Park Jung-hee Research Articles

가전제품, 소비혁명, 그리고 한국의 대량소비사회 형성

The fruit of the industrial revolution dreamed of by the Park Chung-hee administration in the 1960s and 1970s was a mass consumption society, the last stage of economic growth suggested by Walt Rostow. Above all, the formation of a mass consumption society could be confirmed through the rapid spread of durable consumer goods in middle class households. However, Park Jung-hee carried on a strong consumption suppression policy as a means to achieve the goal of industrialization from beginning to end. Thanks to this, despite the rapid increase in national income in the late 1970s, the pace of consumption growth could not keep up. And until the late 1970s, the ‘Sikmo’ who were working in families above the middle class made the justification for existence of home appliances unnecessary. In addition, the presence of ‘ondol’ and conventional kitchens in traditional houses was a great hindrance to the supply of electric appliances.<BR>However, as the 1980s began, the new military regime began to ease consumption control policies in earnest. In middle-class families, almost all of the ‘Sikmo’ disappeared, some of them were replaced by commuting housekeepers. In most cases, electric appliances were introduced into the home at a rapid pace and, rather, making housework a housewife’s responsibility only. In addition, the expansion of apartment complexes centered on large cities enabled the modernization of kitchens, which played a major role in establishing home appliances. Furthermore, as income increased rapidly due to the economic boom that emerged as a “three-low phenomenon”, the middle class who tried to confirm their social identity through the purchase of durable consumer goods such as refrigerators and washing machines also increased rapidly. As a result, by the time the 1988 Olympics was held, South Korean society was entering the mass consumption society.

박정희 정권의 민족담론 — 신문 매체를 통해 표방된 ‘화랑’ 활용 담론을 중심으로 —

In this article, I tried to understand The National Discourse appearing in newspaper articles during the Park Jung-hee regime. In particular, among newspaper reports related to national discourse, I analyzed articles related to Hwarang, Park Jung-hee, nationalism, or nationalism, and analyzed the content and meaning of National Discourse that linked and utilized galleries during the Park Jung-hee regime. The following is a summary of the terms expressed or mentioned in connection with the Hwarang in the national discourse that appeared in the newspaper reports, based on the ideological or spiritual aspect. National spirit, national identity, democracy, ideology and spirit of the National Education Charter, Yushin ideology, Saemaul spirit, Philosophy of national reunification in the 1980s, etc. In the ‘Hwarang and the Hwarang Spirit’ discussed in the nationalist discourses or national discourses of the Park Jung-hee regime, the content that ‘he gave his life or devoted himself to the unification of the three countries’ was particularly emphasized. I think, The link between Hwarang and Hwarang spirit in the national discourse of the Park Jung-hee administration was essential not only at the regime level but also at the personal level of Park Jung-hee - to cover or dilute the national and historical disgrace as much as possible with “Korea Military Academy and ‘Hwarang’”. Park Jung-hee and his administration linked and utilized galleries to assert that they had historical legitimacy in the ideology and policies they particularly emphasized or produced, or spread such historical awareness. By doing so, he maintained his long-term power while justifying and rationalizing the dictatorship, consolidating and stabilizing it. In response to this, most of the newspaper articles related to national discourse linked to ‘Hwarang’, except for Hwang Hwang-deok’s “Characteristics of the May 16 Military Revolution” in 1962 - sympathized with, and defended as a logical and systematic argument.

Reassessments of Park Jung-Hee Administration's Diplomacy towards Non-aligned Nations: Focusing on 1973-1976 UN General Assembly

Reassessments of Park Jung-Hee Administration's Diplomacy towards Non-aligned Nations: Focusing on 1973-1976 UN General Assembly

Support Movement for Gwangju Student Independence Movement in USA

The year 2021 marks the 92nd anniversary of Gwangju Students Independence Movement which is considered as the ‘big three Independence Movement’ and the ‘2nd the March First Independence Movement’. The Gwangju Student Independence Movement, which broke out in Gwangju in November 1929, 10 years after the March First Independence Movement, is considered as the largest independence movement after the March First Independence Movement. Although students took the lead of independence movement, it was a holistic national movement that posed not only school issue but also colonial education, Japanese colonial rule issue, and national liberation. It started from teenage students of Gwangju but has spread to nationwide such as Seoul, Pyeongyang, Gyeongsang, Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, Gangwon, Pyeong-an, Hamgyeong and so on. It was nationwide and worldwide scale of independence movement as has spread to China, Japan, the Soviet Union, the United States, Mexico, Cuba and so on. So Government has commemorated November 3rd as ‘Student’s day’ since 1953, until the Park Junghee regime abolished it in 1973. This paper, firstly, deals with the support of Gwangju Students Independence Movement from the United States. Second, it examines supporting activities of ‘Support Association for Gwangju Students Independence Movement’, which was newly organized for support. Third, this research discusses ‘Korean Student Federation of North American’ and ‘Korean Women’s Patriots Association, which preexisted.

박정희-카터와 문재인-트럼프 행정부의 안보딜레마: 국제정치 패러다임과 대통령의 리더십

본 논문에서는 동맹국 간에 갈등과 협조가 공존하는 현상에 대해서 안보파트너십의 2×2 모형을 통한 안보동맹의 제도화 관계를 연구하고자 한다. 동맹국 간에는 정치적, 군사적 수준에서 동시에 연루나 방기의 복잡한 상황에 직면할 수 있다. 이를 연구하기 위해서 한미 안보동맹의 두 시기를 대상으로 특히 안보파트너십의 형성에 영향을 미치는 국제정치 패러다임과 대통령의 리더십 변화에 주목하였다.<BR> 카터-박정희 행정부에서는 카터가 주도하는 도덕외교와 주한미군 철군으로 갈등이 빚어지면서 군사주도형 안보파트너십의 작동으로 한미연합군사령부의 창설로 제도화되었다. 문재인-트럼프 행정부에서는 트럼프가 주도하는 ‘선택적 개입주의’ 국제질서 패러다임, 미중 패권 전쟁에서의 우방국 동참 및 방위비 분담 증가 요구 등 공고한 관계를 요구하나, 문재인 대통령은 균형외교로 현상유지적인 입장을 보이고 있다. 국제정치 패러다임과 대통령들의 리더십은 연루와 방기의 안보딜레마의 중요한 요인이 되고 있다. 동맹의 발전을 위한 현실적 대안의 모색을 고민해봐야 할 것이다.

박정희-카터와 문재인-트럼프 행정부의 안보딜레마: 국제정치 패러다임과 대통령의 리더십

본 논문에서는 동맹국 간에 갈등과 협조가 공존하는 현상에 대해서 안보파트너십의 2×2 모형을 통한 안보동맹의 제도화 관계를 연구하고자 한다. 동맹국 간에는 정치적, 군사적 수준에서 동시에 연루나 방기의 복잡한 상황에 직면할 수 있다. 이를 연구하기 위해서 한미 안보동맹의 두 시기를 대상으로 특히 안보파트너십의 형성에 영향을 미치는 국제정치 패러다임과 대통령의 리더십 변화에 주목하였다.<BR> 카터-박정희 행정부에서는 카터가 주도하는 도덕외교와 주한미군 철군으로 갈등이 빚어지면서 군사주도형 안보파트너십의 작동으로 한미연합군사령부의 창설로 제도화되었다. 문재인-트럼프 행정부에서는 트럼프가 주도하는 ‘선택적 개입주의’ 국제질서 패러다임, 미중 패권 전쟁에서의 우방국 동참 및 방위비 분담 증가 요구 등 공고한 관계를 요구하나, 문재인 대통령은 균형외교로 현상유지적인 입장을 보이고 있다. 국제정치 패러다임과 대통령들의 리더십은 연루와 방기의 안보딜레마의 중요한 요인이 되고 있다. 동맹의 발전을 위한 현실적 대안의 모색을 고민해봐야 할 것이다.

카터의 인권외교와 한미관계 - 충돌, 변형, 조정

The Carter administration, having separated itself from previous United States administrations, embraced moral value in its foreign policy. With his inauguration, President Carter emphasized human rights for South Korea and at the same time he tried to implement the campaign pledge of the withdrawal of US Forces in Korea (USFK). Yet the US Congress refused to pass any legislation of compensation for the withdrawal of the USFK because of the ‘Korean Gate.’ The Carter administration had no choice but to back down for a while to implement its policies toward Korea.BRThe year 1979 was when Carter resumed his Korea polices, as the Korean Gate ended in late 1978. However, the Carter administration faced another security challenge by releasing intelligence of the existence of additional, new North Korean divisions to the public. With these repercussions, the US and South Korea finally agreed to halt the withdrawal of the USFK in a June summit. Since then, the Carter administration intensified its human rights policy and contributed to the end of the Park Jung-hee regime on October 26. However, with the Iran hostage crisis on November 4, the Carter administration’s policy toward allies rapidly changed and put stability as the top priority over democratization or human rights enhancement. South Korea was no exception which saw the US’s lethargic response to the December 12 military coup.

박정희 정권 초기 공업센타 울산의 건설계획과 추진

박정희 정권 초기 공업센타 울산의 건설계획과 추진

미술정책과 정치적 딜레마-공공성 개념의 재구성 논의: 국립현대미술관 특수법인화 사례를 중심으로

This paper inquires the dynamics of art policy as it relates to the notion of ‘publicness’, which is the key operational principle for public museums. The result will help analyze how the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art, Korea(MMCA) has had to navigate through a series of complex political realities while seeking to espouse this publicness principle. At inception in 1969, the MMCA was conceived as one of the modernization projects of the authoritarian regime of Park Jung-Hee. Its relocation to an expanded complex in the city of Gwacheon marked the MMCA’s rebirth, allowing it to pursue the publicness goal with bona fide professionalism. Lately MMCA has become a subject of complicated debates between the government and the art community over the proposals of privatization and quangocratisation. As observed through the history of MMCA, the art policies pertaining to publicness are very often politically intertwined in the presence of conflicting and incoherent interests.

제 2차 및 3차 교육과정기의 한국 영어교육: 신문기사 분석을 중심으로

This paper explores the historical development of English education in Korea regarding the second and third National Curriculum period. By using the historical research method which analyzes newspaper articles in four major newspapers in Korea, we compared the similarities and differences between these two periods. The research questions are: 1) what are the characteristics of the second National Curriculum? 2) what are the characteristics of the third National Curriculum?, and 3) what is the implication of these previous curricula on the current English education in Korea? It was found that the second National Curriculum Period showed steady development in English education in terms of its emphasis on oral skills instead of the traditional emphasis on reading and grammar skills. However, the lack of coherence among various English textbooks, the lack of English teachers fluent in English, and the exam-oriented social atmosphere were the significant challenges in fully implementing the second National Curriculum. The third National Curriculum Period overlaps with the Yushin Regime propagated by the late President Park Junghee. During this period, a systematic effort to introduce communicative language teaching continued, whereas the exam-orientation persisted which made the English class employ teacher-centered grammar-translation methods. This paper concludes with educational suggestions and future research directions.

The Origins of the Park Jung-hee Syndrome in South Korea

In the past few decades, post-democratization politics in South Korea have witnessed an upsurge in authoritarian nostalgia, called the “Park Jung-hee syndrome.” This paper examines the origins of public nostalgia for the authoritarian dictator by putting two theoretical arguments, i.e., the socialization thesis and the system output thesis, to an empirical test. This paper utilizes the 2010 Korea Democracy Barometer from the Korea Barometer and the 2010 and the 2015 Korean National Identity Survey from the East Asia Institute. The empirical analysis of the South Korean case strongly supports the political socialization argument, suggesting that citizens’ yearning for Park Jung-hee is not merely an outcome of the negative evaluations of the democratic governments’ performances. Rather, their authoritarian nostalgia is in large part an outcome of their political socialization during the Park dictatorship. The analysis implies that, although a resurgence of the Park Jung-hee syndrome in post-democratization South Korea is not expected to derail the country’s route to democratic deepening, it may continue to be a main source of political division in partisan and electoral politics in the future.

전국체육대회 연설문을 통해 본 박정희 시대의 국가주의 스포츠

전국체육대회 연설문을 통해 본 박정희 시대의 국가주의 스포츠

Park Jung-hee's Government's Medical Welfare and Theater - focusing on plays that deal with Hansen's disease

Park Jung-hee's Government's Medical Welfare and Theater - focusing on plays that deal with Hansen's disease

Performance Evaluation of the Balanced Regional Development Policy of the Past Governments: From the Park Jung-Hee to the Park Geun-Hye Government

Performance Evaluation of the Balanced Regional Development Policy of the Past Governments: From the Park Jung-Hee to the Park Geun-Hye Government

Cultural Film of Park Jung-hee Regime and Forms of Amnesia

1970년대 박정희 정권의 문화영화는 경제와 안보라는 두 개의 전황(戰況)을 시시각각 소개하는 한편, 이 전쟁에서 승리할 수 있는 병참학(兵站學)을 교육하는 매체였다. ｢어느 근로자의 하루｣(1970)와 ｢열사의 젊은이｣(1979) 역시 산업자본의 군사적 배치를 정당화하는 서사의 전형이면서, 노동과 젠더, 민주주의가 병참학적 우선순위에 따라 어떻게 처리되는가를 특징적으로 보여주는 문화영화다. 반복적으로 등장하는 고속도로의 스펙터클은 1970년대 박정희 시대의 성취를 과시하는 거대한 축적물이자, 국민적 기억을 육성하는 기억 상실의 형식을 집약하고 있다. 이 영화들은 관객의 내면에 침투하지 못하고 겉도는 일방적 프로파간다가 아니라, 생계의 압박과 가난의 공포에서 벗어나기 위해 당장에 집중해야 할 것의 우선순위를 합리화 하는 방식을 설득력 있게 제안했다. 그리하여 수탈적 경제 시스템의 구조적 모순과 폭력성에도 불구하고, 노동을 소외하는 노동에 희생적으로 몰두할 수밖에 없고 젠더와 민주주의의 퇴행이 방치된다.

The Food Hygiene Institutionalization of Park Junghee Government in 1960s.

This article investigates the historical background and distinctive characteristics of the Korean food hygiene policy during the 1960s. The 3 main findings of this study are as follows. First, Food Sanitation Law in the 1960s was established too hastily and thus mistakenly accommodated two discordant laws as American style law and empire of Japan style law. The legislation of Food Sanitation Law was progressed too quickly for the justification purpose of 5·16 military coup, as one of reorganization tasks of the Korean legal structure established under Japanese imperialism, Second, a division in charge of food hygiene in the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs was newly installed in 1967, as an outcome reflecting a variety of social demand, at least, minimally. Rongalite shock in Korea prompted diverse suggestions for preventing unfortunate accidents from toxic and harmful food. However, Korean Government did not provide the division with necessary budget and manpower to implement relevant regulations. Third, "the special law against health crimes" legislated in 1969, was characterized by severe punishment policy which might be performed afterward but not by protective measures against accidents in advance. The law enabled regulators to punish corrupt dealers up to life sentence. For the constitutional amendment for President for the third term, Park Chung-hee's regime tried to calm down the complaints of people. In sum, the regulations of Korean food hygiene in the 1960s were identified as government practices using an interesting combination of low costs and severe punishments.

From first daughter to first lady to first woman president: Park Geun-Hye’s path to the South Korean presidency

This paper examines the role of gender and familial ties in Park Geun-Hye’s political trajectory to become the first female president of South Korea. Even though her entry into politics was heavily indebted to her kinship ties to her father Park Jung-Hee, an authoritarian leader who led South Korea from 1963 to 1979, she has consolidated her position within the party and among Korean voters as a viable, competent politician over the last fifteen years. Analyzing Korean news reports, campaign pamphlets, and her autobiography, this study reveals that Park used stereotypes of women as problem solvers in difficult times to open doors for her political entry. During the presidential campaign in 2012, Park was adept at stressing her positive “feminine” traits, overcoming the perceived weaknesses of female politicians by emphasizing her long political credentials and strengths in diplomacy and national security issues. Park presented herself as the embodiment of both change and experience through her campaign slogan “the well-prepared female president” and the public reacted favorably to the appeal.

A study of state–nature relations in a developmental state: the water resource policy of the Park Jung-Hee regime, 1961–79

Along with the literature on the ‘social construction of nature’, some scholars have recently emphasized the role of the state in the construction of nature by arguing that among various social forces and actors, the state plays a key role in making the discursive and material construction of nature. Based on this argument, and by focusing on the water resource policy of the Park Jung-Hee regime in South Korea (1961–79), this paper aims to explore the ways in which the state–nature relationship is materially and discursively produced by social forces that pursue their political and economic ends by acting in and through the state. Based on these analyses, this paper emphasizes the significance of the the state's role in hydropolitics, and suggests that hydropolitics should be seen in terms of materially and discursively contested interactions among social forces acting in and through the state and nature.

A study on the reaction and activity of filmdom to film policy of Park Jung-hee regime in the first half 1960s

본 연구자는 ‘한국영화인단체연합회-한국영화인협회(영협)’와 ‘한국영화제 작가협회/한국영화업자협회’(제협)가 영화법 제정과 개정을 둘러싸고 어떠한 입장과 태도를 보였는지를 중심으로, 1960년대 전반기 영화 정책에 대한 영 화계의 반응 및 활동 양상을 구체적으로 살펴보았다. 그리하여 도출된 본 논 문의 연구 결과는 다음과 같이 요약된다. (1) 5.16(1961) 이후 군사 정부는 ‘혁명’이라는 명목으로 국가 주도적 영화 정책을 신속하게 수립·실행하였다. 이에 영화계에서는 그것을 지지하는 입장과 태도를 보였으며, 이러한 경향은 영화법의 제정(1962)으로도 적용되었다. (2) 군사 정부의 영화 정책은 영화법 제정 및 개정으로 체계화되었고, 이는 영협과 제협 등 영화인 단체의 조직 및 구성에도 변화를 야기하였다. 영협과 제협은 영화계의 고질적 문제나 현 안의 대응 방식을 두고 대립하는 경우가 많았다. (3) 1963년 초 정부의 영화 법 개정에 대해 영화계는 반대 입장을 보였으나, 법의 공포와 시행을 이후 등록 제작업자 측의 태도는 찬성으로 돌아 섰다. 한편 민정 수립 직후 정치 권에서 영화법 폐기 주장이 제시되었고, 이를 둘러싸고 영화계는 영협을 주 축으로 한 찬성 쪽과 그것에 반대하는 한국영화업자협회로 양분되었다. 이처 럼, 영화법 제정, 개정, 폐기, 유지에 관한 상정, 도입, 처리, 건의, 찬성, 반대 등의 움직임은 영화계라는 한정된 영역을 넘나들며 다양한 벡터와 함수로 역사적 궤적을 그려 갔으며, 이에 대한 영화인 단체의 입장과 태도 역시 다 각적이고도 다층적인 성격을 드러냈다.

1980년대 송수남의 한국화, 전통과 현실 사이의 표상

In the 1980s, two tendencies which were newly emerged in Korean world of art can be ‘Korean Painting(韓國畵)’ and ‘Minjung Art’. Those two tendencies have something in common. Both of them concentrated on the concept of ‘tradition’ which has been focused since nationalism cultural policy of the Park Junghee regime started to be implemented in the 1960s. It’s surely interesting that those two parties with different interests and conditions have the cross point in the problem, ‘realistic reflection of tradition and succession’. This researcher intended to examine this problem of Song Soonam’s Korean painting of the 1980s among the Korean paintings by taking this cross point as a starting point of this research.BR The main body is organized as follows. First of all, this researcher examined from Song Soonam’s early work to the work of the 1970s when he worried about form and contents of Korean paintings after the first private exhibition of 1969 and the background. Especially, it was importantly considered that interests in paintings of the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, such as Jungsun(謙齋 鄭敾) and Kim Hongdo(檀園 金弘道), were rapidly increased after the tradition cultural policy of the Park Junghee regime. Next, among the tendencies of Korean paintings appeared by effects of Jingyeong landscape paintings(眞景山水畵), Song Soonam’s series 〈Nature and City〉 in the 1980s were compared with Lee Jongsang’s series 〈Dokdo〉. Therefore, this research examined how main interests of Korean paintings at that time were related to politic·social·cultural context. Finally, this researcher intended to mention the field of Minjung Art whose tradition was interested as much as Korean painters, compare the meaning of ‘reality’ they commonly emphasize and draw the differences so as to understand Song Soonam’s Korean paintings of the 1980s more generally and ultimately, approach the substance of Korean paintings.