev's sentencing (i.e., whether he should receive the death penalty), political party, demographics, and psychological indicators; 81.77% of our sample completed the survey prior to Tsarnaev's sentencing and 18.23% completed the survey afterwards. Multiple logistic regression analyses indicated that those who completed the survey after Tsarnaev was sentenced to death were more likely to support a death penalty sentence than were those who took the survey prior to the sentencing (OR=1.48, p=.007; 95% confidence [1.11, 1.96]). These results remained significant after adjusting for significant covariates, including male gender, White race, Protestant-Christian religious affiliation, Boston residency, beliefs in a just world, and Republican political party identification. Results of this quasi-experiment suggest that people adjust their opinions to be consistent with the fait accompli, particularly once the outcome is widely known.

The effect of China factor on Taiwan's elections: how has it changed across generations from 2008 to 2014?

PurposeThe main purpose of this study is to reveal how the China factor influences Taiwan voters' evaluations of the two major parties across elections and generations. We contend that 1) elderly Taiwan voters may take the China factor more seriously than younger cohorts, and 2) China factor may be weighted differently depending on the levels of elections. More importantly, we argue that the China factor is tangled with voters' partisanship.Design/methodology/approachData gathered from 2008 to 2014 Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) enable in investigating the influence of the China factor on Taiwan people's vote choices in the two local and two presidential elections. To answer the research question, this study applies issue voting theory and the seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) employed for empirical investigations.FindingsThe findings of this study provide empirical evidence on how political generations have changed their reactions to China in Taiwan's elections. The fundamental variables, party identification and the China issue are still very important and cannot be disregarded. Specifically, the China factor played a quite influential role in the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) supporters' voting decisions regardless of their generations, whereas its effect on the Kuomintang (KMT) supporters' voting decisions varies depending on electoral contexts and generations.Originality/valueWhile some scholars might suspect that the single item is not sufficient to be an effective predictor of vote choice, we contend that the China factor is definitely the most significant component in Taiwan's elections, especially when it is tangled with partisanship. The SUR approach in this study confirms that partisanship and the China factor cannot be viewed separately.

Only in Queensland? Coal mines and voting in the 2019 Australian federal election

ABSTRACT Australians are deeply divided over the prospect of new coal mines. Heated political debates at the federal level between conservative Coalition governments and Labor and the Greens echo divisions in public opinion. New data from the 2019 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems show that almost half of all Australians agree the government should allow the development of new coal mines, although substantial divisions in support are apparent on the basis of social background, political orientations and party identification. Our social and political background findings are almost the mirror image of the correlates of accepting anthropogenic climate change. State-based differences are also apparent, with Queenslanders more likely than people in other states to support the construction of new coal mines. Yet, while in regional Queensland voting decisions may have been influenced by the prospect of increased employment, in general, voting in Queensland does not appear to be associated strongly with attitudes toward new coal mines. Simplistic binaries of acting to ameliorate climate change versus supporting the fossil fuel industry fail to account for the complexity of Australians’ views on coal mining and carbon emissions.

Social Impact: Social Good, Social Neutrality, Social Bad, and Social Disaster: When Is Doing What You Have A “Right” To Do He “Right” Thing To Do?

Social good has been defined as “services or products that promote human well-being on a large scale.” While there seems to be agreement about the definitional “space” of social good, concepts of social action, social justice, and social impact require further attention.Producing social good does not require injustice: improvements can be made even when there is no injustice. Social good might be considered the first step in a triad containing social better (ment) and social best (good, better, best), with impactful results produced by social actors.There may be large cultural “umbrellas,” widely held value bundles, which define whole societies at points in time and over time. We discuss two: “the lonely crowd,” and “party ID.”We use a portfolio analysis to look at the elements of social good and social bad: social very good, social good, social neutrality, social bad, and social disaster, and then consider three examples of positive social impacts, and five examples of negative social impacts.We suggest a guide to social action to help us make better decisions aimed toward the A or B outcomes (Social Very Good and Social Good), using three steps: awareness of hidden bias, regular decision refurbishment, and using decision rules.The goal of this paper is to share ideas to help avoid social bad, and to help achieve social good. Ideally, social good considerations will become a regular part of the decision-making process.

Economic perceptions and voting behavior in US presidential elections

The economic voting literature disagrees over the exogeneity of economic perceptions on individual electoral behavior. One side argues that economic perceptions are driven by partisan dispositions, which then calls into question the substantive importance of this factor in assessing electoral behavior. A second side argues that voters rationally assess the economy and accurately use this information to inform their electoral behavior. This article addresses this disagreement by disentangling economic perceptions from partisan dispositions. Using data from the American National Election Study from 1968 to 2016, we link objective macroeconomic indicators to individual economic perceptions, and then assess its explanatory power on vote choice in US presidential elections. The results indicate that objective economic perceptions have a substantive impact on support for incumbent candidates. Moreover, the estimated effect sizes are consistent with previous research estimating the relative importance of party identification and economic perceptions on vote choice.

The Changing Politics of American Men, Updated

Abstract This analysis updates through 2016 the gender gap analysis in voting and party identification published by Kaufmann and Petrocik 20 years ago. Some, e.g., Box-Steffensmeier, J. M., S. DeBoef, and T. M. Lin. 2004. “The Dynamics of the Partisan Gender Gap.” American Political Science Review 98 (3): 515–28 suggested that the original findings would diminish in magnitude, but the updated data show that the gender gap continues to reflect male-only changes in party identification. Public officials, political operatives, and the media misstate, sometimes specifically but often only by implication, the nature of the gap. Commentary highlights the lower level of support among women for the Republican Party in both the vote and party identification. Their support for the GOP is considerably lower than it is among men as this paper reaffirms. However, as Kaufmann, K. M., and J. R. Petrocik. 1999. “The Changing Politics of American Men: Understanding the Sources of the Gender Gap.” American Journal of Political Science 43 (3): 864–87 noted, the gap emerged and has continued to grow because of changed attitudes and behavior among men.

A Complex Religion Approach to the Differing Impact of Education on Black and White Religious Group Members’ Political Views

This paper examines the interaction of education for both Blacks and Whites in all major religious groups on four key political issues: Abortion, gay marriage, feelings toward redistribution, and political party identification. We find that for most Blacks, race is the most salient factor across all four political dimensions; whereas there is significant variation by religion and education for Whites, there is very little difference for Blacks. As previous research has noted, Blacks are generally more conservative on gay marriage and Blacks are generally positive about redistribution, much more so than most Whites regardless of education and religion. We find education is more liberating to Whites than Blacks. The only issue for which education has significant effects for Blacks is abortion, but even in this case, unlike for Whites, there are not large religious differences among Blacks. This study corroborates previous research that abortion and gay marriage are less politically central to Blacks, who at all education levels are more likely to be Democrat than the most Democrat identified Whites.

The Representation Gap and Political Sophistication: A Contrarian Perspective

Political behavior research persistently questions the ability of the average citizen to make voting choices that accurately represent their political views. We argue that voters’ choices should be judged by the outcome of the choices, and not the decision-making process. The representation gap measures the policy agreement between voters and their chosen party using data from the 2014 European Election Study and the Chapel Hill Experts Survey. We consider whether the political sophistication of individual voters affects agreement levels. Negative results are rarely reported widely—but they can be important. This study finds little evidence that political interest, education, information level or even party identification substantially affect the size of the representation gap. Less and more sophisticated citizens both find ways to make voting decisions that broadly match their opinions. The results yield a more positive view of the mass public, the electoral process, and democratic representation.

The politics of pointing fingers: Party identification, gender performance, and the Kavanaugh sexual assault hearing

Dr. Christine Blasey Ford and Supreme Court nominee Judge Brett Kavanaugh appeared before the Senate Judiciary Committee in September 2018 to testify about Ford’s allegation of a previous sexual assault by Kavanaugh. This thesis asks and answers the question of what does this hearing reveal about the relationship between party identity and gender performance in male senators. Structural power and gender performativity built a theoretical context for this question, while pre-existing research on the intersection of nonverbal behavior, gender, and politics outlined a path to answering it. Fifty randomly selected clips from each testimony were coded for facial displays, gestures, and mirroring. Previous research would hypothesize that all men would employ the same behaviors, regardless of political affiliation; however, the results of this coding revealed that Republicans conformed to traditionally masculine behavior, while Democrats did not. These findings demonstrate the way in which party identity influences gender behavior.

Generating Support for a Hypothetical War: Presidential Cues and Justifications

ObjectiveSupport for wars that involve the United States typically divides by party identification among American voters, leading many scholars to believe that voters need only a partisan cue to go along with war. However, presidents do not endorse war in isolation; instead, they justify it with a variety of reasons ranging from minimal to extensive. Causally identifying these factors—partisan cues and justifications—can be challenging because (1) both occur simultaneously and (2) measured opinion on war usually occurs after the public has been exposed to both.MethodThis study leverages experimental evidence that randomizes presidential cues (an actual sitting president) and justifications about a hypothetical (and unnecessary) war in which elites have not staked out positions.ResultsResults show that a presidential endorsement alone does not generate support for a hypothetical war, but the inclusion of a justification, even one that is minimal, can increase support for war and improve presidential approval. Overall support still remains low for a hypothetical war and is concentrated among in‐partisans.ConclusionThese results imply that a segment of the American public will go along with war, but the reach is limited to their own party.