Parliamentary Functions Research Articles

Strategies of Direct and Indirect Verbal Expression of Negative Evaluation in Russian and Vietnamese Political Discourse

The article examines strategies and tactics of verbal expression of negative evaluation frequently used in Russian and Vietnamese political discourse. The relevance of this research is underlined by the significant role of political discourse in societal and individual life, the lack of studies exploring pragmalinguistic aspects of Vietnamese political discourse, and the absence of comparative analysis of Russian and Vietnamese political discourse. The purpose of this work is to investigate the strategies and tactics of verbal expression of negative evaluation in Russian and Vietnamese political discourse, to delve into the tactics of implementing the main strategies, to identify similarities and differences in their application, and to explain the latter through politeness theory. The study is conducted on the material of parliamentary communication of the National Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. Methods used include descriptive, comparative, classification, functional-pragmatic methods, as well as content analysis. The findings show that Russian and Vietnamese politicians employ two basic strategies – direct and indirect expression of negative evaluation, along two auxiliary strategies of mitigation and intensification. Each strategy has a set of tactics, frequency of application of which differs between the two political discourses, but still generally adhere to norms of institutional political communication and the principle of politeness. Thus, the use and combination of various strategies and tactics of expressing negative evaluation in Russian and Vietnamese political discourse not only serve to express the speaker’s negative attitude towards the object of evaluation and to influence the listener’s attitude towards this object, but also contribute to fulfilling parliamentary functions and maintaining communicators’ “face”.

Crowdsourcing the digital parliament

ABSTRACT Parliaments will eventually not evade the digital evolution of every institution to become data-driven organisations. This study examines the Hellenic Optical Character Recognition (OCR) Team, a pioneering crowdsourcing initiative aimed at processing and analysing parliamentary data. Under certain conditions, crowdsourcing, in other words, the power of the people, can be appropriately channelled and exploited to support representative institutions and their societal stakeholders in managing their change processes. Based on survey findings, this research highlights the profiles and motivations of participants, identifies best practices for crowdsourcing in parliamentary contexts, and demonstrates the initiative's impact on improving data accessibility and transparency. The results suggest that the Hellenic OCR Team significantly contributes to the digital evolution of parliamentary functions and promotes greater public involvement in the legislative process.

THE EFFECT OF AGE ON THE PERFORMANCE OF MEMBERS OF THE PARLIAMENT OF THE KURDISTAN REGION OF IRAQ, 1992-2022

The biological age of Human beings influences the activities and tasks assigned to each person. Additionally, age plays a significant role in the performance of parliaments. Within this framework, the age of parliamentarians is closely linked with parliamentary performance in multiple ways; experience and skills, true representation, knowledge, and physical and technical abilities. Most parliaments in democratic societies have two primary functions: legislation and oversight, and the age of parliamentarians directly impacts the fulfillment of these two functions. Parliament is one of the most important institutions in the political system of any democratic state. Therefore, it is essential to identify which age group is the most effective and efficient to perform the tasks assigned to members of the parliament.This research focuses on the five parliamentary terms of the Iraqi Kurdistan parliament from 1992 when the first election took place until 2022. During this period, five elections have been conducted in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Moreover, all three aforementioned age groups have been elected in a variety of numbers in those parliamentary terms. By examining the composition of all five terms of the Iraqi Kurdistan parliament in terms of the age group of parliamentarians, this research aims to identify which age group is the most active and efficient in terms of execution of essential parliamentary functions. By comparing data from all five parliamentary terms of the Iraqi Kurdistan parliament with a special focus on the fifth parliamentary term elected in 2018, this research hypothesizes that the Middle Age group of parliamentarians has been the most effective and efficient in the parliament of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region throughout its existence.

Indonesia parliamentary reform and legislation quality backsliding phenomenon: case of Indonesia post reformasi

ABSTRACT Legislative quality and parliamentary reforms are inseparable prominent agendas that sought the implementation of democracy and rule of law into parliamentary functions and role to support their existence as appropriate deliberate legislation frameworks to tackle legislation quality backsliding phenomenon. Despite several parliamentary reform programmes carried out under the auspices of international assistance bodies, the results are not linear with the quality of the legislation, which is a setback for law making in Indonesia today. Therefore, this research focused on questioning, observing, analysing and determining the dynamics of parliamentary reforms in Indonesia in order to reinforce the prospective framework. This includes the prospects for improving the quality of legislation despite the phenomenon of backsliding within the institutions, in addition to the methodology, management, or grand design of parliamentary roles. Based on the integrated planning of legislation, bureaucratic and institutional system reform, and the institutionalisation or internalisation of legal norms in the relations of the Indonesian parliament, these findings revealed a proposed approach to parliamentary reform and deliberation on legislative quality improvement to enhance its effectiveness in Indonesia and ensure its application as a tool for comprehensive developmental change.

METHODOLOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE PARTICIPATION OF THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF UKRAINE IN THE STATE ADMINISTRATION OF THE SPHERE OF LABOR PROTECTION

The subject of analysis defines the fundamental principles of participation of the Ukrainian Parliament in the state administration of the sphere of labor protection. The basic in this case is that the Parliament receives from the people a representative mandate for the exercise of their powers in the field of lawmaking and the performance of other functions (first of all, control). The problem of the participation of parliament in the state regulation of labor protection is the focus of specialists in labor law and social security law. Indeed, the study of any spheres of social and labor relations is based on the legal norms of the highest legal force. The purpose of the research is to clarify the methodological foundations of the place of the Ukrainian parliament in the state regulation of labor protection. Constitutional prescriptions not only refer to safe and healthy working conditions as basic positive rights but also indicate the duty of state authorities and officials to contribute to the full provision of this right. First of all, in this case, the activity of the Ukrainian parliament - the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, which, in addition to its direct appointment in the form of law-making, performs several other functions of state importance: representative, control, establishing, and some others. All this shows that the parliament has a key role in regulating any part of social relations, including in the field of labor protection. As a result of the law-making activity of the parliament, the legal basis of regulation in the field of labor protection is created. The control function of the parliament, primarily aimed at compliance with the law by the executive power and officials, also deserves special attention. The Ukrainian Parliament has a prominent place in the state regulation of any part of social relations, including the sphere of labor protection. Unparalleled importance is given to the legislative principles of creating and ensuring safe working conditions. However, in this case, critical importance should also be given to other parliamentary functions.

Role of People's Representative Council in Optimizing Regional Autonomy Based on Administrative Perspective

Strengthening and optimizing the Legislative Body in the era of regional autonomy is consequential, considering that the functions of the Regional People's Representative Council (Indonesian: Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah) include the functions of legislation, budgeting, and supervision. The major challenge for Regional People's Representative Council in carrying out its duties is to create an optimal working mechanism. Raising awareness of its functions is an urgent and essential need. The community expects the Regional People's Representative Council to accomplish its parliamentary functions with a promising fundamental role for society. This study employed a qualitative method with descriptive analysis. The research findings show that optimizing the role of the Regional People's Representative Council in regional autonomy can be realized by carrying out its duties and functions precisely. It can oversee the course of development policies carried out by the executives (Head of Regions) and create a balance between institutions that are in local government. Furthermore, the Regional People's Representative Council is given the task and authority to formulate regional regulations with the Head of the Region. Regional regulations function as a tool in carrying out the social and democratic transformation, as an embodiment of community culture and regional entities that can respond to rapid changes and challenges in the era of autonomy and globalization, as well as supporting good local governance, which is part of sustainable regional development.

Constitutions vs. COVID-19: CrowdLaw as an Alternative in Crisis and Recovery

Coronavirus has activated the main constitutional mechanisms set in place to face exceptional circumstances in all countries that can be considered consolidated democracies. Constitutional systems make it possible for constituent powers to limit fundamental rights that are the cornerstone for the full exercise of citizenship in a democracy. Thus, for example, lockdowns and limitations on gatherings, de iure and de facto , limit or eliminate the right to assembly. Exception—constitutional instruments, that also allow for the transfer of parliamentary functions to the Executive power, are mostly designed, and many times thought to be exclusively used in extreme circumstances: wars or natural disasters that have an immediate impact on millions of people (causing death, the loss of the home or massive displacement, etc.). In these cases, it is assumed that parliaments and citizens must enter survival mode, and because of that, there is no reason to think that any type of citizen participation is possible. However, despite the gravity of COVID-19, the situation does not conform to the pattern I have just described. Most citizens, surely those that tend to participate in the ordinary democratic process, have been able to adapt their lives to the confines of their own homes thanks to civic responsibility and technology: work, education, socialization, shopping, etc. If this is so, why has the decision-making process not been able to adapt to the COVID pandemic? Furthermore, if citizen input is essential to control the situation and social distancing is a must, why is technology not the cornerstone of citizen's data recollection? This work analyzes the existing constitutional framework and the main governmental measures (norms and actions) adopted, in order to detect in which stages (out of the five basic policy and law-making stages) citizen participation could have been integrated, and how CrowdLaw might have helped to make participation more effective, and if CrowdLaw can help palliate the constitutional impact resulting from a pandemic, particularly in regard to the exercise of citizen participation, and in improving the quality and effectiveness of any measure that has been adopted. I argue that constitutional norms are compatible with CrowdLaw because they do not rule out the activation of CrowdLaw procedures neither in normal nor in exceptional circumstances.

The parliamentary dimension of the Presidency of the Council of the EU: a framework for systematic research

ABSTRACT Strengthening the role of national parliaments in EU matters has triggered a broad discussion on whether the legislatures are effective and which parliamentary functions they should fulfil within the EU political system. The involvement of national legislatures can be measured by applying the concept of parliamentary strength based on a set of indicators. However, some important elements of parliamentary activities and functions are fully overlooked in the existing literature, especially the participation of national parliaments in the preparation for and administration of the Council Presidency within the framework of the ‘parliamentary dimension’ of the rotating Presidency. Despite the growing importance of the Presidency Parliament, which goes hand-in-hand with the broadening of the framework for inter-parliamentary cooperation, current research pays little attention to this topic, even though it is important for understanding parliamentary strength in EU policy-making. For this reason, this paper presents a summary of the current body of knowledge with the aim of proposing an analytical framework which can be used for future systematic research in this field.

What are the Ultimate Sources for Privileges and Immunities of the European Union? Comment on the Judgement of the Court of Justice, Case C-502/19 Junqueras Vies

The judgment of the Court of Justice of the EU in the case of Mr Junqueras Vies has been significant in many respects. It has split the mandate of Members of the European Parliament from the parliamentary functions fulfilled by them. It has also extended the scope of parliamentary privileges and immunities of MEPs as a result of extensive reading of the provisions of the Protocol on Privileges and Immunities of the EU. The present comment argues that such an extensive interpretation had only been possible because the CJEU found in its judgment that the principle of representative democracy created a ‘context’ in which the Court reread the respective provisions on the immunities of MEPs. As a result of the above, it seems the CJEU has found yet another basis for the EU’simmunities, functioning independently of Article 343 TFEU. Contrary to the EU’s immunities which are based on Article 343 TFEU and operate according to the principle of functional necessity, which is characteristic for traditional international organisations, immunities based on the principle of representative democracy operate according to ‘constitutional’ logic, which is characteristic for states. As the EU is evidently neither a traditional international organisation nor a state, simultaneous operation of these two sources for its privileges and immunities may prove to be difficult. In particular, EU citizens may start to wonder why the EU, the functioning of which is based on the principle of representative democracy, enjoys privileges and immunities characteristic for traditional intergovernmentalorganisations.

Das Zeitalter der Künstlichen Intelligenz als Herausforderung für die Parlamente

The digital transformation is permanently changing the government, administration, and society . This process is being intensified by the much-discussed technologies of artificial intelligence, and poses a variety of challenges for parliaments and indirectly for parliamen­tary studies . Their different dimensions have not been discussed comprehensively so far, although the technological developments affect all parliamentary functions and their prem­ises . This article systematizes and structures the various effects of the age of artificial intel­ligence on parliamentary democracy . Namely, the conditions of democratic representation change, the innovation-friendly regulation of digital technologies becomes a parliamentary task, parliamentary control has to be adjusted to the use of algorithms and artificial intelli­gence in government and administration, and possibly, the epistemological and organiza­tional structures of parliamentary work might have to be adapted . This provides starting points for future detailed analyses to adequately capture these processes of change and to accompany them from different disciplinary perspectives .

European Court of Human Rights: review of the Grand Chamber judgment of 22 December 2020 in the case of Selahattin Demirtaş v. Turkey (No. 2) (application no. 14305/17)

In Selahattin Demirtaş v. Turkey (application no. 14305/17), the European Court of Human Rights considered the issue of pre-trial detention of a member of parliament, who at the time of the events was one of the co-chairs of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP), a left-wing pro-Kurdish political party. The arrest related to the exercise of his duties as an elected representative and restricts him to exercise parliamentary functions. The European Court pointed out the need for a well-founded crime by a parliamentarian, higher requirements for the analysis of evidence by courts in proceedings against current parliamentarians, and the inadmissibility of using detention on ulterior motives of suppressing pluralism and restricting freedom of the political debate. The Court revealed the presence of ulterior motives in the form of suppression of opposition from the circumstances of the arrest, the context of the criminal prosecution, and the conclusions of international organizations. The court also noted that the right to free elections is not limited to simply being able to take part in parliamentary elections; a person also has the right, after being elected, to take part in the activities of parliament and to take part in its sessions. The possibility to participate in parliamentary debates in writing is not enough. In the context of the admissibility of the complaint, the Court also noted that the complaint to the Inter-Parliamentary Union is not “the subject of “another procedure of international investigation or settlement”, since it does not adjudicate a dispute between an individual and a state based on a legal instrument by which States have agreed to recognize its authority to do so in respect of certain clearly defined rights, and therefore does not prevent the filing of an application with the Court.

REMOTE ACTIVITIES OF THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE AND THE NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS IN TIME OF COVID-19

The current world crisis raised serious debate about the role and place of the information and communication technologies (hereafter “ICT”) in the parliamentary activities. The new advanced technologies play a pivotal role in maintaining the efficiency and public service value of digitalisation by creating optimal conditions for the exercise of parliamentary functions. Before the current global health crisis, vast majority of the national parliaments had neither the possibility for remote plenary and/or committee meetings, nor a possibility for remote (distance) voting. Even the parliaments of the countries that have been struck by terrorist attacks in recent decades have not introduced a system of remote (distance) meetings or voting in case of any real direct risks for the parliamentary functioning. Democracy is never accomplished or perfect in its nature; it is an ongoing process that is continuously faced with new challenges and needs to adapt itself to new contexts. The parliamentary system is one of the most impactful institutions in the modern world and is steeped in deep country's history. Consequently, all new steps must be taken with extreme caution. The article offers an analysis of the strengths and weaknesses aspects of the parliamentary functioning in a “virtual space”, as well as a description of new mechanisms and methods.

التنظيم الدستوري و القانوني للضمانات المقررة للحماية البرلمانية

Representative democracy is considered one of the most widespread in the world today that aims to activate the role of population in selecting parliamentarians, who represent them within the dome of Parliament, to hold the authority and the final word. Government is exercised in the name of population by parliamentarians, for this reason, there is an impossibility for the population to hold authority on their own for a number of reasons, implying enormous number of people, the lack of understanding of this system by majority of the population, or lack of awareness of political and economic issues, so the significance of parliamentary system Or Parliament where guarantees must be put in place to protect this function - the parliamentary function. Parliamentary work must be informed by guarantees which ensure the right to do it, and most constitutions are decided on a set of guarantees that protect the parliamentary function itself, as these guarantees begin with the oath which is the basis for the parliamentarian to begin his parliament’s function, and the duty to attend the session of legislative and supervisory significance, as well as full-time parliamentary work, are no less relevant than their predecessor and are the basis for the separation of authorities. As for preventing financial transaction with state, its guarantee is taken up by most legislation to end the favoritism by the government for members of Parliament before this member turns a blind eye to its mistakes. Thus, an end of the Council's independence by termination its membership for several things and reasons about legislation which is considered as a penalty for infringing the duties of parliamentary membership. Moreover, they are applied through the text in Iraqi constitution and comparative constitutions, as well as in the laws and internal systems of parliamentary councils, and all of this differs from one country to another depending on the degree of its development and maturity of its political system, its traditions and customs, as conventional and normative play a major role in the emergence and stability of these guarantees.

Perbandingan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD RI) dengan Negara Lain

The basic idea of the establishment of DPD is the desire to better accommodate regional aspirations and also give a major role to the region in the political decision-making process for matters relating to the region. In the document of Strategic Plan (Renstra) of the House of Regional representatives (DPD) period 2015-2019 mention that the main objective of DPD RI is the realization of DPD RI as one of the State institutions that play an active role and maintain a balance in the state authority in the field of legislative, through the optimization of the implementation of the parliamentary function. The problem formulation in this journal is how to increase the status of DPD in establishing and strengthening the political representation in Indonesia and how to setup the authority of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) Republik Indonesia (RI) when compared with other countries. The discussion in this journal is the change of UUD 1945 to change the system of representatives in the state of Indonesia that previously did not reveal the actual representation. With the presence of the DPD, in the Indonesian representative system, the DPR is supported and should be strengthened by the DPD. With such conditions, the DPD institution has a very high legitimacy, which should have a high formal authority anyway, but in reality the formal authority is very low. The arrangement of the authority of DPD must be done through the Fifth Amendment UUD 1945. This is necessary for the DPD to have a constitutional certainty, so it will guarantee the continuity of the performance of DPD in the present and future. This arrangement is done by considering two things: first, Dpdas the same representative institution with the House of Representatives, should be engaged optimally in the process of making political decisions nationally. Secondly, the Fifth Amendment of the UUD 1945 is intended to assert the DPD as an institution that holds the authority to form legislation; Has a function of legislation; budget function; and surveillance functions; Then to change the articles that have been debilitating the DPD, namely related to the authority to file a RUU, discussing the RUU and also give the last consideration, this change is also done so that the DPD can then supervise with the giving of the right to ask questions, the right to ask for information and the right of a questionnaire and DPD RI through its tools (honorary body) in charge of implementing the code, is expected to always evaluate and revise the rules of DPD RI that is deemed to be no So ideally, do a comparison of the code of ethics with other countries, in order to minimize the misuse of budgets, duties and authorities.

Mehrebenenparlamentarismus? Das Beziehungsgeflecht deutscher Landesparlamente

The term multi-level parliamentarism has been used to mark the position of German Land parliaments . To check the validity of this term, the relations between parliaments in regard to their parliamentary structure components, namely leadership, administration, committees, parliamentary party groups, and members of parliament within Germany are analyzed . The results show that Land parliaments generally engage in frequent exchanges with other Land parliaments, an exception being exchanges between committees . Exchanges and relationships with parliaments outside Germany are mainly found on the levels of parliamentary leadership and administration . In light of these findings, applying the term multi-level parliamentarism does not seem to adequately depict Land parliaments . The results also reveal that the relations are not only inter-parliamentary and that they do not only take place in the frame of the European Union . Hence, using the term institutional relations of parliaments, albeit less sparkling, seems to adequately describe the real relations, efforts, and contacts of German Land parliaments . Another advantage of the term institutional relations is that it can be assigned to Land parliaments’ self-organization function and can thus be integrated into a common catalogue of parliamentary functions .

Turkish Parliamentary Experience Review of the Parliamentary Experience of Turkey from Ottoman to Republic Periods

Turkish parliamentary tradition with a history of 140 years, no doubt is a result of challenging periods which roots extending to the history of the Ottoman Empire. Tanzimat reforms as well as Constitutional Monarchy periods (known as I. and II. Meşrutiyet) crowned with the National Liberation Movement initiated the new political regime in Turkey and formed a parliamentary institution that call now the Turkish parliament or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. The analysis of the historical evolution of the Turkish parliamentary experience along with its parliamentary functions and activities will provide us valuable information on politics and socio-historical development of the Turkish state. Certainly, the unique characteristics of Turkish society and Turkish history, as well as parliamentary transformations at the global level along with political developments affecting the parliamentary tradition makes a Turkish parliamentary experience noteworthy to be analyzed. Social structure, bureaucracy and traditions of every society or political entity define the role of a parliament in the certain political system. The social and political structure gives important information on the organization and behaviour of the parliament as well as parliamentary functions provide first-hand data on features and characteristics of the society reciprocally. This study is a brief historical account of the Turkish parliament as a representative institution. The main goal of this research is to provide an analytic review of the Turkish parliamentary experience and parliamentary evolution without debates on pro and contras of parliamentary or presidential systems. There are two matching features in our research approach in this study. First, we will focus on and outline the historical evolution process of the Turkish parliamentary experience. Second, we will look for descriptive information to enrich our general understanding of the parliamentary workings. The historical analysis method will be applied to conduct this research. The method was described by sociologist and political scientist Theda Skocpol. The historical analysis method aims to develop and improve descriptive and reasonable hypothesizes on institutions as nation-states.

A constitutional evaluation of Article 92-6 ‘Disgraceful Conduct Crime’ of the Military criminal law

의회는 국민대표기관으로서 입법기관이며 국정통제기관이다. 현대국가의 의회는 권력분립원칙에 따라 일반적으로 행정부 통제를 위해 조사적 권한을 가지고 있다. 의회의 국정조사권은 의회의 헌법상 제 권한의 실효적 행사를 보장해주는 유효한 수단 중의 하나이다. 우리나라 국정조사의 대상기관은 사안에 의해 국회 본회의에서 승인한 계획서에 기재된 기관에 한정된다는 점이 한계로 지적된다. 그러나 현대 의회 기능의 회복과 강한 의회의 재생을 추구하는 측면에서 국정조사권은 국정 전반에 대한 통제수단으로서 기대되는 바가 크다. 최근 우리나라는 사법 농단 의혹을 규명하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 사법부에 대한 의회의 국정조사는 전례가 없었던바, 이는 사법부 독립을 존중하기 위한 것이었다고 평가할 수 있다. 그러나 국정조사 통해 실체적 진실을 발견할 수 있다면 오히려 사법부 독립의 강화하는 계기가 될 수 있다. 현대의 정당 국가적인 경향 하에서 국정조사권은 정당 간의 첨예한 이해관계 충돌과 제반 여건의 미비로 실질적 효력을 발휘하지 못하고 있다. 이에 대한 개선 방향으로 본 논문은 국회 내부의 전문성 강화, 국정조사계획서 승인 요건 완화, 상임위원회 중심의 국정조사 실시, 증인 채택 절차 개선 및 증인의 인권 보호 등을 제시하였다.As a national representative body, parliament is a legislative body and a state control agency. Parliaments of modern nations generally have investigative powers for administrative control in accordance with the principle of separation of powers. The parliamentary rights to investigate the state is one of the effective means of ensuring the effective exercise of parliamentary constitutional authority. It is pointed out that the subject institution of the investigation by the national assembly is limited to the institutions approved by the plenary session on a case by case basis. However, to recover the modern parliamentary function and regenerate strong parliaments, the power to investigate the state affairs of the parliament is highly expected as a means to control over the whole country. Recently, as efforts to identify the allegations charged on judiciary continue, there is no precedent of exerting the investigatory power of parliament to the judiciary, which can be evaluated as respecting the independence of the judiciary. However, if we can find the substantive truth through the investigation, it can be an opportunity to strengthen the independence of the judiciary. Under the trend of severe conflicts between the parties, the rights to investigate the state administration has not been practically effective. In this regard this paper suggests improvement measures as follows: the improvement of internal expertise within the National Assembly, the relaxation of the approval requirement of the investigation plan, the implementation of the investigation led by standing committees, the improvement of witness selection procedure and the protection of the human rights of witnesses.

El análisis económico y presupuestario en las Cortes Generales. Un continuo proceso de adaptación

La Constitución Española de 1978 estableció las bases del estado social y de una hacienda pública moderna. Desde entonces, la función económica del parlamento se ha visto sometida un continuo proceso de transformación que ha afectado tanto al control de la política económica en general como al ejercicio de sus competencias específicas en el procedimiento presupuestario. Por un lado, el crecimiento del gasto público requirió la modernización del presupuesto para asegurar un adecuado control de las finanzas públicas. Por otro, el doble proceso de descentralización autonómica e integración europea ha obligado a desarrollar mecanismos de coordinación entre todos los niveles de gobierno para garantizar la estabilidad presupuestaria.
 En este artículo, se realiza un recorrido por el proceso de adaptación que han llevado a cabo los servicios de estudios y análisis económico y presupuestario en el Congreso para ofrecer, con los medios disponibles, un apoyo técnico a las específicas funciones parlamentarias en la tramitación de los Presupuestos Generales del Estado y una información completa, objetiva y sistemática sobre el ciclo presupuestario y la ejecución presupuestaria en su conjunto. Más recientemente, la política presupuestaria, ordenada en torno al Semestre Europeo, ha ido abarcando ámbitos cada vez más amplios de la política económica, y las instituciones europeas reclaman una mayor implicación de los parlamentos nacionales en la gobernanza económica, apoyados en el principio de transparencia y en unos medios técnicos suficientes.

Ukrainian revolution and the problem of creation national parliament

In this article, based on the analysis of available documents and real historical facts was made an attempt to follow the approaches and practices of the political forces that sought to implement the concept of the Ukrainian national-democratic revolution, one of its core program requirements - the convening of a national parliament.First steps in the aforementioned direction were made during the time of the Central Rada, headed by M. Hrushevsky. Leading political coordination center, created on a democratic basis and, in the conviction of its leaders, called upon to bring the Ukrainian community into a national system, in the process of its development began to take on some of the functions inherent in the classical examples of the world, first of all European parliamentarism. Starting from the documents of the Ukrainian National Congress (April 6-8, 1917, Kiev), Ukrainian political parties, and the approval of the Constitution of the Ukrainian People's Republic (April 29, 1918), due to the convening of a parliamentary institution (the names were different - Ukrainian Constituent Assembly, The Constituent Council, the Ukrainian Sejm (Soim), the Legislative Duma, the Provisional Parliamentary Assembly, the Parliament, the National Assembly of Ukraine, etc.) the task of creating the People's Parliament was put forward as a political perspective. The same Central Rada, or its unchanging Chairman, or scholars of law, constitutionalists, guided by scientific criteria, are not inclined to qualify as a full-fledged National Parliament. And the initiated process of movement in a democratic way was the force interrupted by the coup on April 29, 1918.Upon coming to power, hetman P. Skoropadsky abolished the Constitution of the UPR with his first acts and banned the convening of the Constituent Assembly, which planned to convene the Central Rada.In times of Hetmanate temporality, extraordinary, transient impetus of authoritarian rule were proved in every way. Numerous public declarations promised to create a parliamentary institution (for 7,5 months of the official existence of the Ukrainian State, even its name was not tired) have in fact turned out to be an empty sound. But the real position of delaying the authorities to resolve the popular, urgent problem was rigorously co-ordinated with the Austro-German occupation administration, for which, as the true ruler of the situation in the country, the National Parliament seemed unclear, totally unnecessary rage.On the business ground, the Directory tried to implement of the idea of creating a national parliament. However, the general situation of 1919 - 1920 was overcomplicated. In particular, contradictions in the political direction of the revived Ukrainian People's Republic were significantly negative. For some time it was planned to delegate the role of the Parliament before the Labor Congress of Ukraine (January 23-29, 1919), but it did not become, according to the plan, a permanent institution. Practically performing certain parliamentary functions (for example, lawmaking activities), the Directory, like the Central Rada, planned to convene a full-fledged national parliament, eventually determined by the beginning of implementation of the judicial process (Act of Unification of the UNR and ZUNR on January 22, 1919). However, due to the difficult, first of all the military, situation which permanently deteriorated, the realization of democratic state-building plans did not happen.Thus, in spite of ideas, initiatives, plans, preparatory efforts and approved documents, the practice of fulfilling some of the functions inherent in the Parliament, such a genuine institution in the revolutionary era (1917-1920), was not created in Ukraine.

FUNGSI BADAN PERMUSYAWARATAN DESA DALAM PENYELENGGARAAN PEMBANGUNAN DI DESA LOA KULU KOTA KECAMATAN LOA KULU KABUPATEN KUTAI KARTANEGARA

The purpose of this research is to explain about execution of rural parliamentary function of Loa Kulu Kota. The result of study show that in doing its function, such as legislation, budgeting, supervision and protecting social custom, rural parliarmentary of Loa Kulu Kota did not too optimal due to several factors.