Parliament Research Articles

PELATIHAN ENGLISH DEBATE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEM BAGI GURU MGMP BAHASA INGGRIS SMK SE-KOTA BATAM

Community service is one of the mandatory duties of lecturers as part of the realization of the Tri Dharma of Higher Education activities. In line with this, Tri Dharma activities are focused on important activities in contributing to improving the quality of life of the community, especially in developing skills that can be used in a wider range of society. One of the activities carried out was English Debate Parliamentary System Training for Vocational High School English MGMP Teachers throughout Batam City at the Batam Tourism Polytechnic. This training aims to provide information to Gugus Cahaya Jingga PAUD teachers regarding the English Debate Parliamentary System. The specific target to be achieved is to make GUGUS CAHAYA JINGGA PAUD teachers skilled in implementing the English Parliamentary Debate System in learning.

Potential determinants of voting behaviour of the electors of Assam

The political parties are the backbone of the democratic form of government. The political parties are constituted to capture the power of the state and rule thereof. The composition, nature, and ideology or principle of every party is different but the primary objective is to capture the power of the state is the same. So, in order to capture the power, the political parties initiated different strategies and considered various determinants. The determinants might differ from party to party and place to place. Assam as a state of India is run by a state government following the parliamentary form of government and the party that gets the majority in the Legislative Assembly of Assam is allowed to form the government. Hence, there are many contesting political parties in Assam, and out of that some are national and others are state and regional level parties. During the election, the national, state and regional political parties of Assam considered certain factors to win the confidence of the people. These factors determine the fate of the elections. Thus, this paper is intended to focus on the determining factors in Assam, and by analyzing the factors past experiences of the political parties are analyzed to justify the arguments.

Parliamentary Systems in Continental European Countries and its Relationship to the Effectiveness of Legislative Institutions

Every country has a unique style regarding the parliamentary system they follow. This parliamentary system may experience changes or developments that differ from the initial concept. It is expected because each country has other political, cultural, social, and economic conditions. It is normative legal research with a historical and conceptual approach, then conducted in a comparative study. The results of this study found that the French parliamentary system is included in the category of Medium-Strength bicameralism with asymmetrical and incongruent characteristics. The Dutch parliament belongs to medium-strength bicameralism with symmetrical and harmonious features. The Austrian legislature, known as the Bundesrat, does not have the same power as the Nationalrat, so the management of the two chambers of parliament is asymmetrical. Meanwhile, the parliamentary system in Indonesia can be classified as medium-strength bicameralism with asymmetrical and incongruent buildings. The parliamentary system can indirectly affect the effectiveness of the legislature's performance. Sometimes, the system adopted can make parliament an effective and efficient institution or vice versa. A small example is France, which can complete over 50% of proposed legislation in one year. Meanwhile, from 2020-2024, only 17 draft laws were constructed in Indonesia out of 215 registered. This figure is only 7.9% of the total proposed bill. Suppose the parliamentary system adopted has yet to bring parliament into a better, transparent, efficient, and open legislative body. In that case, the system can be re-evaluated by considering the existing ideal parliamentary concept.

Sejarah Sistem Pemerintahan dan Kekuasaan Eksekutif di Indonesia

To understand a legal system, the first thing that must be comprehended is a consensus regarding the history or background of the system's existence. In Indonesia's government system, which adheres to a presidential system, many changes occurred before the amendment to the 1945 Constitution. The government system in Indonesia has shifted from a presidential system where the president is the country's highest leader to a parliamentary system where a prime minister is the head of government. Then, it retook its original feature from a parliamentary system to a presidential system where full command rests with the president as the leader of the state and government. The role of electoral politics was far behind the changes in the dynamics of the legal system. The actual context of government, in this case, the executive, is much simplified and reorganized regarding the existing legal political system. The president, who is part of the key to the highest power in the executive area, oversees various public positions such as ministers and other areas of the executive area.

Gauging the roles of parliamentary staff

Abstract There is a small but growing literature on the staffs working in national parliaments. These are mostly single-country studies studying one role that staff can play or one principal that they serve. Our contribution provides a comprehensive measurement instrument of the role of parliamentary staff, which takes into account organisational diversity within and between parliaments. We recognise four types of staff that may be present to a greater or lesser extent in different parliaments, which have different principals (PPG staff, personal staff, plenary or committee staff). These different staffs can play different roles (information broker, advisor, ghostwriter, compromise facilitator and marketeer). We apply this typology to the Dutch lower house and find out how different types of staff combine multiple roles in practice.

Democratic Political Law in Indonesia After Amendments to the 1945 Uud

Purpose: The purpose of this research is to find out the implementation of democracy before and after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. Method: This research uses descriptive normative research methods, normative legal methods in research conducted by researchers by examining library materials or secondary data consisting of primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. Results and Conclusion: Amendments to the 1945 Constitution brought about changes in the configuration and status of the Indonesian People's representative institutions. Before the adjustment to the chamber system in Indonesia, this country adhered to a unicameral system where the People's Consultative Assembly held supreme power as the highest state institution and guardian of people's sovereignty. After the amendment to the 1945 Constitution, the People's Consultative Assembly of the Republic of Indonesia underwent a transformation, from an institution that holds the sovereignty of the people to a state institution that is on par with other leading state institutions. Apart from that, the results of the revision of the 1945 Constitution also increased the role of the DPR, especially regarding legislative capacity. The inclusion of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) under the People's Consultative Assembly, alongside the People's Representative Council (DPR) in a parliamentary system, can be linked to the constitutional amendment to the 1945 Constitution. This amendment aims to establish a bicameral system in Indonesia, with the basic aim of encouraging checks and balances between state institutions.

Formation of the Concept of Supranational Parliamentarism in Modern International Law

This scientific article is devoted to the study of the process of formation of the concept of supranational parliamentarism in modern international law. The study covers the evolutionary path and the formation of the concept of supranational parliamentarism in the context of international relations, revealing its key aspects, significance and impact on the global system. Legal analysis of the historical roots and context of the formation of this concept helps to explore the role of international organizations and parliaments in promoting the formation of supranational parliamentarism. In particular, it focuses on various mechanisms and structures that promote cooperation and regulation of international relations through parliamentary bodies. The study also examines the functions and powers of legislative bodies that have signs of supranational parliamentarism. Comparing different models and mechanisms of parliamentarism at the international level, the study analyzes their effectiveness in solving international problems. The scientific work highlights the challenges and prospects of the concept of supranational parliamentarism, pointing to possible ways of its further development and improvement to ensure the effective participation of national parliaments in the formation of the world order. The idea of becoming a concept of supranational parliamentarism can raise questions about sovereignty, since aspects such as supranationalism and sovereignty can conflict or complement each other. Sovereignty is traditionally defined as the power of a state over its own territory and people, which means that a country has the right to establish its own internal laws, make decisions and act independently without the intervention of external actors. The proposed concept, on the contrary, involves the formation or development of supranational structures that can have their own parliaments or representative bodies that make decisions at a level exceeding the national one. Consequently, the concept of supranational parliamentarism may challenge or rethink the traditional notion of state sovereignty in the context of its participation in supranational structures.

The Second National Assembly: Elections, Establishment, and Composition

The Bulgarian parliamentary system came into being with the formation of the First National Assembly in the fall of 1879. Political inexperience, constitutional opposition, as well as disagreements between the monarch, parliament and executive led to the first political crisis in the country, which had several possible outcomes. Ultimately, the idea was embraced that it was necessary to seek the vote of the people once again, in order to strike a balance between the three disputing authorities. The young state administration managed to develop what was achieved and to provide conditions for Bulgarian citizens to successfully and democratically declare their intention. The Second National Assembly was established after one general election and two additional elections were held for a period of one calendar year. The territorial scope of the electoral colleges was improved, and access to the polls and integrity of the electoral process were ensured. The vote took place in accordance with the Provisional Rules for the Election of Representatives to the First Ordinary National Assembly, adopted in April 1879. However, the election results unequivocally showed that the large voter turnout sought through them could not be achieved, and that the high electoral threshold on the first day of the vote was unrealistic and therefore necessary to be removed. Violations in the electoral process remained almost the same as those established during the vote for the previous Assembly, but quite frequently overexposed or neglected for political purposes. The electoral process related to the Second National Assembly triggered a rapid and definitive formation of the Liberals and Conservatives’ party structures at both the national and regional levels.

Better Regulation and its Evolution in the Hellenic Legislative and Parliamentary System

Abstract This article highlights the state-of-play in law-making in Greece especially following the adoption of law 4622/2019 aiming at establishing a culture of principles and means for enhancing the quality of laws. The revised model for new legislation, as well as the approach taken for the transformation of existing laws into the new model, the so-called codification process, are presented. In this framework, the role of the Hellenic Parliament is discussed and its position vis-à-vis other regulatory authorities is highlighted. The ongoing legislative modernization activities are approached under the light of digital tools and services that are being developed to further advance law-making processes in Greece.

Interim Minister’s Penal Liability

There are three distinctive authorities stipulated in all constitutions: the legislative authority, the executive authority, and the judicial authority. Each authority performs its role as stipulated in the Constitution. The executive authority is considered the actual authority in the parliamentary system, i.e. all executive powers are exercised under the leadership of the Prime Minister, consequently; there is an actual minister for each ministerial portfolio. In all systems, the position of the minister is considered the cornerstone in managing the affairs of the ministry, especially in drawing up its general policy. Indeed, the minister represents his ministry before all authorities in the state, not to mention his primary representation before the Parliament since it is the entity that grants him confidence after taking the constitutional oath. While taking office, the minister holds responsibility for all his actions and deeds.

Dimensions of disagreement in EU affairs: is parliamentary opposition driven by left-right or European integration contestation?

This study provides new insights into how the EU dimension relates to the left-right dimension in national politics. It does so by examining to what extent parties’ oppositional behaviour in EU affairs in parliament is a function of their distance from the government, other parties, the voters and party supporters on the EU dimension and the left-right dimension, respectively. The results suggest that oppositional behaviour is determined by two parallel dynamics: when expressing opposition, political parties are receptive both to the positions of the government and other parties on the EU dimension, and to the positions of voters and supporters on the left-right dimension. The results of the study thus indicate that the politicisation of EU affairs in national parliaments primarily is an elite phenomenon. In their relation to the voters and supporters, parties still principally navigate along the traditional left-right dimension.

Arctic indigenous representation in national parliaments

ABSTRACT National parliaments in democracies are key arenas for political deliberation, national agenda setting, and public negotiation of interests. In addition – of course – they legislate and control the government. Accordingly, the ways that the interests of Indigenous people in the Arctic are represented in national parliaments are important for their current and future autonomy from the nation-state. Setting from the concept of representation as defined by Pitkin (1967), this article reviews the scholarly literature on the national parliamentary representation of Indigenous peoples in the Arctic. Doing so, it takes a first, comparative look at this topic, discusses the formal, descriptive, and substantive representation of Indigenous peoples in the Arctic, and asks if there is a certain Arctic model of Indigenous national representation. The review shows that none of the Arctic Indigenous peoples are formally represented in their national parliament as a demos, and descriptive Indigenous representation is rather low (except in the case of the Danish parliament). Additionally, although similar formal and informal institutions seem to influence the substantive representation of Indigenous interests it is not fitting to talk of a particular Arctic model of Indigenous national representation.

Fairness and fluency: the political audibility of ‘newcomers’ in Victorian debating clubs and public meetings, 1870–1910

ABSTRACT The turn of the twentieth century saw a significant change in the accessibility of political debate: various reforms made the Second Chamber open to religious, ethnic and gendered ‘others’. These newcomers would eventually contribute to changes in political practice. Throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, however, their gradual inclusion in political speech in extra-parliamentary spaces was also marked by a process of assimilation and negotiation. Like the elite men who already enjoyed exclusive access to political decision-making, these newcomers had to abide by the ‘rules’ of debate, and therefore needed to learn how to behave and how to speak in a manner that would make them politically audible in a system that was largely underpinned by ideologies and ideals of free debate and rational, individual speech. This article argues that embodied practices of speech had an important role to play in the process of inclusion, assimilation and rebellion of newcomers in political debates and parliamentary politics . Taking the appearance of colonial ‘others’ and women in debating clubs as its point of departure and leaning on sources documenting the ideals and practices of various debating clubs in and beyond Victorian Britain, this article aims to show how the often implicit rules of political debate and behaviour were taught and instilled in the second half of the nineteenth century. Assumptions and normative expectations about what constituted legitimate and effective, or ‘fluent’, political speech worked to exclude numerous speakers, but also provided various historical actors with opportunities to make themselves heard.

Learning from the outside: parliament's response to public meetings in Germany and the Netherlands, 1870–1914

ABSTRACT In this article, we study the changing position of parliament regarding public meetings in Germany and the Netherlands between 1870 and 1914. In the second half of the nineteenth century, parliaments in both countries were confronted with the challenge of how to justify their position, and whether and how to integrate the claims and longings of new groups into political decision-making. Public meetings offered a unique place to get in touch with voters and get direct knowledge of the constituents' needs and wishes. Based on the minutes of the Reichstag and Tweede Kamer, we argue that public meetings were increasingly conceived as a legitimate source of public opinion. Although parliamentary traditions and legal frameworks were different in Germany and the Netherlands, we demonstrate that there are interesting parallels in argumentation. In both countries, the question of freedom of expression, access to the meeting hall and an orderly style of debate were central. Public opinion was no longer considered the intellectual affair of an elite and taking ‘the voice of the people’ seriously could now also provide legitimacy to parliamentary politics.

Separation of Powers Principle tn the States of XXI Century: Constitutional Approach

The relevance of the topic of this study comes from the constant search by legal theorists for the formula of an ideal state and the determination of the scope of power and functions of a particular branch of government. That is because the different balance and strengthening of one of the three branches of government leads to the formation of one or another political system within the state, and also determines the dynamism of the country’s development. In different states, this balance and system of checks and balances are formed differently, which gives rise to their political characteristics, thus creating political challenges. The subject of this work is the principle of separation of powers, according to which democracy is realized in the modern world. The purpose of the work is to explore the theory of separation of powers, its current position in countries with Presidential and Parliamentary forms of government and how compliance with certain criteria can help maintain the effectiveness of government in the modern era. The topic of this study is relatively up-to-date due to the small number of legal works devoted to the issues which are taken into consideration. Most researchers focus on the topic of the classical theory of separation of powers, rightfully positioning it as the dominant and generally accepted principle of organization of power in a state. Thus, based on a certain distribution of power, they give their preferences to one or another form of government. At the same time, the smaller number of works are devoted to alternative positions associated with the branches of government. This article, in its essence, is a study that starts discussion on the topic of the constitutional branch of government. The research methods used in this work are typical for a legal research (analysis, synthesis, etc.). Through a comparative analysis of the separation of powers in the countries of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, the United States and Indonesia, this study attempts to shed light on the need to establish a balance between the three branches of government. This study outlines the position of why the principle of separation of powers is so important for modern states of the world. And how does this principle ensure stability, security and democracy in a state. Based on the analyzed theoretical and real provisions in countries, the author proposes the position of adding a new branch of government to the existing one - the classical system of checks and balances. The constitutional branch of power is a guarantee of stability and balance of a certain state. The findings of this study contribute to the debate on the distribution of power and responsibilities between branches of government and compliance with checks and balances. This reflects the eternal search for balance between branches of power in the theory of law. This study also proposes to supplement three branches of government with a fourth component - the Constitutional branch of government. The author suggests that the inclusion of a new branch of government will help make government systems and their forms of governance more democratic, efficient, and capable of meeting the requirements of modern time.

Anti-Defection Law And Its Impact Over Constitutionalism In Bangladesh: An Analytical Study

Anti-Defection Law And Its Impact Over Constitutionalism In Bangladesh: An Analytical Study

Capacity Of The President Of The Republic In Relation To The National Parliament And The Government Of Timor-Leste (2024)

Introduction: The President of the Republic is the Head of State, symbol and guarantor of national independence, the unity of the state and the regular functioning of democratic institutions under the terms of paragraph 1 of article 74 of the CRDTL, the President of the Republic through his constitutional powers provided for in clause F) of article 86 of the CRDTL, with the President of the Republic to dissolve the National Parliament in the event of a serious constitutional crisis that does not allow the formation of the government or the non-approval of the General State Budget.

M. N. Roy and the Problem of Parliamentary Democracy.

This article offers a new interpretation of anti-colonial constitutional thought of the mid-twentieth century. Historians and political theorists have long viewed the circulation of democratic constitutions at the moment of decolonization in terms of the diffusion of electoral, parliamentary government. This article argues against such a "parliamentary" reading of anti-colonial democracy by examining the political thought of Indian Marxist thinker M. N. Roy (1887-1954). I reconstruct Roy's writings on anti-parliamentary forms of popular sovereignty through the 1940s. Further, I situate Roy's democratic theory as a response to understandings of political representation within the Indian national movement.

Rethinking the Role of Issue-Voting in Referenda: Conjoint and Vote Choice Analyses of Preferences for Constitutional Change in Chile

What determines the vote in referenda: issue-preferences or second-order considerations? Scholars suggest issue-voting is stronger in salient elections. Based on survey data collected during Chile's constitutional referendum, the article challenges this argument. An innovative conjoint experiment allows us to estimate if different elements of the constitution sunk the proposal. Coupled with vote choice models, results indicate that second-order considerations played a more important role than the literature predicts. We argue this is because studies mostly study referenda on European integration in parliamentary systems. Unlike European integration, the constitutional proposal was not a cross-cutting "issue," but one tied to the incumbent. Presidentialism exacerbated government/opposition dynamics, such that the incumbent's popularity significantly affected vote choice. We discuss why this is similar to what transpired in other Latin American countries and draw lessons for participatory democracy.

Konträr oder konstruktiv? Zur produktiven Widersprüchlichkeit zwischen Föderalismus und parlamentarischer Demokratie

The relationship between federalism and parliamentary democracy was long considered to be susceptible to functional problems, and thus in parts incompatible . Accordingly, cross- level political coordination, which is necessary for federalism in practice, stands at odds with the dynamics of partisan competition typical of parliamentary systems of government . The interactions between both processes were considered as either susceptible to deadlocks in intergovernmental coordination or as a cause of de-parliamentarization of politics . In light of the diversity of federal systems in practice, however, this viewpoint appears as over- ly narrow . While democracy and federalism are surely not inherent counterparts, the con- junction of these two different regime dimensions in one political system is by no means inevitably contradictory . Instead, the search to reconcile and balance different, and in-parts countervailing demands and functional logics, pose an ongoing task for any federal democ- racy . Depending on patterns of coping with the tensions between them, indeed the inter- connections and interaction between federalism and parliamentary democracy can prove to be productive and to facilitate modes of democratic governance .