Party System Research Articles

The origin of the emergence of political parties and the evolution of the party system and legal regulations regarding the financing of political activities in Japan

The article presents the stages of creation and development of the party system and political parties in Japan, as well as various definitions of the party system, and assesses the directions of evolution of the Japanese political system. In addition, the genesis and activities of the Liberal Democratic Party were outlined, as well as the topic of transparency and legal regulations in the area of financing political activities in Japan. In order to present the evolution of Japan's political system, one must deal not only with legal regulations regarding the party, electoral and political system, but also with issues such as political culture, history and various conditions, i.e. everything that influenced the evolution of a given political system. countries. Party systems remain closely related to the political systems within which they operate, which results in the observable difficulty with which their comparative analyzes or broader and more general characteristics are created.

How parties impact the trajectories of federalism: India

ABSTRACT The article examines the interface between the party system and the trajectories of center-state interactions in independent India. It argues that the Constituent Assembly put in place a strong-center model of federalism, giving the center much greater leverage than the states. The structural features envisaged in the constitution implicitly give us the image of a rigid framework and do not account for the dynamic nature of federalism. The discussion in the article, however, shows that there have been periods when the central state has been able to achieve a greater level of vertical integration, overriding the existing institutional frameworks. This has occurred whenever a party, owing to a lack of federal political culture and being under a person-centered leadership, managed to achieve polity-wide legislative dominance. Whenever it happens, the constituent states are reduced to more like administrative units, accepting directives from the center, as the existing federal safeguard mechanism loses its efficacy. However, here again the degree of integration has varied depending on the ruling strategy of the party leader, the party’s internal structure, and the level of resistance put up by the state units, and the opposition parties. In sharp contrast, when, due to political and economic transitions, the state-based parties gained prominence at the national level, then they invariably pushed for greater decentralization, strengthening the existing federal institutional safeguards, and striving to make the constituent states more autonomous political and economic units.

Adjustment strategies and chaos in duopoly supply chains: The impacts of carbon trading markets and emission reduction policies

Low-carbon policies serve as a core incentive mechanism to promote carbon reduction in duopoly supply chains. However, their directive impact may cause product prices and carbon emission adjustment speeds to accelerate too quickly, thereby triggering market instability. Current research is noticeably lacking in discussions on optimal configurations of supply chain management strategies and policy implementation under market equilibrium conditions. Therefore, this paper utilizes game theory and chaos theory to explore the dynamic operational strategies and optimal profits of duopoly supply chains under a single carbon trading mechanism and considering carbon reduction incentives. The findings indicate: (1) Price adjustment parameters significantly affect both parties' equilibrium strategies and system stability; (2) An increase in carbon prices and carbon reduction incentive intensity both narrow the stable areas for pricing and reduction strategies; (3) Both manufacturers and remanufacturers experience higher optimal pricing, reduced carbon reductions on their part, and more carbon reductions on the part of their counterparts due to the escalating costs of carbon reduction; (4) While enhancing carbon reduction incentives significantly aids both parties in achieving carbon reductions, as the reduction effect gradually diminishes, it also compresses their profit margins, whereas an increase in carbon quotas can linearly enhance business profits.

Ideological and Populist Bases of Partisan Responses to the COVID-19 Pandemic in Latin America

This research note explores variation in how political parties and presidents in Latin America responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. Relying on the Chapel Hill Expert Survey-Latin America (CHES-LA), we argue that preferences regarding the trade-off between virus containment and maintaining an open economy were shaped by the ideological positions of presidents and parties, particularly for more programmatic ones. This is largely consistent with findings in other world regions. Yet, beyond ideological orientation, populism, also had an important – though heterogeneous – effect on response preferences, with non-populists, particularly highly programmatic ones, more consistently supporting virus containment. In addition, both incumbents and more populist presidents and parties favoured further concentration of executive power to address the pandemic. These findings provide evidence of the importance of understanding how ideology, populism and programmatic linkages interact in Latin America’s party systems.

A dual summit of power? Career movements and multilevel circulation in the Spanish executive elite

ABSTRACT Drawing from the literature on political ambition, this article examines whether politicians holding executive offices exhibit similar patterns of movement between different levels of government as parliamentary elites. It also tests the influence of various institutional and political variables typical of federal systems. Focusing on Spain, the study classifies career movements based on the initial position and the direction of advancement, analyzing their variations depending on the availability, accessibility, and attractiveness of the structure of opportunities. The article particularly aims to elucidate why certain regions are more advantaged to provide decision-makers with more opportunities to circulate across political layers. Our sample includes cabinet members (prime ministers and ministers) and regional chief executives in Spanish regions from 1980 to 2021. The findings suggest that the status of regions, the availability of parliamentary seats, and the regional party system, among other factors, contribute to understanding regional variations in opportunities for executive level-hoppers.

Navigating Conflicting Incentives: Discursive Strategies of Political Parties in Germany’s Cooperative Federalism

Abstract Federal systems create complex institutional settings that foster and encourage cooperation while also enabling self-serving and even opportunistic political behavior. Focusing on parliamentary discourses, we argue that political parties can navigate these conflicting incentives skillfully, employing a set of five distinct discursive strategies that integrate both the need for cooperation and the possibility of self-interest. Leveraging a qualitative content analysis of 212 German parliamentary debates and 4,524 manually coded statements, we demonstrate that the use of these discursive strategies is shaped by parties’ level of integration into federal institutions. The data reveal that parties which are more strongly involved in intergovernmental bodies uphold a more cooperative discourse, while refraining from confrontational strategies toward federal institutions and actors. We also find that the linkage between the vertically integrated party system, which incentivizes co-partisans to stick together across levels and constituent units, and multiparty coalition governments, counteracts federal blame games.

Protest, Violence, and Illiberal Populism In Turkey, 2013–2019: A Network Perspective

AbstractThis article argues protest and violence between 2013 and 2019 both strengthened Turkey's competitive authoritarian regime in the short term and significantly weakened it over time. Crises in liberal democracy create opportunities for illiberal populists to build tightly bounded, vertical networks of supporters, but public disruptions can reconfigure such informal structures and allow new opposition networks to emerge. Using process tracing, the study shows how President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's attempts at building a dominant, religious‐nationalist community failed in the face of the 2013 protests in Istanbul and the violence around the 2015 national elections. These, in turn, altered the ruling party's vertical network. In Istanbul, the opposition took advantage of these changes to create a more pluralistic network and win the 2019 mayoral vote. After a narrow loss in the 2023 presidential contest, the opposition parties ran separately in the 2024 local elections and triumphed, pointing toward a post‐Erdoğan party system. Attention to both government and opposition networks and how they change helps illustrate the dynamics of illiberal populist regimes.

Weak party system institutionalization and autocratization: evidence from Tunisia

ABSTRACT Why do party systems remain weak in transitioning countries in ways that can hamper the democratization process? We answer this question through a case study of Tunisia, which was the only success story of the Arab uprisings. Tunisia has experienced a process of autocratization since President Saied's presidential coup in 2021. Utilizing a historical institutionalist framework, we conducted interviews with 15 leaders from the major political parties. We find that, in contrast to conventional wisdom, the strong party institutionalization under authoritarian rule did not lead to an institutionalized party system after authoritarian rule ended. We attribute this dynamic to the inability of regime-successor parties to institutionalize, perpetuating democratic vulnerabilities inherited from authoritarian rule. We also find that too-powerful civil societies can be detrimental to transitions. The labour union, UGTT, acted as a de facto veto player and limited the ability of cabinets to implement reforms. Furthermore, leftist parties could not benefit from the UGTT's base. The 2011 revolution was a critical juncture that could have facilitated the establishment of an institutionalized party system. However, the political elite's institutional choices put additional challenges on parties. The weakness of the party system in turn contributed to President Saied's self-coup and dismantling of Tunisia's democratic institutions.

Perubahan Hukum Tata Negara di Indonesia Setelah Amandemen UUD 1945

The 1945 Constitution has undergone four amendments. These amendments have brought significant changes to Indonesia's constitutional law. They encompass the transformation of the state from a unitary to a unitary state with broad autonomy, a shift in the governmental system from presidential to parliamentary-presidential, alterations in the presidential and vice-presidential election systems, changes in the judicial system, and modifications in the party system. This research aims to examine the changes in Indonesia's constitutional law following the amendments to the 1945 Constitution. Additionally, it seeks to analyze the impacts of these changes on Indonesia's constitutional system. The research employs a normative legal method, examining primary legal materials such as the 1945 Constitution and other related legislation concerning constitutional law. Furthermore, secondary legal materials such as books, articles, and journals related to constitutional law are also scrutinized. Based on the research findings, the alterations in Indonesia's constitutional law after the amendments to the 1945 Constitution have significantly impacted Indonesia's constitutional system, making it more democratic and ensuring greater respect for human rights.

Exploring the edges of clientelism: ideology, ethnicity, and partisanship in Belize

ABSTRACT Studies focusing on Belize reveal that clientelism is the glue that makes the party system stick. We explore whether ideology and ethnicity account for partisanship within that deeply clientelist setting. We use four AmericasBarometer survey waves by the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) to study the individual-level correlates of partisan attachments with the People’s United Party (PUP) and United Democratic Party (UDP). Using binary and multinomial probit maximum likelihood estimators, we find that ethnicity correlates to partisanship with the PUP, and ideology correlates to partisanship with the UDP. The robustness checks, which focus on declared vote choices in previous national elections, corroborate our findings. The Belizean case shows how clientelist parties can develop alternative support sources and that these can vary substantially.

Challenging by Cueing? An Investigation of Party and Leader Cueing Effects Across Mainstream and Challenger Party Voters

AbstractThe emergence of new challenger parties calls for a reassessment of the party-model of opinion formation by examining different sources of cues across types of voters and the conditions that make cueing more effective. Although new challenger parties may lack sufficient time to develop identification with groups and distinctive party reputations, they may still provide effective cues and reduce their competitive disadvantage in developing affective social identity ties. This article investigates this argument by assessing the impact of party and leader cues on voters from mainstream and challenger parties and examining how expressive partisanship (partisan social identities) and instrumental partisanship (party competence evaluations) moderate these effects. Utilizing data from a survey experiment conducted in Spain during a period of party system restructuring, we find similar cueing effects across party and leader cues when comparing voters of both mainstream and challenger parties. Additionally, contrary to our expectations, we observe that cueing effects for mainstream party voters combine expressive and instrumental reasoning, while those for new challenger party voters are driven by perceptions of party competence reputation only. These findings challenge the prevailing belief that familiarity and time enhance cueing effects. They also deviate from socio-psychological approaches that emphasize the emotional and identity components of partisanship in strengthening cueing effects.

Political survival and legislative reselection in Mexico’s chamber of deputies

ABSTRACT This article presents an empirical investigation into the factors influencing the renomination of legislators by party leaders for their continued presence in Congress. We argue that legislators who have previously held influential positions within Congress, such as Committee President, have a successful track record of (co)sponsoring bills, and have built distinguished political careers, are more likely to be renominated in Congress. To test this theory, we employ an original dataset sourced from the Mexican 2018–2021 Chamber of Deputies, which comprises the inaugural group of Congress members allowed to seek reelection after a 90-year prohibition within the context of a transforming party system marked by the diminishing electoral attractiveness of traditional parties. Our findings carry significant implications for comprehending how party leaders recognise and reward legislators who effectively safeguard the party’s interests and uphold its reputation inside the halls of Congress.

Study of Canada’s Economic System from a System Thinking Perspective

This article analyzes Canada’s economic system from a systems thinking perspective. The content includes patterns of public choice (party system and power distribution), organizational framework of decision-making arrangements, information provision and coordination mechanisms, property rights system, incentive system, and welfare system. Canada’s economic system significantly influences the development of the Canadian economy, and its economic system arrangements hold reference significance for other developed and developing countries.

Silvio Berlusconi, Forza Italia, and Berlusconism: a political and cultural enterprise

ABSTRACT Silvio Berlusconi instigated a significant and lasting transformation in Italian politics. He revolutionized political communication, established a personal party, personalized the political process, and influenced the alteration of the party system. His approach was marked by a mix of diverse and sometimes contradictory elements. For example, this new political figure, who claimed to be the most important statesman in Italian history, strived to maintain his image as an outsider and non-politician. He framed himself, his party and his coalition as expressions of the centre-right, yet he was undeniably a new kind of populist, leveraging his vast media empire for the purposes of political mobilization. Berlusconi also succeeded in creating ‘Berlusconism’, a unique political culture that I will discuss, along with an anthropological transformation of politics and society. Thus, even after Berlusconi’s death, the legacy of Berlusconism endures in Italy. Moreover, in the mainstream literature, Berlusconi has often been seen as evidence of the ‘abnormality’ of Italian democracy. Contrary to this view, I argue that despite Italy’s distinct national characteristics, Berlusconi exemplified the first instance of a profound metamorphosis affecting many European democracies, which are no longer strictly classical liberal and representative models.

Africanization of the South Pacific? A party system perspective

Africanization of the South Pacific? A party system perspective

Decision Support System for Motorcycle Credit Sales Using the Multi-Factor Evaluation Process Method at CV. Lestari Motorindo, Palembang Branch

CV. Lestari Motorindo is a company operating under PT. Astra CV. Lestari Motorindo, a subsidiary of PT. Astra Indonesia, specializes in motorcycle sales. Their credit purchase process involves gathering customer data for submission to leasing companies for verification, customer surveys, and creditworthiness assessment. Determining creditworthiness for motorcycle purchases is a complex task. Therefore, a Decision Support System (DSS) is needed to assist the marketing and admin teams in providing accurate creditworthiness recommendations.This research employs the Multi-Factor Evaluation Process (MFEP) method as the decision-making framework. MFEP is chosen due to its ability to streamline the process and enhance data validation, eliminating discrepancies between leasing companies and dealers. The MFEP-based DSS for credit applications is an accessible system for both parties, ensuring that decisions made by the DSS are valid for both leasing companies and dealers.

The Emigration Conundrum: EU Countries of Origin of Migrants Between Integration and Demarcation

AbstractBased on an analysis of parliamentary debates and party manifestos from 2000 to 2022 in three EU countries of emigration, this article responds to the following question: How emigration is discussed in the political discourse, by whom and why? The research on Poland, Portugal and Romania reveals that parties of the left and right address the societal impacts of emigration whilst simultaneously acknowledging the appreciation of citizens of EU freedoms. Tackling this conundrum, parties call for domestic demarcation for an issue that is partially European. They advocate for state intervention to improve working and living conditions and express concern for the sustainability of the national community responding to demographic changes. The variation amongst the case countries is evident in the dominance of a rightist framing in Central and Eastern Europe, emphasizing state intervention and concerns for the nation, and a leftist framing in Southern Europe, advocating solely for state intervention into the economy. Differently structured party systems and strength of cleavages explain this variation.

Change from Above or Pressure from Below? The Diffusion of Cannabis Reform in Latin America

What explains variation in the adoption of cannabis regulation reforms, both for medical and recreational purposes, across Latin America? This article argues that social mobilisation is essential to understand where debates for reform emerge and become stronger. Yet it further contends that policy adoption depends on the existence of pro‐reform elite political coalitions. These coalitions in turn depend on whether drug policy becomes a legislative priority and on specific conditions of the party system. The article compares four countries that show variation in the timing and content of reform: Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay.

The (De‐)Europeanization of the Political Class in the European Parliament: A Longitudinal Analysis of Members of the European Parliament's Career Patterns (1979–2019)

AbstractThis article presents a systematic empirical analysis of the career patterns of all 3634 members of the European Parliament (MEPs) who served in the European Parliament (EP) over the last 40 years (1979–2019). It explains how changes in the EP's structure of opportunities have shaped the development of MEPs' career patterns. First, we show that the development of a European political class is not a recent trend but that this process took place in the early days of the EP (as soon as in the 1984–1989 term), albeit with variance across political groups of the European Parliament (EPGs) and Member States. Second, we observe that the transformation of party systems and electoral volatility have been questioning the existence of the European political class. Overall, we conclude that legislative institutions are only as strong as the individuals who are called to serve them. Recent rises in the EP's turnover could ultimately undermine the EP's formal policy‐making capacity in the middle and long terms.

Place-based resentment in an egalitarian welfare state

A divide between people in rural areas and in cities contributes to the current wave of populist backlash and the realignment of party systems across Western democracies. Does place-based resentment also exist and influence vote choice in an egalitarian welfare state, and if so, what is its basis? Building on the literature of place resentment and social identities, we examine place-based resentment in the Norwegian context. Employing original survey data, we measure rural-urban resentment by comparing the difference in an individual's in-group and out-group sentiment. We find that rural voters are more resentful of urbanites. Despite extensive redistributive public policies, a sense of unfair resource distribution spurs greater rural resentment than a cultural grievance. In response to current debates in the American and West European scholarship, our findings illustrate that rural resentment can develop in contexts where rural voters are not economically marginalized. Rural resentment also explains voting for the center-left agrarian party. Our work demonstrates the importance of place-based social identities in explaining rural political backlash in advanced democracies. Moreover, rural backlash does not always strengthen the populist right.