Parliamentary Representation Research Articles

Kesetaraan Gender dan Representasi Politik: Perjuangan Partisipasi Perempuan dalam Politik di Kabupaten Nagan Raya, Aceh

Article 2 of Law Number 7 of 2008 concerning Political Parties jo. Article 173 Paragraph 2 of Law Number 7 of 2018 concerning General Elections mandates that political parties must include at least 30% women in their management and establishment; however, the practice of this target is not being met. The problem of this research focuses on the low participation of women in politics, both according to positive law and Islamic law, as well as the involvement of women in politics in the Nagan Raya DPRK through a fiqh siyasah analysis. This study aims to identify the level of women's political participation from the perspective of law and Islamic law and to explore the factors influencing women's political involvement in Nagan Raya. The research uses a qualitative descriptive method with a statutory approach and descriptive analysis. The research findings indicate that women's participation and position in politics are critical to the effectiveness of their role in policy formulation and decision-making within public institutions. The lack of women's participation in politics is due to the deeply ingrained patriarchal culture in society, which results in gender inequality between men and women. Women's representation in parliament to advocate for their rights and interests in decision-making or policy formulation remains very low. The contribution of this research is to provide insights into the importance of women's involvement in politics and its impact on creating more inclusive policies. This study also highlights the need to address social and cultural barriers to increasing women's political participation in Indonesia. .

Precolonial Elites and Colonial Redistribution of Political Power

Studies of colonialism often associate indirect colonial rule with continuity of the precolonial institutions. Yet, we know less about how colonialism affected the distribution of power between precolonial domestic elites within nominally continuous institutions. We argue that colonial authorities will redistribute power toward elites that are the most congruent with the colonizer’s objectives. We test our theory on the British occupation of Egypt in 1882. Using an original dataset on members of the Egyptian parliament and a difference-in-differences empirical strategy, we show that the colonial authorities shifted parliamentary representation toward the (congruent) landed elite and away from the (oppositional) rural middle class. This shift was greater in cotton-producing provinces which were more exposed to colonial economic interest. Our results demonstrate that the colonial redistribution of power within precolonial institutions can reengineer the social-structural fabric of colonized societies.

Winning is the only thing. Election outcomes, satisfaction with democracy and political trust among populist voters in Europe

Abstract Recent comparative and single-case studies have investigated the link between the electoral performance of populist parties and the political attitudes and behaviors of populist voters. However, they have not addressed what happens to populist voters' satisfaction with democracy and political trust when populist parties gain representation in parliament or join cabinets across countries and over time in Europe. This study argues that there are two possible expectations. According to a ‘winner-loser’ mechanism, populist voters' political trust and satisfaction might increase, thus bridging the gap with mainstream voters. Conversely, according to a ‘spiral of distrust’ mechanism, populist parties fuel discontent and populist voters' political trust and satisfaction might decrease. Analyses of nine rounds of the European Social Survey from 22 countries and LISS panel data from the Netherlands find that voters of populist parties have less satisfaction with democracy, trust in parliament, and politicians than voters of mainstream parties. However, these differences narrow over time when populist parties gain seats in parliament and enter the cabinet. This article shows that voters for populist parties might be ‘losers in disguise’ and that the performance of the parties they support serves as a corrective mechanism for their political dissatisfaction and distrust.

Strategies of Taiwanese Political Parties during the 2023-2024 Election Campaign

Despite the fact that the presidential and parliamentary elections in Taiwan in 2024 took place in an unprecedentedly difficult international political environment, and the campaign itself was competitive, in general, the election results can be considered as consistent with preliminary polls. However, they highlighted a number of important trends in Taiwan's political life that will influence the island's future: notably, the DPP candidate won for the third time in a row. Although the expert community has recorded a softening of the position of DPP leader Lai Qingde regarding the issue of Taiwan's status compared to the previous period, the general rhetoric of party representatives creates the preconditions for maintaining tension in cross-strait relations. However, the fact that the KMT won the majority of seats in parliament will likely balance the situation. The current campaign is also specific considering that the struggle unfolded not only between representatives of two traditionally opposing camps — the DPP and the KMT but also a serious competition for the candidates came from representatives of the TPP, who also expanded their representation in parliament following the election results. Thus, Taiwan's political landscape is becoming more diverse and needs to be studied more seriously. Competition between the island's political powers inevitably has an impact on the political situation in the Taiwan Strait, which consequently affects relations with the mainland. The relations with Beijing remain a central issue for the political platforms of the main Taiwanese political parties. Within the two largest parties — the KMT and the DPP — relations with Beijing are the issue of serious internal debates. The balance of power in cross-strait relations has undergone major changes in recent years, as Taiwan's political forces have tried to adapt to the generational change and respond to major events such as the 2019 Hong Kong riots and the COVID-19 pandemic. The article examines the changes in the approaches of the Taiwanese parties to relations with the mainland in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary elections in January 2024 and their possible consequences for relations between the sides of the Taiwan Strait.

Could you teach new tricks to old dogs? An analysis of online communication of political leaders in Spanish regional elections

Two regional elections were held in 2022, marking the start of a new electoral phase in Spain. The first election was held in February in Castilla y León, where the right-wing VOX party formed a coalition government with the right-wing Partido Popular for the first time. At the same time, the far-left party Podemos saw its parliamentary representation significantly reduced. Subsequently, in June, Andalusia held its elections, in which VOX increased its representation by two seats, marking the beginning of its rise at the national electoral level. Conversely, the extreme left, split between two parties, saw its representation decline, losing 10 seats. This study attempts to juxtapose the electoral strategies employed by the leaders of the different political parties, with a particular focus on the communication strategies of leaders and parties on X (formerly Twitter) throughout the campaign period. It is expected that discrepancies will emerge not only between political entities, but also between regions. To investigate this hypothesis, we conducted a content analysis of X accounts, selecting those associated with regional presidential candidates within each region. We distinguish between those considered ‘traditional’ political parties and those considered ‘new’, including in these two categories the main contending political parties in each region. Thanks to the analysis, the proposed objective is achieved, demonstrating the existing differences between the two types of political parties and how their leaders use the social platform X. The results show that all the elements considered in the study are present, although not uniformly across both regions analyzed. This suggests a progressive alignment between new and traditional parties, reflecting a convergence in their strategies for conducting electoral campaigns.

Party Positioning Under Populist State Leaders

Abstract The implications of rising parliamentary representation of populist parties have been thoroughly studied but little is known about the impact of populist state leaders on party positions. In this article, we study mainstream parties' strategic responses when a populist takes over as the leader of a nation. We use content-analytical data and large language modelling to measure positions expressed in manifestos from parties from 51 democracies between 1989 and 2018. Employing methods for causal inference from observational data, we find that right-wing populist state leaders induce mainstream parties to differentiate their positions on multiculturalism, possibly leading to polarization of the party system. Under left-wing populist leaders, mainstream parties adopt more homogenous or differentiated positions, depending on the policy category and other contextual factors. Parties are generally more responsive in emerging than advanced countries and in presidential than parliamentary systems.

The Weight on Her Shoulders: Marginalization of Women Legislators in Parliaments and Substantive Representation of Women

Abstract Studies have widely documented that women's descriptive representation in parliaments enhances their substantive representation. We probe this relationship under varying levels of women's collective and individual marginality based on an original dataset documenting the parliamentary behaviour of Israeli legislators over eleven parliamentary terms (1977–2015). Using several measures of individual-level marginality we show that marginalized female legislators are more prone to engage in gender-related parliamentary activity than their less marginal counterparts, albeit only under a certain threshold of women's marginality as a group. The article elucidates the dynamic nature of the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation of disadvantaged groups by demonstrating that it is contingent on their collective standing in parliament and on the marginality of individual legislators as manifested in their strategic choices.

Review of Affirmative Action Policy in West Java DPRD: challenges and Solutions of Political Parties in Achieving Women's Representation

This study tries to analyze the performance of affirmative action policies for female participation in the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) of West Java Province, focused on three principal political parties: PDIP, Golkar, and PKS. Notwithstanding the implementation of a 30% female quota, women's representation in parliament has yet to attain an ideal percentage. This study applies a qualitative methodology utilizing explanatory and descriptive approaches, concentrating on the strategies utilized by each party to recruit and assist female parliamentary candidates. The results indicate that although PDIP, Golkar, and PKS are dedicated to affirmative action programs, their execution is shaped by varying ideological perspectives and socioeconomic circumstances. PDIP employs an inclusive strategy to enhance female representation but encounters challenges posed by conservative local cultures. Golkar prioritizes electoral efficacy by selecting pragmatic candidates, focusing on women with robust political networks, while PKS adheres to religious principles that constrain women's political participation. The findings indicate that affirmative action programs must be tailored to local dynamics and party beliefs to effectively enhance meaningful female representation in parliament. The study indicates that while affirmative action fosters female representation, its effectiveness relies on the adaptive strategies of each party in tackling local obstacles.

A health system assessment approach to analysis of political parties' health proposals, Portugal.

Comparing health policy measures before elections and identifying potential gaps in the health policy debate can be challenging. We explored the use of the Health System Performance Assessment for Universal Health Coverage framework to analyse health policy proposals by classifying health policy measures outlined in political manifestos into four health system functions: governance, financing, resource generation and service delivery. As a case study, we analysed the political manifestos of all Portuguese parties with parliamentary representation ahead of the election in March 2024. We calculated the share of measures per health system function for individual political manifestos and identified potential gaps in the health policy debate. When required, we used additional classification criteria and local expertise on political and institutional knowledge. A snap general election was announced in Portugal in November2023, following an alleged corruption scandal, and political parties began publishing their manifestos on their websites in January2024. We identified and classified 350 health-related measures across the four functions: governance, 29.7% (104 measures); financing, 16.9% (59 measures); resource generation, 33.4% (117 measures); and service delivery, 20.0% (70 measures). These findings enabled characterization of the priorities of parties, facilitated cross-party comparisons and identified missing topics in the political debate. We show that the framework can be adapted to analyse political manifestos, providing a systematic method for comparing and synthesizing health policy proposals. We further demonstrate the potential for extending the framework's applicability beyond health system performance assessment, opening new avenues for policy analysis.

Political elite social listening: How Portuguese MPs perceive their own motivations to join and use Twitter/X

Most studies on political actors’ use of Twitter focus on content and social network analysis, but not on their motivations and passive usage. We applied a questionnaire to a significant sample of 94 Members of Parliament (MPs), with a quota sample sized by political party representation in Parliament, to survey their motivations to have or not a Twitter account and their uses. We concluded that MPs see Twitter mostly as a political tool unlike other social media platforms. The most common motivation to join and use Twitter is to read other politicians’ opinions which helps explain why the small Twitter adoption in Portugal does not deter its use as their peers and political elite is on the platform. That twitter elite can even be a motivator to join as their peer social capital is key to re-election in closed list-elections countries such as Portugal.

Chapter 12: The Parliamentary Representation of Minorities in Hungary

Abstract In its recent decision published on 11 November 2022, the European Court of Human Rights found that the preferential system that had been in practice since the 2014 elections to ensure the contribution of national minorities to the work of the Hungarian parliament had violated minority members’ voting rights. Considering the often-contentious nature of the main legal provisions and institutional solutions of the country’s minority policy, it is hardly surprising that the newly-established system of electing minority spokespersons and MPs in the increasingly illiberal regime has also triggered serious debates regarding their elections, status, and practical activities since even the early 2010s. Therefore, the questions arise as to how the Orbán regime designed and used this system of minority representation, whether it represents effective participation in public life in accordance with the international standards of minority protection, whether minority organizations themselves were interested in electoral mobilization, and how minorities perceive and approach these structures in practice. To address these issues, the major aim of the paper is to present and analyse this new field of ethnic voting in the parliamentary elections between 2014 and 2022, the key and controversial points, as well as the future prospects for the minorities’ parliamentary participation and preferential representation. In doing so, parliamentary electoral data are compared with the results of another main institutional channel of participation, the elections of the minority self-governments, which are the local variant of non-territorial autonomy in Hungary.

Populist Party Responsiveness and Populist Party Voter Satisfaction With Democracy in Europe

<p>Voters of populist parties tend to be dissatisfied with democracy. Some scholars attribute this dissatisfaction with how our democracies function to poor representation by mainstream parties and a feeling of not being heard. We should see this representation improve with the success of populist parties. This improved representation should, in turn, have a positive impact on populist party voters’ satisfaction with democracy (SWD). Existing case studies have only looked at the link between formal populist party representation in parliament or government, and populist party voters’ SWD, with mixed findings, the most puzzling of which is that populist party voters may even become less satisfied with growing formal representation. There is no comparative study on populist parties’ actual responsiveness to populist party voters and the connection to their SWD. Thus, we ask: How well do populist parties represent populist party voters, and how does this populist party responsiveness influence populist party voters’ satisfaction with democracy? We define populist party responsiveness as issue-based agenda-responsiveness between populist party voters and populist parties and investigate the link to SWD using data on 21 countries from the 2019 European Election Studies. We find that populist parties in Europe are not generally more responsive to populist party voters than mainstream parties. Populist parties’ agenda-responsiveness has a positive effect on populist voters’ SWD while being in government does not increase the positive effect of populist party responsiveness on their voters’ SWD. They may be disenchanted by how well their parties can eventually “walk the talk.”</p>

Emociones y liderazgos políticos en las elecciones al Parlamento de Andalucía de 2022 en X

Social networks have become in recent years as essential elements in order to building political discourses, especially in electoral periods. Political parties develop specific strategies to communicating with their constituents through these platforms, based on leadership and the use of emotions. This research aims to analyze the communication strategies deployed by political leaders on Twitter during the Andalusian Parliament election campaign in 2022, and for this purpose, a quantitative and qualitative content analysis methodology is applied to a sample of 690 tweets in the personal accounts of the candidates of the six parties with parliamentary representation. An advance of the results points to a communicative planning previously designed, that builds a discourse based on thematic lines, strategies, approaches and, especially, feelings according to the ideological, programmatic and mobilizing axis established by each political formation.

Effort to gender equality in Indonesia, compared on ASEAN

This study aims to determine the extent of gender inequality in human resource development in Indonesia against Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). This research using secondary data from various relevant sources. There are five dimensions that and are important for measuring gender equality, namely economic participation, economic opportunities, political empowerment, educational attainment, and health and welfare. The assessment was carried out on Indonesia and other countries in Southeast Asia. The results of the study show that Indonesia has the lowest gender development index (GDI) score compared to the average in ASEAN. Then, gender empowerment measure (GEM) Indonesia increased slowly. The most striking gap is in the income dimension, where men’s income far exceeds women’s income. This happens because women work less than men because women are more traditional in domestic roles in Indonesia, where women are prioritized in managing the household. However, for political indicators, there has been an increase in the number of women in parliament, but the target has not yet reached 30 percent of the total number of women in parliament. This situation shows that there is a reduction in the gender gap in the economy and politics. But the number is still too small, it is necessary to increase the equally distributed equivalent percentage (EDEP) for the Economic Participation Index, Parliamentary Representation Index and Income Index.

Women in parliaments: Can they enhance environmental sustainability in the EU?

Environmental deterioration is a significant and multi-dimensional issue that concerns the modern world. During the last decades, research has been conducted to address this argument, intending to provide holistic policies that drive sustainable development. However, the European Union (EU) should further provoke the complementarity between growth and environmental quality. Recognizing that gender equality must be introduced in Agenda (2030), this paper intends to examine the impact of well-established macroeconomic and socioeconomic variables in existing literature alongside the role of women in governance. More specifically, this study uses panel data analysis to investigate the understanding of the effects of economic growth, renewable energy, human capital, female representation in parliaments, and environmental regulation on carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions in 20 European countries from 2004 to 2018. Empirically, the study employs several econometric tests and approaches. Findings partially confirm the Environmental Kuznets Curve (EKC) hypothesis, while renewable energy and tertiary education enhance sustainability. Environmental regulation is significant for policymakers as it decreases pollution. The role of women in parliaments, which has been scarcely examined in existing literature, appears to be beneficial for the prosperity of EU societies. All empirical findings leave ample room for further discussion among European stakeholders and policymakers, emphasizing the importance of female participation in governance.

The media coverage of the European Union and the extreme right. A comparative study between Spain, France, and Italy

The parliamentary representation of far-right political parties is growing in several European Union countries, particularly after the Great Recession. This has increased the media attention they receive. These parties share eurosceptic positions or question the idea of European integration, but does their rise alter public discussion on the European Union? Using a quantitative content analysis (N=974) conducted in 6 media outlets: El País and El Mundo (Spain), Le Monde and Le Figaro (France), and Corriere della Sera and La Repubblica (Italy), the research describes and compares media coverage on issues related to the European Union before and after the Great Recession and how the rise of the far-right has affected the European public sphere. The results indicate that public discussion about the European Union is in decline and that national and top-down Europeanisation approaches are on the rise, coinciding with increased coverage of the far-right.

Modelling the asymmetric impact of economic growth and poverty on gender inequality: Evidence from India using nonlinear ARDL analysis

The study is based on the premise that economic growth (henceforth EG) and poverty impact men and women differently. As a result, shocks to these variables cannot be expected to have a symmetric impact on gender inequality (henceforth GI). Rather, positive and negative shocks in poverty and EG impact men and women asymmetrically which necessitates the study of their relationship using an asymmetric rather than a symmetric approach. This study is the first to utilise nonlinear autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) analysis and asymmetric cumulative dynamic multipliers to investigate the asymmetric impact of EG and poverty on GI in India using annual data over the period 1995–2021. Additionally, we construct a comprehensive index of GI, using principle component analysis (PCA), which is a maiden attempt to account reported crime against women, in addition to gender disparities in health, education, labour market and parliamentary representation. The results report that positive shocks in EG reduce GI and negative shocks increase it. However, negative shocks increase GI more than positive shocks decrease it justifying the asymmetry. With respect to the asymmetric impact of poverty on GI, the study finds that both positive and negative shocks in poverty increase GI, however, the positive shock in poverty has a larger impact than the negative one. This is in consonance with the literature on intrahousehold gender disparities in consumption. The study finds new evidence that EG and poverty reduction favours men more than women and recommends its inclusion in policy formulation.

The Role of Women in Political Participation in Cambodia: A Case Study of Svay Rieng Province

The government considers women as the backbone of Cambodia's economy and society. Despite a good sign, the female parliamentary representation in Svay Rieng fluctuated in the last three mandates (60% in 2008 and 2013, 80% in 2018, and 60% in 2023). The study aims to investigate the “socioeconomic”, “traditional-cultural”, “family”, and “personal” factors affecting gender roles in political involvement in Svay Rieng province, to assess perceptions and attitudes regarding women's political engagement. A mixed-methods approach was utilized, administering surveys to 119 participants and semi-structured interviews with 8 women actively participating in politics and leadership roles, using snowball sampling. The findings emphasize 1) Family-factors (domestic responsibilities, violence, and lack of support) hinder women's political participation the most, 2) Personal factors: limited education and self-confidence, 3) Socio-economic obstacles (the social devaluation of women, violence against women, limited outreach initiatives, and the impact of economic crises), and 4) Traditional customs, cultural norms including prescribed gender roles further contribute to the challenges faced by women in politics. Despite these obstacles, the study identifies positive perceptions and attitudes towards women's political participation. Participants underlined the need to empower women at both the national and sub-national levels, as well as fostering capacity development and extending possibilities. The recommendations include adopting gender equality legislation, increasing awareness, improving capacity-building programs, providing supportive infrastructure, engaging male allies, promoting cooperation, and assuring long-term commitment. A future study should look at additional elements that may impact women's political engagement, as well as evaluate the efficiency of existing policies for empowering women in Svay Rieng.

The (changing) concept of democracy in (transforming) European populist radical right discourses: the case of Polish Law and Justice

ABSTRACT The populist radical right (PRR) has been actively engaged in the discursive struggle over the notion of democracy in Europe and beyond. This article examines how in practice PRR parties discursively construct and manipulate the concept of democracy. By taking a longitudinal comparative perspective on the political discourse of Jarosław Kaczyński, the leader of the Polish Law and Justice (PiS) party, in five consecutive electoral campaigns between 2007 and 2023, the article identifies key discursive strategies used to construct PRR conceptions of democracy. The analysis of PiS’s discourse in government and opposition shows that the PRR strives to fully appropriate the concept of democracy: when in power, the PRR discursively constructs (preserving) democracy as inseparable from the political status quo; while in opposition, it conditions (restoring) democracy with its accession to power. Despite numerous references to majoritarian conceptions of democracy and plebiscitary mechanisms and its claims to promote a radical democratic renewal, the PRR tends not to question the underlying principles of parliamentary representation. In practice, it discursively constructs a severely restricted version of democracy in which democratic participation essentially boils down to participation in elections. Hence, references to democracy are primarily used by the PRR to (emotionally) mobilise voters.

‘Do young legislators face age-based discrimination in parliament? Views from young MPs across the globe'

ABSTRACT There is a growing literature on youth representation in parliament illustrating a stark underrepresentation of adults aged 35 years or under, as well as 40 years or under, in most national legislatures across the globe. However, we know less about the kind of treatment young MPs receive once elected to parliament. Through a survey with structured and open-ended questions, featuring 144 young legislators across the globe, we illustrate that – judging by these perceptions – youths’ obstacles in politics do not stop at the electoral stage. A sizeable number of young MPs from our sample report that they experience ageism in many national legislatures. Most frequently, such perceived ageism is informal. In the view of young MPs, it manifests itself in subtle and not-so-subtle forms of discrimination and belittling treatment. For the broader literature on representation, this implies that the disadvantage youth face during elections might continue once in parliament, with the potential risk that this group of legislators has less influence in parliament than other groups.