Participation Of Interest Groups Research Articles

The Structures of Interest Coalitions: Evidence from Environmental Litigation

This paper addresses the intersection of coalition formation, judicial strategies, and regulatory politics. Coalitions are a low-cost means for assembling minority interests into more powerful blocs. However, in most cases in regulatory politics, judicial strategies are high cost efforts. I argue that coalitions among interests form one basis for judicial participation, but that participation manifests in an array of coalition microstructures. For any one event, the microstructure of the interest group coalition varies, but across events the coalitions take on general forms. I offer evidence for a variety of coalition microstructures in interest group participation as amici curiae (friends of the court) in cases before the United States Supreme Court. The evidence is drawn from the case of the Group of Ten, a stable, long-term coalition of environmental interest groups that operated from 1981 to 1991.

The Structures of Interest Coalitions: Evidence from Environmental Litigation

This paper addresses the intersection of coalition formation, judicial strategies, and regulatory politics. Coalitions are a low-cost means for assembling minority interests into more powerful blocs. However, in most cases in regulatory politics, judicial strategies are high cost efforts. I argue that coalitions among interests form one basis for judicial participation, but that participation manifests in an array of coalition “microstructures.” For any one event, the microstructure of the interest group coalition varies, but across events the coalitions take on general forms. The paper offers evidence for a variety of coalition microstructures in interest group participation as amici curiae (“friends of the court”) in cases before the United States Supreme Court. The evidence is drawn from the case of the Group of Ten, a stable, long-term coalition of environmental interest groups that operated from 1981 to 1991.

Speed Bumps and Roadblocks: Procedural Controls and Regulatory Change

This study is an attempt to relate the effectiveness of the rulemaking process to political controls on the bureaucracies that create regulations. Such controls include requiring cost-benefit analysis, requiring review of regulations by a legislative committee, and requiring interest group participation in rule writing efforts. Scholars have both credited controls with allowing politicians to controlfuture bureaucratic decision making and blamed controls for ossifying the regulatory process. This article considers eight case studies of state regulation of child care. These case studies

The development of the Finnish inland fisheries system

The efficiency of Finnish inland fisheries administration has improved during the past 15 years because of changes in fisheries legislation. The establishment of regional management units particularly has improved the practice of co-management, which has allowed the participation of many relevant interest groups in the decision-making process. The long-term private market equilibrium supply for recreational fishing with active types of gear accounted for 50% of the Finnish lake surface area. Presently the public sector has become involved in the supply of recreational fishing licences. The improvement in the system owes much to political initiatives. As regards commercial fishing, state-ownership of fishing grounds is a channel for recruitment into the occupation. Private ownership has led to a suboptimal allocation of fisheries resources, particularly in the commercial branch of the industry. However, by giving priority to social instead of economic goals the statutory fishery associations will help to maintain social and community values, which are locally important.

The development of the Finnish inland fisheries system

The efficiency of Finnish inland fisheries administration has improved during the past 15 years because of changes in fisheries legislation. The establishment of regional management units particularly has improved the practice of co‐management, which has allowed the participation of many relevant interest groups in the decision‐making process. The long‐term private market equilibrium supply for recreational fishing with active types of gear accounted for 50% of the Finnish lake surface area. Presently the public sector has become involved in the supply of recreational fishing licences. The improvement in the system owes much to political initiatives. As regards commercial fishing, state‐ownership of fishing grounds is a channel for recruitment into the occupation. Private ownership has led to a suboptimal allocation of fisheries resources, particularly in the commercial branch of the industry. However, by giving priority to social instead of economic goals the statutory fishery associations will help to maintain social and community values, which are locally important.

The politics of representation in the US national statistical system: origins of minority population interest group participation

The United States is an “interest group society” and federal statistical policy, like all other aspects of contemporary American political life, is dominated by well-organized interest groups. The public review to revise the “Standards for the Classification of Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity,” formerly known as “Statistical Policy Directive 15,” was notable for the significant presence of minority population interest groups. The politics of representation in the national statistical system during the 1970s is the subject of this article. The first part of the article summarizes the role that interest groups played in the recent debates on revising Statistical Policy Directive 15. The second part of the article discusses the origins of national statistics on minorities and their efforts during the 1970s to achieve inclusion in the body politic through representation in the federal statistical and administrative reporting systems.

Social decision making on technology and the environment in Spain

This paper outlines the current status of the direct participation of citizens and public interest groups in decision making, on issues related to technology and the environment in the context of one specific country, namely Spain. It presents the kind of public participation possible today in Spain, where participatory management of technology is still relatively limited. The article analyzes the causes for the current situation, based on several recent case studies, as well as views expressed by key actors. The cases described, encompass a wide range of modern technologies, and include genetic engineering, environmental information, forestry management, and also the environmental advisory process of the Spanish public administration.

Managing Interest Group Participation in Regulatory Reform

Managing Interest Group Participation in Regulatory Reform

When Customers Are Members: Customer Retention in Paid Membership Contexts

This article seeks to gain an understanding of how members’ characteristics relate to lapsing behavior in paid membership contexts. Literatures such as social identity theory are used to propose hypotheses that are tested using a hazard rate model on archival data pertaining to 7,798 members of an art museum. The results indicate that the hazard of lapsing is lowered with increasing duration, participation in special interest groups whose goals are related to those of the focal organization, gift frequency, and increasing interrenewal times. Conversely, members who have downgraded their membership level in the past, those who have participated in special interest groups whose goals are unrelated to those of the focal organization, and those who received their membership as a gift are more likely to lapse.

Interest groups and Congress: lobbying, contributions, and influence

Foreward by Bruce Oppenheimer of Vanderbilt University 1. Introduction. The Puzzle of Interest Group Influence. 2. The History, Organization, and Regulation of Interest Groups. The Evolution of Interest Groups. The Organization of Interests. Political Organizations and the Legal Environment. Controlling Factions: Regulation and the Endurance of Political Interests. 3. Interest Groups, Congress, and Public Policy. Interest Group Participation Before Congress. Interest Group Participation Beyond Congress: Agencies and the Courts. The Family and Medical Leave Act: A Case Study of Interest Groups and Policymaking. Interest Group Lobbying and Legislators' Policy Calculations. 4. Legislative Lobbying. The Objectives of Organized Interests: Access and Influence. The Uncertainty of Legislative Decisionmaking. The Information Specialties of Organized Interests. The Strategic Use of Information. 5. Political Action Committees. The History and Characteristics of PACs. PAC Contributions and the Exchange of Votes and Favors. PACs and Information. PACs and Representation. 6. Consequences of Interest Group Politics. Policy Gridlock. Governmental Growth and Inefficiency. Growth and Information. Political Inequality. Inequality and Information. Interest Groups, Representation, and Legislating. 7. Conclusion.

Economic Interests and the Framing of the 1988 and 1992 Deomcratic and Republican Party Platforms

In this paper, the role that economic groups play in attempting to shape party platforms is examined by analyzing economic group presence at the 1988 and 1992 Democratic and Republican platform writing hearings. Whether the same economic groups participating as witnesses in the platform writing hearings also contributed to the presidential campaigns is also explored. The findings suggest that economic interest group participation varied widely between 1988 and 1992 and declined across years. Trade associations dominated economic group participation whereas labor unions did not take an active role. Business interests showed a strong preference for the Republicans in 1988 and reasonably equal interest in both parties the following year. The participatory decline among these groups may be explained by a growing perception that platforms are less effective as campaign guides and policy tools in an era dominated by candidate centered elections, split ticket voting and increasing independent identification, all indicators of decreasing reliance on the parties at the mass and elite levels.

The Success of Amici in State Supreme Courts

During the past decade, interest group participation in state supreme courts has continued to increase, reflecting the increasing importance of these courts as policymakers in the federal system. Groups participate both as sponsors of litigation and as amici curiae, but little is known about either role. The present analysis explores the success of amici curiae in state supreme court decisions on the merits. Three methods of assessing the relationship between amici support and litigant success are employed: their simple won/loss ratios, their success in "matched pairs," and the relationship between amicus sup port and the success of litigants in state courts in a multivariate logit model. All three methods suggest that support from amici is significantly related to the likelihood of success of the supported litigants, regardless of whether amici support the appellant or the respondent.

The scope and tutorial needs of the ACM SIGs

To encourage greater participation of ACM's Special Interest Groups in COMPUTING SURVEYS, each SIG was recently invited to describe briefly its scope and tutorial needs. Stu Zweben's introduction is followed by submissions from SIGACT, SIGART, SIGBIO, SIGCHI, SIGIR, SIGLINK, and SIGOIS that describe their evolution, scope, and tutorial needs. Submissions from other SIGs will be included in the next few issues.

Impact of Political Structures and Informal Political Processes on Health Policy: Comparison of the United States and Canadab

A number of factors, including cultural, social, economic, political, and historical, influence policy. United States and Canada's health care systems are the conscious and subconscious outcomes of formal political structures and informal political processes. The Canadian parliamentary political system encourages centralized, organized, planned policy in health care. However, this is accomplished at the risk of leaving some individuals—physicians in this case—quite frustrated. American constitutional features, the presidential system, weak political parties, and the tireless participation of interest groups in the political process all function to discourage the formation of highly rational and efficient policy. While few special interests are ever completely satisfied with the legislation produced, seldom is any organized group completely thwarted. Therefore, it is no surprise that a tightly integrated national program of universal health insurance was not adopted by Congress in 1993–1994. Political structures and processes discourage effective, comprehensive health care reform in the United States.

Resources, Attitudes and Strategies: Interest Group Participation in the Bork Confirmation Process

With evidence from fifty-nine organizations that worked to support or oppose the confirmation of Judge Robert H. Bork to the Supreme Court, we investigate how interest groups utilize their resources to influence politics. We assess the frequency with which advocacy groups adopt (1) an "inside the beltway" strategy, which involves their own members making direct appeals to officeholders; (2) an "outside the beltway" strategy, which involves enlisting the support of an unpredictable public through media campaigns; or (3) some combination of the two. We further develop and test a predictive model of the choice, allowing us to see the impact that the groups’ resource and attitudes have on adopting one strategy or another. Among other things the findings help clarify the important role played by the mass public in Washington politics.

Information technologies and transnational interest groups: The challenge for diplomacy

Phenomenal advances in communication and information technologies (CITs) have increased the participation of interest groups in foreign policymaking, transcending geographic boundaries and laying siege to the traditional art of diplomacy. This article analyzes the context, characteristics, and impact of CITs and argues that three separate but interrelated, causal relationships are changing the way foreign policy is made: between CITs and interest groups, between CITs and the propensity of interest groups to internationalize, and between internationalized groups and the ability of national governments to manage their foreign relations.

Environmental Policy and Impact Assessment in Japan

This book examines the development and current state of environmental policy, and in particular of environmental impact assessment, (EIA) in Japan. The first part reviews interest group participation in environmental policy making, the history and current state of environmental problems in Japan, the land use and economic planning framework, and Japan's current environmental policies. The second part addresses five development projects which illustrate the conflict between economic growth and environmental protection in Japan, and the application of EIA procedures. The case studies cover the following projects: Honshu-Shikoku road/rail bridges; Kansai International airport; New Ishigaki airport; Trans-Tokyo Bay highway, and the Kyoto second outer circular route.

Technology Resources for Networking and Information Exchange

chools, colleges of education, and other educational agencies are recognizing the impact of technology on instructional delivery, professional networking, and the exchange of information. Some of these applications include imaginative use of electronic bulletin boards, participation in computer user special interest groups (SIGs), participation and support of educational data bases, and the use of television, data, and video technology in delivering instruction to off-campus sites. Among the most frequently used information services and bulletin boards are those of subscription firms such as Compuserve, which has more than 300,000 members. The Source, another nationwide organization, offers excellent electronic mail and related telecommunications services to subscribers. Delphi is the third major membership network. All of the major telecommunications networks provide electronic bulletin boards, SIGs and other consumer-oriented services such as encyclopedia searches, air travel reservations, and group purchasing plans. Most educators, however, are primarily interested in bulletin boards and interest groups rather than the other customer services. Additional rapidly growing subscription services, all of which feature educational exchanges as well as general bulletin boards, include BIX, Mnematics Videotex, MCI Mail, and American People Link.

Who Works with Whom? Interest Group Alliances and Opposition

Interest-group interactions may be examined in ways comparable to the analysis of conflict and coalition in other areas of political science. We seek to measure and compare the structure of interest-group participation and conflict in four domains of U.S. domestic policy: agriculture, energy, health, and labor. Data are drawn from a survey of 806 representatives of organizations with interests in federal policy, supplemented by interviews with 301 government officials in the same four domains. Several types of data are adduced regarding the intensity and partisanship of group conflict in each domain and the range and variety of group participation. Coalitional patterns are described and the mutual positioning of different kinds of organization—peak-association groups versus more specialized trade, professional, or commodity groups, for example—are examined.

Interest groups and the size of government

The results of the previous section, estimates of a three equation model from 23 observations, must obviously be regarded as tentative. The consistent positive relationship between number of interest groups and size of government observed with changing sets of included independent variables, changing samples of nations, and treating the number of interest groups as either exogenous or codetermined, does imply rather unequivocally that interest groups are able to influence public policies in such a manner as to lead to increased government size. Beyond helping to reinforce this conclusion, the results of the previous section should be regarded as first steps in the development of a model of the polity that can explain participation in the political process by interest groups and citizens as well as the size of government. The two most important variables explaining government size other than the number of interest groups proved to be population and the percentage of the population voting. The consistently negative relationship between relative government size and population is noteworthy since several recent papers have assumed that the only government output is redistribution. The negative relationship, implying that an increase in population leads to a less than proportionate increase in the size of government, shows that government expenditure exhibits a most basic public good characteristic. The percentage of the population voting, which probably is closely related to the proportion of voters with incomes below the median, consistently has a positive and significant impact on the size of government. The Meltzer-Richard hypothesis that greater participation by low income voters leads to more redistribution and greater government size is strongly supported. The inclusion of both the interest group and voter participation variables in the government size equation relies on theories related to redistributive activities. The voter participation variable posits a direct responsiveness of government outcomes to voter preferences through the operation of the median voter theorem, and implies rich-to-poor redistribution. The interest group theory posits increasing government size through the addition to the public weal of expenditures on goods with disproportionate benefits for certain interest groups. Such expenditures have distributional implications since in the absence of government provision the interest groups would either go without the goods or have to provide them themselves. While the theory makes no explicit prediction about the direction of this redistributional flow, since the largest single category of interest groups in most countries by far is industry trade associations, one might expect poor-to-rich redistribution as the most likely consequence of interest group influence. Thus, the possibility exists that the influence of the two variables on the distribution of income might be largely offsetting, while their influence on the size of government is cumulative. Disaggregating the effects of these and other public choice variables is a promising avenue for future research.