Party Government Research Articles

From City Hall to Twitter: Navigating political context in US mayors’ online engagement

Twitter has become an indispensable tool for politicians and officials, including US mayors as heads of local governments, to engage with constituents in real time and convey their political agendas. However, there is limited research on the relationship between the political context associated with the role of mayor and their ways of communication on Twitter. This study explores the Twitter usage patterns of mayors of the 100 largest US cities in the light of two unique political contexts: partisan affiliation and form of municipal government. By conducting a twofold statistical analysis, this study found significant differences in Twitter usage patterns between mayor groups based on political context factors. However, regression analysis revealed that these differences were not caused by political party or form of government, but rather were more related to the city’s size in population. Differences in political context factors were not found strong predictors of the variation of Twitter usage patterns of mayors. The Communication Theory of Identity directs this twist to another potential scenario: identity gaps might exist within the mayors’ layers of identity construct. In addition, factors intrinsic to the city, such as its population size, have a substantial impact on the way mayors communicate on Twitter.

Ethnography under Authoritarianism: Notes from Medical Anthropological Fieldwork

What is perceived today as “living in an unknown moment” with global pandemics and ecological disasters has long become the “new normal” that structures everyday life at the margins of Europe and the Middle East, particularly in places with rising authoritarian regimes. As scholars working in and on Turkey, for instance, we have witnessed or experienced firsthand several moments of crisis over the recent years. We have seen the collapse of peace negotiations between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Worker's Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistane; PKK) in 2015 and the resulting surge in state violence in Turkey's Kurdistan, the 2016 coup attempt against the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) government by the Gülen movement, and the long-standing suppression, criminalization, and incarceration of dissent affecting, among others, students, politicians, journalists, and academics. These divergent yet interlinked moments of crisis have reshaped and often complicated, if not completely stopped, our research as ethnographers of Turkey. These moments of crisis have also pushed us to develop creative strategies and analytics to continue our fieldwork and provided opportunities to hone our research questions and methodologies in more nuanced ways.

Case Study – Developing a National Research and Evidence Base for The Health and Wellbeing Chapter of The Welsh Government’s 2023 Innovation Strategy for Wales

This paper presents research informing the Welsh Government’s (WG) Health and Wellbeing chapter of the new Innovation Strategy for Wales (ISW). WG recognises the need for a cross portfolio Innovation Strategy to bring greater coherence and alignment to our existing Welsh health and social care innovation ecosystem, particularly in a post EU environment. This approach aims to support greater collaboration between healthcare, industry, academia and the third sector to deliver greater impact and value by developing, sharing and adopting innovative practice, leadership and skills development and supporting new technology development. As part of the development process, key stakeholders were identified as part of an innovation ‘push’ and innovation ‘pull’ nexus approach. Organisations were categorised into domains of health and social care providers, innovation infrastructure, technology platforms, innovation centres, and partnerships across Wales’s health and life sciences ecosystem. A qualitative, action research led approach was used to derive the key themes supporting development of the ISW health chapter. Multi-sector consultations were conducted with experts from various fields, including health, social, care, research, and technology. Our analysis of qualitative data collected through an extensive consultation process led to the emergence of areas of prioritisation for the ISW. Three areas of prioritisation were identified in the analysis: a) Creating coherency across the innovation ecosystem, where every partner understands their role; b) Focusing innovation activity on NHS Wales organisational needs/priorities, generating ‘Innovation Pull’; c) Creating an ‘adoption ready’ pipeline of innovation externally into health and social care at scale, creating an ‘Innovation Push’ offer. The ISW aims to create the optimal conditions for an innovation ecosystem underpinned by clear infrastructure and a robust policy framework, which has the full support from health and social care leadership, to create a culture of innovation at all levels of the health and social care system. The ISW was launched on 27th February 2023, with full political support from the Welsh Government Cabinet; a majority Labour party government supported by the Plaid Cymru party, as part of the Welsh Government’s 2021 election cooperation agreement.

The costs and benefits of governing in a multi-level system

ABSTRACT In recent years the ‘cost of governing’ has significantly increased for some mainstream political parties. In a context of financial uncertainty, multiple crises and growing constraints exerted by global forces, being a ‘natural’ party of government is no longer regarded as an electoral advantage. This is particularly true for parties that have moved from a position of clear dominance within ruling coalitions to a more subordinate role. In this article, focusing on the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and using an original dataset, we aim to provide a more nuanced assessment of the effects of incumbency by examining regional electoral performance since 1990. It appears that sub-national incumbency can be beneficial in regional elections, especially when a party faces significant costs of governing at the national level. However, this advantage is only applicable if the party holds a leading position in the regional executive. On the contrary, being a junior coalition partner at both national and regional levels may further exacerbate electoral decline for the party.

Naxal Insurgency in India: Managing Conflict through Empowerment

The election of an indigenous (Adivasi) lady as the President of India added a new dynamic to the centuries-old Naxal insurgency in India. Not receiving a fair deal after India’s independence, the Naxals adopted Maoist ideology. By 2010 the insurgency engulfed one-third of India and posed a serious security challenge. Since then, the Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) governments have adopted different strategies to curtail the insurgency, but it still persists. Against this backdrop, this article briefly discusses the historical antecedents; delineates in detail the operational strategies adopted by the Naxals, the counter-insurgency strategies adopted by the Congress and BJP governments; developmental challenges faced by the Adivasis; and suggests recommendations for how the President of India, an Adivasi herself, can be instrumental in containing the Naxal insurgency threats through empowerment.

Energy saving of rural buildings in Henan Province based on rural revitalization in China

Abstract Based on rural revitalization in China, the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats model combined with the politics, economy, society and technology model (SWOT-PEST) has been used to comprehensively analyze the advantages, disadvantages, opportunities and threats to the development of rural energy-efficient buildings in Henan Province based on national policies, the local economic development level, the social situation and technology. The results showed that rural energy-efficient buildings have both advantages and disadvantages at the levels of policy, the economy, society and technology, and that overall, rural energy-efficient building development is at an optimum time. On this basis, we proposed energy-saving countermeasures to execute the primary responsibilities of local party committees and governments, enhance innovation in energy-saving technologies and improve the affordability of energy-efficient buildings. These are the three ways to encourage the effective establishment of rural energy-efficient buildings. This study provides references for promoting rural energy transformation and energy-saving policy reform in developing countries.

Populism and the scales of statehood. Localism and populist attitudes in Western Europe

AbstractThe rise of populism in Western Europe is often portrayed as a reaction to globalisation and supra-national integration processes. However, the domestic-international divide is only one aspect of the scalar organisation of government. In this article, we explore the relationship between populist attitudes and orientations towards state scales more generally. Drawing on a representative survey of 4033 citizens in Britain, France, Germany and Switzerland, we show that populist attitudes are linked to preferences for those state territories viewed as ‘closer to the people’ not only in a metaphorical but also in a scalar sense. The results suggest that the rise of populism should not only be considered a response to a crisis of party government in a context of globalisation but also as a response to a crisis of national statehood.

Developments of Vietnam’s policies towards Australia after the Cold War

This paper investigates Vietnam’s primary documents of Vietnamese Communist Party and Vietnamese government relating to diplomatic strategy to present the improvement and development of Vietnam’s policies towards Australia after the Cold War. In the context that Vietnam was embargoed and isolated in the region, Australia was an important bridge to help Vietnam to link with foreign countries. Due to the significance of Australia in both economy, politics, diplomacy, and recently security, Vietnam’s policies towards Australia are remarkable with great expectations and the bilateral relation between the two strong partners more and more obtains better results.

Do populist parties promote direct democracy? An empirical assessment in 29 countries in the last two decades

ABSTRACT Populism is often associated with direct democracy. However, empirical support for this connection remains limited. Analysing a unique dataset on national referendums across 29 countries, this study challenges the presumption that populists are more inclined to advocate for referendums. Surprisingly, populists exhibit this tendency primarily when in opposition. Despite the increasing inclusion of populist parties in coalition governments, their impact on facilitating national-level direct democracy is more complex than anticipated. Utilising V-DEM data over 30 years, we find that populists prima facie enhance the use of direct democracy. However, this effect is contingent on contextual factors, such as party system institutionalisation and the democracy's age, indicating a nuanced relationship between populism and direct democratic practices.

Endorsing Annexation? The Whitlam Government's De Jure Recognition of the Soviet Baltic States

In August 1974, the Australian Labor Party Government under Prime Minister Gough Whitlam announced it had recognised the incorporation of the Baltic states into the Soviet Union de jure. Historical writing around this diplomatic recognition is scarce and sheds little light on why the policy was enacted. Using previously unavailable archival evidence, as well as other sources including testimony from Government and public service workers, this article demonstrates that the recognition was induced primarily by Whitlam, the Department of Foreign Affairs, and Sir James Plimsoll, Australia's ambassador to the Soviet Union. These actors were motivated by varying considerations. These included an adherence to realist foreign policy principles, concerns regarding Australian–Soviet bi‐lateral relations, convictions around the legitimacy of Baltic self‐determination, and ethnic prejudice against Australians of Baltic descent.

Government ideology and the implementation of civil war peace agreements

ABSTRACT How does government ideology, measured by the ideology of the chief executive and the ideology of the largest government party, influence the implementation of civil war peace agreements? In this study, I address this research question by analysing the Peace Accords Matrix (PAM) dataset that covers 34 comprehensive peace agreements of 31 countries from 1989 to 2015. The results of feasible generalised least squares (FGLS) regressions demonstrate that the likelihood of implementing peace agreements increases when chief executives and the largest government parties of the left-wing are in office. In contrast, the likelihood of implementing peace agreements decreases when chief executives and the largest government parties of the right-wing stay in power. Consistent with the party-policy literature and the hawkish-dovish assumptions, I find that left-wing governments positively impact the implementation of peace agreements more than right-wing governments, indicating the statistically significant relationship between the government ideology and the implementation of peace agreements.

Ist die Thüringer Rechtsordnung widerstandsfähig genug? Zum Policy-Paper „Rechtsstaatliche Resilienz in Thüringen stärken. Handlungsempfehlungen aus der Szenarioanalyse des Thüringen- Projekts“

In April 2024, a scenario analysis on the resilience of the Thuringian constitutional and legal system was presented in the Thuringian state parliament with a view to the possible participation of an authoritarian populist party in government after the state elections in Thuringia in September 2024 . In this study, a number of suggestions were made as to how democracy in the Free State could be made more resilient, even if a party such as the AfD “only” achieved the most or more than a third of the votes . This article examines these pro- posals from a political science perspective in terms of their usefulness and necessity . As a result, most of the proposals can be agreed with, even if it must be pointed out that democ- racy cannot be “saved” by changes to (constitutional) legal provisions alone .

Populism and Anti-Intellectualism: the Evolution of the Political Views of the Italian "Five Star Movement" (2005–2022)

Among the characterizing features of populism, which has become an integral part of the party-political systems of Western countries, anti-intellectualism is often listed. It is understood as distrust of intellectuals, expert knowledge and the scientific community. Italy, the “political laboratory of Europe,” provides rich material for studying the connection between anti-intellectualism and populism. This article attempts to analyze the role and evolution of anti-intellectualism in populist discourse using the example of the Italian Five Star Movement (M5S). Five Stars, founded by comedian Beppe Grillo and IT entrepreneur Gianroberto Casaleggio, has become one of the main parties in the country, while expressing controversial views from the point of view of the scientific community. Using qualitative text and discourse analysis, the party's official blogs, M5S bills, articles from Italian and foreign media are analyzed. As a result, this work offers a balanced view of the gradual development of anti-intellectual sentiments within the Movement in the context of the overall process of institutionalization of the party into the mainstream of Italian politics during the period of 2005–2022. The subject of this article remains completely unexplored in Russian scientific literature and little studied in foreign science. Analysis of this subject shows that in the process of institutionalization, the long stay of the anti-establishment party in government, populist rhetoric, including anti-intellectual rhetoric, is emasculated and approaches the “mainstream”.

Johnson and ‘Let’s keep Brexit done’: the instrumental use of the UK’s policy on Europe in Conservative Party management

The election of Boris Johnson as Leader of the Conservative Party in July 2019 radically changed both intra-party dynamics and the UK’s policy on Europe. Johnson, more than any of his predecessors, focused on Brexit to restructure his party, win a General Election and conduct government affairs. This article explores the premiership of Boris Johnson by looking at the intertwining of internal Conservative Party considerations and the process of leaving the EU. It focuses on five chronological periods using Jim Bulpitt’s statecraft model. The article argues that Brexit and intra-party management dynamics became interrelated in Johnson’s efforts to control the Conservative Party and stabilise his government. It vows to contribute to the understanding of the Brexit process and its instrumental use by the Conservative Party in government by focusing on the party management dimension.

Die hessische Landtagswahl vom 8. Oktober 2023: Die Schwäche der Ampelparteien und das überraschende Ende von Schwarz-Grün

The Hesse state election on October 8, 2023, took place in a polarized political context that was characterized by a decreasing support for the parties of the federal government and the several implications of Russia’s attack on Ukraine for German and European politics . At the same time, the state government consisting of the CDU and Alliance 90/The Greens worked relatively conflict-free and remained stable even after the change in the office of Prime Minister from Volker Bouffier to Boris Rhein . The Social Democrats, as the largest opposition party, nominated the Federal Minister of the Interior, Nancy Faeser, as their top candidate and thus a politician well-known in Hessian state politics and nationwide . The election results reflected the weak support of the parties forming the federal government (SPD, Alliance 90/The Greens and FDP) in the electorate . The CDU benefited from the high level of dissatisfaction with the federal government and from the Prime Minister’s incumbency advantage . The CDU vote share was almost twice as high as the vote share of the AfD, which became the second strongest party in Hesse with 18 .2 percent of the vote and achieved its best result to date in a West German state election . The Left failed to win parliamentary representation . The CDU was able to choose its coalition partner between Alliance 90/The Greens and the SPD . The Christian Democrats selected – because of a smaller programmatic distance, as the analysis of the parties’ election manifestos indicates – the Social Democrats as their new junior partner . The analysis of the office and policy payoffs for CDU and SPD shows that the Christian Democrats were better able to enforce their office and policy preferences than the SPD .

Vietnam's Contextual Perspective on National Interests

This paper investigates the primary Documents of Vietnamese Communist Party and Vietnamese government’s experiences in implementing the Doi Moi (renovation) under the impact of the world’s constantly changing context. From there, it shows that in each stage and context, Vietnam has adjusted its perspective to adapt to new situation. The paper has analyzed the substance, elements that lay impacts on the concept and the process of implementation to ensure national interests in the international relations, as well as the implementation to ensure the maximization of Vietnam’s national interests; thus, the concrete recommendations for Vietnam have been made in ensuring the highest national interests in the new context.

The impact of party building on bank failure: Evidence from China

Political influence has been proved to have an undeniable impact on firms’ operation. As the ruling party in China, CPC plays a political role in engaging in firms’ daily performance. However, little has been done to examine the influence of party building on bank failure risk. This article is aiming at creating a new metric to describe the effort that banks make on party building and then to explore its relationship with banks failure risk. Trough researching in 15 formal documents published on the official website of Communist Party of China (CPC), we find that they mainly focus on three perspectives of party building, including development, governance and education. We also notice the textual message in banks’ annual reports that also mentions party building. Therefore, this article first use Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) model and official party building documents to create party building topic corpuses from three perspectives, including development, governance, and education. Secondly, we measure the degree of banks’ party building activity by comparing segmented text with words in topic corpuses. Then we define a new metric DGE to comprehend three aspects of party building, in which D denotes development, G denotes governance and E denotes education. We discover that the strengthening of CPC building in a bank has a positive impact on its performance of reducing bank failure risk. Both in terms of the overall DGE score and sub-DGE scores, namely development (D) score, governance (G) score, and education (E) score, they all decrease the bank failure risk. The findings have important policy implications in motivating banks to engage more in party building activities.

Роль TIKA в реализации гуманитарного направления внешней политики Турции в период правления ПСР (2002–2023 гг.)

The article aims to analyze the role of the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) in the implementation of Türkiye’s humanitarian policy during the Justice and Development Party (AKP) governance. The authors identify three main tracks in the evolution of TIKA during the AKP rule: from an exclusively state body to a connecting institution in the triangle “state – business – civil society”; from the focus on Turkic states to growing attention towards countries of the Middle East, Africa, and the Balkan Peninsula; from an instrument for providing humanitarian assistance to a mechanism for promoting Turkish values in priority regions. The article examines the features of changes in the status, tasks, and functions, as well as the geographical scope of TIKA’s activities as an instrument for implementing humanitarian policy of Türkiye. The authors come to the conclusion that one of the key elements of TIKA’s success is an integrated approach to the implementation of humanitarian projects. This includes not only organization of cultural and educational events, but also its mediating role in the implementation of infrastructure projects, as well as initiatives in the fields of education and religion.

Major Factors that Impede Reforms in India’s Military-Industrial Complex in 2014–2023

This article intends to assess the negative impact of a number of factors on the reforming process of the Indian military-industrial complex (MIC) under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government during 2014–2023. The authors distinguish three groups of factors that mostly affect the whole structure of India’s defence industry at present. Conceptual and institutional factors include the contradictions of the basic laws and regulations of the Indian MIC, absence of the common strategy of the Indian armed forces development, politicising of the protectionist measures, offset policy implementation, bureaucracy’s impact and inter-agency contradictions. Economic factors include the problems with FDI attraction, governmental efforts to change the structure of defence expenditures by reducing the pensions to military personnel and attracting the private sector. The group of technological factors focuses on the problems with the quality and delivery delays of the defence production in India. An applied policy analysis, a retrospective analysis of data and content of the main documents allow the authors to conclude that the considered set of factors bears systemic nature and exerts a substantial negative impact on the Indian defence industry. These factors hinder the implementation of ambitious goals of the BJP government, aimed at achieving the “strategic autonomy” in the crucial fields for its national security. Moreover, the current problems of the Indian MIC are exacerbated by the impact of the domestic political situation. Consequently, resolving these problems in the short and medium term seems unlikely. However, in the longterm the reforms being carried out by the Indian government would largely offset the negative effect of the considered factors.

Participation of Jewish Citizens in the Government Bodies of the USSR

There is a widespread opinion about the predominance of Jews in party and Soviet government bodies, especially the Cheka, in 1917–1939. New sources introduced in post-Soviet historiography does not confirm the fact of Jewish dominance either in the Russian revolutionary movement or in the administration of the USSR in the pre-war period, although they indicate a significant presence of Jews in the ranks of Russian revolutionaries, and from 1917 to the end 1930s — among Soviet officials. During the thaw years (mid-1950s — mid-1960s), discrimination was mitigated, but in a hidden form it existed informally until the collapse of the USSR. Infringement of the rights of Jews was observed in all spheres of life, but especially in the political one. Most discriminatory measures did not have clear legislative or administrative formalization and were disguised as a fight against bourgeois nationalism, cosmopolitanism or Zionism. The correction of the role of Jews in power is based on numerous data, but due to their fragmentation and incomparability, it is not systemic in nature, leaving open the question of the dynamics and scale of Jewish participation in the governance of the USSR not only after 1953, but also in the pre-war period. Turning to mass statistical data from population censuses, containing information on employment, sectoral and professional structure of the employed population at a national level, helps to close this gap. The analysis carried out leads to the conclusion: there is no reason to talk about Jewish dominance in any government body either in the pre-war or post-war period. The presence of Jews in power and their influence is often exaggerated for the reason that the percentage of Jews in leadership was transferred to the entire administrative apparatus.