Parliamentary Autonomy Research Articles

Judicial Control of Parliamentary Procedure: Theoretical Framework Analyses

Parliamentary procedures are undoubtedly at the heart of (national) parliamentary sovereignty. However, in the last two decades, courts, including supranational ones (e.g. ECtHR), are increasingly getting involved in assessing the application of parliamentary rules and procedures. This increasing judicial activism highlights the importance of finding the equilibrium between the right to an effective judicial remedy, which inevitably should encompass parliamentary decisions, and the principles of separation of powers and parliamentary autonomy. This paper analyses a possible theoretical framework of (judicial) remedies against parliamentary procedural decisions, distinguishing between types of procedural rules, applicants, fora, extents of judicial activism and types of judicial review. It concludes that the different types of remedies are highly dependent on the political landscape and the government structure. It is yet advisable that a permanent, extra-parliamentary forum, a kind of “House-Rules-Court” should be established in countries, where the House Speaker does not enjoy full respect and neutrality.

Collective Mandates in Brazil: Democratic Innovations to Boost Participation in Legislature

ABSTRACT Recently in Brazil, some politicians and organised groups have aimed to increase representation and legitimacy in legislatures via ‘collective mandates’, a democratic innovation (DI) that allows a group of citizens to collectively campaign and, if elected, share decision-making of a legislative seat. This article maps and analyses collective mandates implemented in Brazil from 1994 to 2022 to find their differences and similarities. This study identified 643 candidacies; 56 of them were elected for legislative mandates in city councils, state legislatures, and the National Congress. The qualitative analysis focused on six benchmark cases using the following analytical dimensions: initiative, group size, eligibility, moment of access, decision-making process, and interaction mechanism. The data sources were two nationwide reports on the theme (until 2020), raw data from the 2022 elections, and information available about the mandates on their websites, blogs, and social media. In conclusion, despite being generally labelled as ‘collective mandates’, the ongoing experiences have produced at least two subtypes: pure collective mandates and shared mandates. The common denominator holds the innovative concept: a legislator shares their power with a group of citizens, giving up parliamentary autonomy to foment democratic participation and accountability in the mandate.

The Little God of England: The Divine Right of James I and the English Response

This paper analyzes the development of James I’s theory of divine right in England and how its application elevated the sovereignty of the monarch to the extent of absolutism in the early seventeenth century. Since divine right ultimately conflicted with the ancient laws and customs of the English government, James’s theory provoked newfound interpretations of the political and judicial authority of the ruler. From a plethora of political treatises, religious sermons, and parliamentary records, these interpretations ultimately affected how governmental institutions, such as Parliament and the courts, interacted with the monarchy. Parliamentarians became more submissive to the king's will, the importance of constitutional law was diminished, and political theories grew more in favor of divine right. As such, by the end of James’s reign, divine right was no longer a theory but rather a political reality, a development which enabled the king to rule with absolute power, all at the expense of parliamentary autonomy, constitutional supremacy, and individual liberty. Therefore, discourse over the true nature of monarchal government not only became more prevalent, but divine right itself became significantly entrenched within the English monarchy. This development altered the English political landscape entirely, inevitably leading the kingdom to civil war in the 1640s and a fervent resurgence of divine right with the restoration of Charles II in 1660. Thus, this paper reveals that divine right during the reign of James I was paramount towards the transformation of the monarchy in early modern England, for it created a myriad of unique and complex understandings of rulership that would ultimately lead to the expansion of absolutism, civil conflict, and political unrest for the remainder of the century.

Beyond Legislative Veto Power: The Transformative Effects of the Early Warning System for Subsidiarity Control Ten Years Down the Line

The majority of European Union (EU) studies tend to be critical of the Early Warning System (EWS) for subsidiarity control, deeming it as ineffective in blocking unwanted EU legislation. Against this background, the aim of this paper is to identify and discuss several transformative effects of the EWS connected with the quality and democratic character of the EU governance, beyond the tool’s legislative veto power. A critical review of the EWS’ interpretations as an accountability mechanism, Europeanization engine, parliamentary autonomy enhancing tool, platform of politicization of Europe, as well as an instrument improving the Commission’s regulatory culture reveals that —although flawed by design— the modus operandi of the EWS has in fact contributed to reinforcing the input legitimacy of the EU. The argument is also made that the EWS should be viewed as a sort of ‘reality-check’ for the EU’s legislative moderation, thus enhancing the ‘perceived output legitimacy’ of the EU policy-making. The paper, however, concludes that although the positive effects of the EWS ought to be recognized and valued, the mechanism in its current form has exhausted its democratic potential and needs to be complemented with new forms of representative politics in EU affairs.

Kompozicija Narodne skupštine Srbije - izazovi i prepreke

Given that political parties participate in the formation, structuring and activity of the parliament, their presence has had a dual impact on the National Assembly of Serbia in the past three decades. On the one hand, their influence has been reflected on the internal structure and efficiency of parliamentary work. On the other hand, the party system combined with the electoral model has left its mark on the mode of political representation. The paper focuses on the impact the political parties have had on the National Assembly in the Republic of Serbia, particularly their influence on the internal organization of the Assembly and the effectiveness in the parliamentary process. The main goal is to explore the normative framework and parliamentary practice in order to analyze the actual prospects of the National Assembly to meet the basic postulates for exercising effective national representation. The main question is whether the Assembly, relying on its constitutional autonomy, is able to achieve the goals of the "working parliament" and the political representation of all citizens. The problem develops around the extent to which the people's representation is capable of exercising its constitutional functions if it does not support and protect the differentiated political will of the people. The aim is to point out to the possibilities provided by the normative framework and the need for successful parliamentary practice in exercising parliamentary autonomy. Parliamentary autonomy is necessary not only for good internal organization of parliament and effectiveness in the parliamentary process but also in terms of strengthening the National Assembly's external impact and position towards the holders of the executive power. The subject matter of analysis are the activities of political parties in parliament, observed through the work of parliamentary groups and parliamentary committees, as well as a lack of the parliamentary opposition guarantees.

Particularities of the Organization of the Work of the Parliamentary Secretariats: National and International Experiences

The article provides a deep analysis of the issues related to the organization of the work of the parliamentary secretariats, in particular taking into account the particularities of their functioning and legal status in the system of State power bodies. It is justified the necessity to ensure the realization of the concept of the “parliamentary autonomy” in its different dimensions, i.e.: administrative, political, financial, economic etc.The particular attention was paid to the key functions executed by the parliamentary secretariats (scientific and research work, documentary supply, administrative work). These functions are crucial for ensuring an effective work of the parliamentary secretariats and their personnel. At the same time, it is highlighted the particularities of the parliamentary secretariats from the different countries (taking into account the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the parliamentary personnel, scope of the service to be provided by the parliamentary secretariats etc.). It is stressed that in some countries the parliamentary secretariats provide only the administrative services. In other countries, the parliamentary secretariats also execute the scientific researches. However, in many countries (including Ukraine) the parliamentary secretariats deliver all types of the services.The provided analysis shows the common and particular aspects in the organization of the work of the parliamentary secretariats, their internal structure etc. It is noted that each parliamentary secretariat has its own management and organizational structure. Its particularity depends on the MP’s total number, financial resources, fixed goals and objectives of each parliamentary secretariat activity.Taking into account the above-mentioned, it is pointed out the reasons of the distinction in the public service system of a separate parliamentary (State) service as well as definition of its particular status in the current Ukrainian legislation.On the basis of the conducted research and the analysis of the experiences of the foreign countries, it is presented the complex proposals and recommendations regarding further modernization of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Secretariat and increasing its institutional capacity of the VRU Secretariat (taking into account the recommendations of the European Parliament and other international organisations as well as the main goals of the parliamentary reform to be implemented in Ukraine).

Parliamentary research services as expert resource of lawmakers. The Czech way

ABSTRACT Professional politicians need a sufficient amount of quality and reliable information to work well. Therefore, parliaments across the world have expert resources at their disposal, such as parliamentary research services and libraries. Together they form a unique source of analytical and informative material to support day-to-day political activities. Although different models of expert parliamentary centres exist, these specialised comparative workplaces share a common emphasis on the independence of provided information. Since expert centres are an important part of parliamentary autonomy, their work and the quality of services they provide to their clients need to be further analysed. Therefore, the content of this paper – exploratory in its nature – is to zoom in on the expert services available to lawmakers, more specifically, to analyse the Czech Parliamentary Institute.

Parliamentary autonomy and constitutionalism

АнотаціяУ статті розкриваються основні аспекти парламентської автономії у контексті сучасної доктрини і практики конституціоналізму. Методологічною основою дослідження виступає міждисциплінарний підхід, заснований на поєднанні мистецтва інтерпретації юридичних текстів, політології та соціології. Здійснено аналіз парламентської автономії через призму інституційної спроможності держави та контролера додержання прав людини і основоположних свобод у зв’язку із юристократією. Дано характеристику природи парламентської автономії як сукупності самостійних прерогатив парламенту щодо ухвалення власного статусного акту, внутрішньої організації, здійснення парламентських процедур. Згідно із парламентською автономією легіслатура володіє свободою розсуду при визначені змісту власного статутного акту та здійсненні внутрішніх парламентських процедур з додержанням балансу інтересів більшості і меншості. Парламентська автономія полягає у можливості парламенту ухвалювати свій статутний акт – регламент, який має бути об’єктом конституційного перегляду. Серцевиною парламентської автономії є вирішення питань своєї внутрішньої організації парламентом як компоненту конституційної демократії. Це – цілий комплекс питань, пов’язаний із формуванням керівного складу парламенту, починаючи від голів, заступників, секретарів профільних комітетів і підкомітетів. Важливу роль у структуризації парламентів відіграють фракції, однак фракції політичних партій за своєю природою не є органами парламенту. Легітимною метою правил щодо формування парламентських коаліцій, які зазвичай створюють уряд, є забезпечення діяльності ефективних і стабільних урядів. Встановлення критеріїв, наскільки ефективним і стабільним є уряд, є питанням політичного процесу. У парламентських демократіях це визначається шляхом голосування у парламенті. Зважаючи на це, предметом парламентської автономії виступають інвеститура уряду, механізми підзвітності і підконтрольності уряду (вотум довіри, вотум недовіри, конструктивний вотум, зв’язаний вотум, інтерпеляція, звіти міністрів та уряду). Інший аспект парламентської автономії стосується політичної відповідальності уряду та парламенту, яка настає у разі відсутності у парламентській підтримці політичного курсу уряду. На ці процедури істотно впливає система семіпрезиденціалізму, яка існує в Україні і передбачає, з одного боку, домінування Президента, якщо він спирається на парламентську більшість, з іншого – період «співіснування» між урядом, що спирається на парламентську більшість, та Президентом. Попри різні варіанти вирішення політичних криз, сутність зазначених процедур полягає у переслідуванні єдиної легітимної мети – забезпечення безперервності діяльності та належного функціонування інститутів публічної влади. Згідно з принципом поділу влади межею парламентської автономії виступають межі здійснення повноважень органу конституційної юстиції.Ключові слова: демократія, інституційна спроможність держави, конституціоналізм, парламентська автономія, парламентський контроль, парламентський суверенітет, регламент парламенту

La autonomía personal de las Cortes Generales

En este artículo nos detenemos en una de las garantías más importantes de la democracia, contemplada en el artículo 72 de la Constitución Española: la autonomía parlamentaria, refiriéndonos concretamente a una de sus manifestaciones más desconocidas, la autonomía administrativa o de personal.
 La autonomía del Parlamento se consagra en los albores del parlamentarismo, en el marco del principio de separación de poderes, elevándose como muro infranqueable entre el poder ejecutivo y el poder legislativo y con un cuádruple ámbito que abarca la autonomía normativa, la autonomía presupuestaria, la autonomía organizativa y la autonomía administrativa. Esta última implica que las Cámaras cuentan con un personal propio que ellas mismas seleccionan y organizan, expulsando decididamente de nuestro sistema el “clientelismo político”.
 La Constitución Española entronca con nuestra historia y reconoce, y eleva al máximo rango, la importancia de garantizar una absoluta imparcialidad e independencia de un personal propio de las Cámaras, especialmente cualificado, imparcial y vinculado a ellas de manera permanente, una organización profesional que constituye la Administración parlamentaria, de la que aquí se analizan sus principales características.

La potestad autonormativa en relación con los estatutos del personal de los parlamentos autonómicos

Los Estatutos del Personal de los Parlamentos autonómicos son normas administrativas parlamentarias aprobadas por cada cámara legislativa en virtud de su autonomía parlamentaria. No obstante, la autonomía parlamentaria de cada Parlamento autonómico no dispone de la misma competencia normativa a estos efectos. Se estudia en este artículo, como a pesar de contar con la Constitución como elemento común, es fundamental la atribución especial con la que cuenta cada Cámara autonómica y que la jurisprudencia, tanto del Tribunal Constitucional, como la del Tribunal Supremo, ha puesto en valor; cuestión que se recoge en el epígrafe relativo a la jurisprudencia. En conclusión, la organización burocrática, en lo que se refiere a los medios personales, podrá ser sustancialmente diferente en las distintas Asambleas Legislativas, tal como se analiza en las conclusiones de este estudio.

May the Rule of Law Be Retroactive? Berlusconi's Case Before the ECtHR

On November 22, 2017 the European Court of Human Rights held a hearing on a curious petition: the notorious former Prime Minister of Italy, Silvio Berlusconi, claimed that he suffered an injustice by the application of the new Italian anti-corruption legal framework. Indeed, Berlusconi had lost his seat in Parliament as a consequence of his criminal conviction, as provided by the anti-corruption legislation. Berlusconi alleged that the loss of his Parliament seat was in substance a criminal sanction and thus, according to Article 7(1) of the European Charter of Human Rights, should have been subject to the principle of non-retroactivity. According to the Italian legal system, instead, the measure was considered to be an administrative law measure and thus it could have been applied also to events occurring in the past, such as the criminal acts committed by Berlusconi, which predated the adoption of the law. The questions that the ECtHR have to address, beginning with Berlusconi’s highly visible case whose judgment is expected for Spring 2018, will provide an interesting insight of the relationships between the normative concept of the rule of law and its temporal application, as well as with individual rights and Parliamentary autonomy. A complete and revised version of this paper is published on the Italian Journal of Public Law (no.2/2019) - free access at http://www.ijpl.eu/archive/2019/issue-28/may-the-law-rule-the-past-what-if-the-ecthr-had-decided-berlusconis-case

While Parliament Sleeps: Tax Treaty Practice in Canada

Canada’s Parliament plays little but a perfunctory role in the adoption of tax treaties, even though these agreements have significant impact on Parliamentary autonomy over core national budgetary matters as well as core legal and administrative functions. This article argues that Canada’s tax treaty process reflects a studied and intentional preference against public engagement in international fiscal policy, and that this stance has a negative impact on the rule of law. The article demonstrates the governance issue posed by lack of meaningful Parliamentary oversight using a recent departure from stated treaty policy, namely, the passage of a controversial agreement to implement the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA), an aggressive and extra-territorial regulatory regime imposed on Canadian financial institutions by the United States. The article examines the implications of Canada’s approach to this and other tax-related agreements and concludes that a much more engaged and informed Parliament is vitally necessary to achieve integrity in Canada’s treaty process.

Diaspora Dilemmas and Shifting Allegiances: The Irish in London between Nationalism, Catholicism and Labourism (1900-22)

Focused on the London Irish, this article discusses the diasporic dilemmas of Irish Catholics in England who oscillated between four claims to loyalty in the early twentieth century. Liberals and later the labour movement sought to mobilise them for radical political and socialist goals; the Catholic Church to support religious education against secularist threats; a homeland nationalism to advance the prospects of Irish parliamentary autonomy; and a diasporic nationalism to defend their ethnic interests in England. These pressures peaked during the First World War and the Irish War of Independence. The overall effect of this nationalist mobilisation may have been to advance their integration into English social and political institutions.

Why Russia is Not a Democracy

Russia is the only remaining authoritarian great power in Europe. It seemed for a moment in December 1991 that Boris Yeltsin would honor his pledge to install popularly sovereign democracy, but he didn't. Instead, he forced an authoritarian constitution on the nation against parliament's will in 1993, and never looked back. Vladimir Putin, Yeltsin's former secret police chief and presidential successor, subsequently intrigued his way to power, advancing his former master's hidden authoritarian agenda by more sternly repressing civil rights, political participation, balloting, and parliamentary autonomy. Oppression today isn't as harsh as the bad old Brezhnev years, but is heading that way, toward an autocracy where the monarch is supreme, with or without a ruling party.

Het voorzitterschap van Kamer en Senaat in België (1918-1974) : Van parlementaire autonomie naar partijdige afhankelijkheid

This article analyses the election of the Speakers of both houses of the Belgian parliament, the House of Representatives and the Senate, in the period 1918-1974. According to the Belgian constitution, the election of the Speaker is a competence of each house. As can be expected in a system of parliamentary government, the Speakers belong to the government majority, as they did already before 1914. But with the disappearance of a homogeneous majority and the need for cabinet coalitions after 1918 - result of the proportional representation - someeffects which tended to erode parliamentary autonomy more substantially occurred. At several occasions the election of the Speakers was postponed until the result of cabinet formation was known. In addition, the coalition parties had to make an agreement for the partition of the two Speakers' positions. The coalition practice also affected procedure. Since agreements were less easily implemented in a secret ballot, the provisions of the parliamentary statute were put aside for an election by acclamation to strengthen party discipline. In this context a further shift in the election process occurs: from the parliamentary groups to the party leadership. Eventually, the appointment of the Speakers becamepart of the cabinet formation itself. This practice appears to be firmly established in the 1970' and has been criticized severely. It can be considered one aspect of the decline of parliaments in this period.

Why the case for parliamentary reform in Britain is so weak

British proposals for parliamentary reform are not located in a coherent conception of parliamentary government. This is because the genuine parliamentary autonomy entailed by such a concept is incompatible with the theory of democracy which nearly all the reformers (however implicitly) accept. This theory is that democracy is a simple form of preference‐satisfaction. An alternative view (and the only basis for parliamentary autonomy) would involve the notions of merit, justice and deliberation. Serious consideration of these notions would require a retrieval of older British constitutional theories, exemplified here by a discussion of Burke, Bagehot and Bassett.

The Failure of Gambetta's Grand Ministere

Leon Gambetta's appointment to the presidency of the council of ministers early in November 1881 aroused great expectations. With his popular appeal and parliamentary following Gambetta, and only Gambetta, had enough authority to control an increasingly divided and unruly chamber. Nevertheless, the very government that was expected to endure proved to be the most ephemeral of all. After a scant two and one-half months Gambetta fell before a disparate coalition of radical republicans, monarcho-Bonapartist conservatives, and disgruntled moderates. Depending on their perspective, contemporaries blamed Gambetta's defeat either on his drive for personal power or on the recalcitrance of a Chamber hostile to executive authority.1 Either way they considered the defeat of the Gambetta ministry the casualty of a wider conflict between strong ministerial leadership and parliamentary autonomy, and with good reason. Gambetta had indeed taken power expecting to end the succession of weak cabinets directed by men without significant authority. He intended to develop a dependable majority closely bound to the cabinet. Originally most deputies understood and accepted Gambetta's political objectives, but for reasons that have remained obscure Gambetta's political reform attempts turned into a bitter struggle for power, won by the Chamber. Gambetta began with significant strikes against him, and he magnified his problems by adopting a belligerent stand that transformed his reform designs into a confrontation and a test of wills. Gambetta had been excluded from the prime ministership he deserved as leader