Paris Peace Treaties Research Articles

DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ROMANIA AND TURKEY DURING WORLD WAR II

In the aftermath of the First World War, Romania and Turkey established a collaborative relationship, with Romania restoring its territorial integrity in 1918 and Turkey proclaiming the republic in 1923.Both states, along with Greece and Yugoslavia, pursued a policy of peaceful development and cooperation, which resulted in the formation of the Balkan Agreement. Despite the efforts of the parties involved to eschew revisionist discourse and adhere to the tenets of the Paris Peace Treaty (1919–1920), the actions of revisionist states created an atmosphere of instability and heightened tensions. This study examines the diplomatic relations between Romania and Turkey during World War II, with a particular focus on the Balkan Treaty and the foreign policy strategies of both states. The findings reveal that the Balkan Pact played a crucial role in the quest for regional security, but proved inadequate in the face of the considerable influence exerted by major powers such as Germany. This study further examines the impact of Romania's alignment with Britain and France, as well as Turkey's strategic approach in line with Atatürk’s vision, assessing their implications for regional stability.

The paradox of international reparations

For centuries, international reparations were commonly exacted as a form of victor’s justice after war. Following World War II, however, the bitter legacy of the Treaty of Versailles and West Germany’s compensation of Nazism’s victim shifted this practice, ushering in a novel moral economy of international reparations. Yet, while recent decades have seen increased transnational activism around reparations, as well as interstate aid payments and official apologies, international reparations remain infrequent, and agreements often fail to end financial claims. This paper argues that one explanation for this lackluster record is a central paradox relating to finality. Though international reparations are designed to settle accounts and provide a basis for deeper reconciliation, by opening issues of traumatic memory to public debate, they often achieve the opposite effect and inspire a cascade of further financial claims. As evidence, we examine three cases of international reparations’ occurrence and rejection: Germany’s reparations for Nazi-era crimes, the United Nations Compensation Commission (UNCC) formation following Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, and reparations negotiated but removed from the 1973 Paris Peace Accords. Employing process tracing methods on archival documents, we demonstrate in each case how this paradox helps explain international reparations’ limitations as a practice.

Woodrow Wilson's Influence on WWI and the Paris Peace Treaties: Assessing the Impact and Challenges of a Visionary Leader

World War I (WWI) had a big impact on territories in Asia, Africa, and Europe and led to the fall of some monarchies, resulting in the rise of empires like the British and French. WWII broke out despite these changes and established a new world order, with the Soviet Union and the United States becoming the dominant global superpowers. The United States played an important role in ending WWI and later in the peace negotiations through President Woodrow Wilson (Cooper Jr, 2008). In this passage, I will assess Woodrow Wilson's influence on the war aims and the Paris peace treaties.

The diplomatic departure from limbo: three valedictory despatches by British consuls in Hanoi during the period of the Vietnam War

ABSTRACT The British maintained a consulate in Hanoi throughout the Vietnam War, even though neither government officially recognised the other. Although these representatives were extremely restricted in their movements, they managed to remain remarkably well informed about the capital, the country, and the impact of the war. This article examines the valedictory despatches of three of the last consuls, who gave their final impressions of their post in the waning days of the conflict. The first diplomat, Daphne Park, wrote hers in 1970, when the war was still raging. The second despatch, by T.J. Everard, dates from 1973, year of the Paris Peace Accords that ended U.S. participation in the conflict. The third, from J.H. Fawcett, was sent in January 1975 as the complete defeat of South Vietnam neared. Each one provides a fascinating insight into a country, a war, and a period of great upheaval. They each reflect on, in very different ways at very different points, the evolution of the North Vietnamese people and their slow and uneven departure from war as they seek to rebuild the nation. They also illustrate the slow progression of the British consulate in Hanoi from MI6 outpost to a more conventional embassy status.

Politično delovanje Slovencev na Tržaškem, Goriškem in Videmskem po podpisu Pariške mirovne pogodbe leta 1947

For Slovenians, who became a national minority in Italy, the new border demarcation resulting from the Paris Peace Treaty in 1947 opened a new chapter of political engagement, with the formation of new political parties with clear ideological and national profiles. There were significant differences in the political field among Slovenians who lived in the provinces of Trieste, Gorizia and Udine, stemming from different historical, social as well as national contexts. Ideological differentiation was also prominent in 1947, further “enriched” in 1948 by the dispute between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union following the Cominform resolution. Ever since the pre-war times, a dividing line had been based on two concepts of political action: independent Slovenian political engagement on the one hand and integration into Italian parties on the other.

The Burgenland Question 1919–1924. A bilateral and international problem

Richard Lein, The Burgenland Question 1919–1924. A bilateral and international problem The question of border demarcation between Austria and Hungary after 1918 is mostly mentioned only in passing in the historiography on the Paris peace conference and on the European post-war order. This does not surprise since other territorial conflicts of the immediate post-war period in East-Central and Southeast Europe appeared too important for researchers to pay greater attention to the dispute over the West Hungarian territory. In fact, however, the Burgenland Question, later referred to as such, proved to be exceedingly conflictual from both the bilateral as well as the international perspective. Thus, Hungary’s refusal to cede the territory granted to Austria at the Paris peace conference not only strained bilateral relations between Vienna and Budapest. What is more, Hungary’s behaviour, which contradicted the provisions of the Treaty of Trianon, was a test for the entire system of the Paris Peace Treaties. The victorious powers of the First World War, attempting to keep the system intact, struggled visibly trying to find a peaceful solution for the Burgenland Question. However, the conflict was also shaped by the active intervention of Italy and Czechoslovakia. With their interferences, Rome and Prague were primarily pursuing the goal of gaining political and economic influence in Central Europe. In view of the diverging interests of the two powers in the region, this tended to fuel the conflict rather than resolving it. In the end, however, international mediation succeeded in brokering a compromise between Austria and Hungary in the Burgenland Question. This compromise represents the starting point for the good neighbourly relations between the two countries to this day.

Krajši pregled represije jugoslovanskega režima ob zahodni meji od konca vojne 1945 do srede petdesetih let

This paper presents a brief overview of various aspects of the repression performed by the Communist regime in the Primorska region between the end of the World War II in 1945 and the mid-1950s. The paper covers three periods: the period of the forty-day Yugoslav government in the Julian March in May 1945, the periods of Zone A and Zone B of the Julian March (from 12 June 1945 to 15 September 1947) and the first years after the delimitation following 15 September 1947, when the Primorska region was annexed to the People’s Republic of Slovenia, then part of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia according to the Paris Peace Treaty.

»V šolah ni mesta za politično propagando« (J. P. Simoni): Slovensko šolstvo na Tržaškem in Goriškem pred podpisom Pariške mirovne pogodbe in po njem v luči zapisnika seje o tekočih vprašanjih šolstva z dne 6. avgusta 1946

The aim of this article is to present the state of Slovenian education in the Zone A of the former Julian March before and after the signature of the Paris Peace Treaty on 10 February 1947. It draws on the minutes of the session held on 6 August 1946 at the headquarters of the Allied Military Government in Trieste, as this session was intended for the review of the first school year after the liberation from Nazifascism. The minutes are kept in the historical archives of the Trieste provincial office for Slovenian education and have never before been the subject of historical analysis. They reveal the school system’s main difficulties, which were the subject of a fierce clash of different political factors in the immediate post-war period. The author compares the findings obtained from these minutes with the findings of the scientific literature on the same topic. In the second part of the paper, the author discusses the changes that occurred after 15 September 1947, when the provisions of the Paris Peace Treaty came into force. He draws particular attention to the various consequences of this historic step for the Slovenian schools in Trieste and Gorizia.

Hungarian Language as a Factor of Identity Preservation in Transylvania Nowadays in Comparison with Russian Identity in Moldova

The language is one of the main factors of nation-building and culture preservation. Among other factors, language is perhaps the most important one in creating national identity − it shapes the personality, the mentality, the worldview, the behavior, the lifestyle, the value system and the national character. The relationship between language and identity played an important role in national revival in the XIX century in Europe and is extremely topical in our days. This fact can be explained by intensified migration, political processes and second language acquisition. Especially it is valid for countries that went through consequential territorial changes and where natural bilingualism is present. In such countries, national or linguistic minorities are faced with the growing necessity to learn and use two or even more languages and, at the same time, to preserve their language and, thus, the national identity. Examples of such territories can be Transcarpathia, Vojvodina and Transylvania. The latter with a major percent of Hungarian population, was a part of Romania in the interwar period and since 1947 as a result of Trianon and Paris peace treaties. Another example is the multinational Republic of Moldova, which gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. Nowadays more and more people in Transylvania and in the Republic of Moldova claim to be bilingual. This leads to identifying themselves with more than one ethnicity. What would this mean and how would it influence the cultural diversity in these regions? In this study we will present a short theory on the topic as well historical background and the results of sociolinguistic questionnaires conducted in Transylvania and in the Republic of Moldova in February-September 2021. The aim of this research is to examine how mother tongue usage can be a key-factor of national identity and what are the possibilities of its preservation in a multilingual environment in Transylvania and in the Republic of Moldova. To accomplish the goals, we will compare the results of the questionnaires to sociolinguistic theories on language and identity. In the future, the study will developed, interviews on language attitudes will be conducted in the above-mention regions. The results will be included into a bigger sociolinguistic study “Russian Language in Moldova vs. Hungarian Language in Transylvania”, where a more detailed description of the linguistic situation in Transylvania and Moldova will be provided.

The State of the Romanian Navy in 1950

"The military measures established by the Paris Peace Treaty of 10 February 1947 considerably diminished the Romanian Armed Forces combat capacity. The international diplomatic document stipulated that the armed forces should not exceed 138,000 troops, the number of military aircraft was reduced to 150, of which 100 were fighter jets, and the Navy was forbidden to have submarines and torpedoes in the inventory. Moreover, the Navy could be staffed with a maximum of 5,000 people, and the value of the total tonnage of the ships could not exceed 15,000 TDW. Starting in 1948, the Romanian People’s Republic Armed Forces were reorganised, in compliance with the impositions of the Allied Control Commission (Soviet Party) and the provisions of the Paris Peace Treaty. In this context, the Navy, together with the Navy Command as a higher echelon, had a new organisation, which also took into account the budgetary problems Romania had to face after the Second World War."

Review: Building Socialism: The Afterlife of East German Architecture in Urban Vietnam

Review: <i>Building Socialism: The Afterlife of East German Architecture in Urban Vietnam</i>

The Emerging Power Play in the Mekong Subregion: A Japanese Perspective

The Emerging Power Play in the Mekong Subregion:A Japanese Perspective Kei Koga (bio) As one of the most active development donors in Southeast Asia, Japan has committed to socioeconomic development in the Mekong subregion since the end of the Cold War. However, as the Sino-U.S. rivalry intensifies, socioeconomic development in Asia, including the Mekong subregion, has become a theater for strategic competition. In 2013, China initiated the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), raising its economic and political influence in the region through massive development assistance. For its part, Japan launched the Partnership for Quality Infrastructure (PQI) in 2015 to boost its assistance to Asia, and Tokyo strengthened its development cooperation with like-minded partners, particularly the United States, by establishing joint frameworks such as the OPIC-JBIC-Australia agreement on development finance in 2018 and the Blue Dot Network in 2019.1 Is the Mekong subregion destined to be subsumed into a power play of China versus Japan and the United States? This essay argues that Japan does not always aim to counterbalance China's growing influence in the Mekong subregion and could even play a role to ease geopolitical tensions in the region. Although the intensified U.S.-China strategic competition narrows Japan's diplomatic space to engage China, the Mekong subregion is still a potential area for Japan-China cooperation, mitigating the negative impact of great-power rivalry. Under the condition that China meets "quality infrastructure" standards, Japan and China could explore cooperation on development policy through a working-level bilateral dialogue, the ASEAN +3 (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations members plus China, Japan, and South Korea), and the East Asia Summit. The Development of Japan-Mekong Relations Japan's development commitment to the Mekong subregion began near the end of the Cold War, when Vietnam and Laos moved to become market [End Page 28] economies in the late 1980s and the Paris Peace Accords for Cambodia were signed in 1991. To facilitate the subregion's socioeconomic development, Japan created the Forum for Comprehensive Development of Indochina in 1993 to promote connectivity, such as the Greater Mekong Subregion's East-West Economic Corridor that aimed to improve transportation and economic integration between the states. Japan's Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) and the ASEAN Economic Mechanism (AEM) also established the AEM-MITI Working Group of Economic Cooperation for Indochina and Myanmar in 1994 to facilitate market economy and infrastructure development.2 After ASEAN incorporated all five Mekong subregional states as members, Japan aimed to help address the "ASEAN divide"—the large economic and development gap between the original ASEAN members and the new members, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam (CLMV). Accordingly, when Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam (CLV) proposed the concept of a "development triangle," they successfully solicited Japan for political and financial support.3 The countries then created the Japan-CLV framework, through which they held summits and foreign ministers' meetings annually from 2006 to 2008 to discuss subregional development schemes. From 2007 onward Japan's socioeconomic focus began to shift when it launched the Japan-Mekong Region Partnership Program. The program has three pillars: (1) economic integration, (2) trade and investment expansion, and (3) "universal values" and common goals, particularly the Millennium Development Goals.4 Japan then expanded its official development assistance (ODA) to the region and conducted negotiations for bilateral investment agreements with Cambodia and Laos, respectively. This Japan-Mekong framework was rapidly institutionalized through regular foreign ministers' meetings from 2008 and summits from 2009. The framework also gradually incorporated discussions over regional strategic [End Page 29] issues, such as the management of China's rapidly growing influence in the Mekong subregion.5 In 2010, Japan's intention to shape the subregional order based on existing international rules and norms grew clearer. It used the Japan-Mekong cooperation framework as a steppingstone for this agenda, corresponding with the U.S. "rebalancing" strategy and the Lower Mekong Initiative (LMI). To be sure, Japan still emphasized socioeconomic development as a top priority. The Tokyo Strategy 2012, which was issued during the 4th Mekong-Japan Summit and encapsulated three-year cooperative guidelines, aimed to build connectivity through infrastructure development, improve the investment environment...

The Next Target: Amending the Amending Procedure

The end of WW1 caused the origin of the “South Tyrolean question” represented by the status of the German speaking population since ever living in the territory that had been annexed to the Kingdom of Italy first and then to the Italian Republic. However, the Paris Peace Treaty included the Degasperi-Gruber Agreement that established an international obligation to safeguard the culture of the language minority and to grant them legislative and administrative autonomy. Initially the obligation was not implemented in conformity to the Agreement. A new round of negotiations eventually led to a new fundamental normative setting of the Provinces of Bolzano/South Tyrol and Trentino within a Region with a marginal role (1972). The method of negotiation has proved historically to carry on a positive outcome and in fact it has been introduced and applied also to the purpose of managing some vital contents of the relationship between the provincial and state authorities. The basic source of the autonomy must be approved by a constitutional act adopted by the national Parliament and no participatory role by the two Provinces is constitutionally safeguarded, although such participation has so far always been acknowledged by practice. But practice is an insufficient safeguard in the current political context that is not favorable to any of the Regions with a special autonomy. The paper suggests an amendment to the present rules concerning the amending procedure that should be the priority before facing the substantive reforms that are much needed for ensuring a good governance of the system.

The Sky beyond Versailles: The Paris Peace Treaties in Recent Historiography

Previous articleNext article No AccessReview ArticleThe Sky beyond Versailles: The Paris Peace Treaties in Recent HistoriographyRobert GerwarthRobert GerwarthUniversity College Dublin Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 93, Number 4December 2021 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/716966 Views: 1336Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref © 2021 The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Pol Dalmau Catalans and Rifis during the Wilsonian Moment: The Quest for Self-Determination in the Post-Versailles World, Contemporary European History 32, no.11 (Mar 2022): 131–145.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0960777321000680

The United States and Human Rights Marginalization at the International Court of Justice, 1945–1950

Abstract Using the 1950 International Court of Justice (ICJ) Paris Peace Treaties advisory opinions as a vantage point, this articles explores the changing attitude of the American government towards the emerging United Nations human rights regime and the latter became entangled in Cold War politics. The first part situates the contribution of this article within the postwar human rights historiography. The second part explores how US legal advisors constructed arguments destined to insulate the American domestic legal system from the alleged domestic disruptive effects of the new human rights. The final section delves into the cases of Cardinal Mindszenty of Budapest and Archbishop Stepinac of Zagreb, and how they reverberated at the ICJ. It argues that US legal advisors sought to turn the human rights violations that triggered the judicial proceedings into violations of treaty provisions. In the process, the ICJ validated this transformation and, thus contributed, to marginalizing the emerging United Nations human rights regime.

VẬN ĐỘNG VÀ TĂNG CƯỜNG MẶT TRẬN NHÂN DÂN THẾ GIỚI ỦNG HỘ VIỆT NAM TẠI MỸ, CÁC NƯỚC TƯ BẢN CHỦ NGHĨA THÔNG QUA ĐỐI NGOẠI NHÂN DÂN GIAI ĐOẠN 1965-1973

The article investigates people's diplomacy of Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) from 1965 to1973, aiming to gain American and Western support and sympathy for the Vietnamese revolution. The resistance war against the US became more difficult and fiercer when the US government deployed more political and diplomatic activities to support its military campaigns in South Vietnam as well as negotiations at the Paris Conference. In addition, the Sino-Soviet split had been growing more tense, causing many difficulties for Vietnam’s anti-imperialist struggle. Therefore, the Labor Party of Vietnam and the Government of the DRV paid great attention to people’s diplomacy aiming to demonstrate Vietnam's position on American War, the legitimacy of the anti-American resistance war, thereby bringing popular pressure to bear on US government to sign the 1973 Paris Peace Accords and withdraw US military troops.

The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 3)

The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.&#x0D; It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.&#x0D; Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role.&#x0D; It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.&#x0D; It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.&#x0D; It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.&#x0D; Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.

An Empire of Free Ports: British Commercial Imperialism in the 1766 Free Port Act

AbstractThe Free Port Act of 1766 was an important reform in British political economy during the so-called imperial crisis between the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) and the American Revolution (1775–1783). In an explicit break from the letter if not the spirit of the Navigation Acts, the act opened six British ports in the West Indies (two in Dominica and four in Jamaica) to foreign merchants trading in a highly regulated number of goods subject to various duties. Largely understudied, this legislation has been characterized in most previous work on the subject as a fundamental break from British mercantile policies and meant to benefit North American colonial merchants. This article proposes a different interpretation. Based on the wider context of other imperial free port models, the loss of conquests such as French Guadeloupe and Martinique and Spanish Havana in the 1763 Paris Peace Treaty, a postwar downturn in Anglo-Spanish trade, and convincing testimonies by merchants and colonial observers, policy makers in London conceived of free ports primarily as a means of extending Britain's commercial empire. The free port system was designed to ruin the rival Dutch trade economically and shackle Spanish and French colonists to Britain's mercantile, manufacturing, and slaving economies. The reform marks a key moment in the evolution of British free trade imperial designs that became prevalent in the nineteenth century and beyond.

The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 2)

The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.&#x0D; It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.&#x0D; Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role&#x0D; It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.&#x0D; It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.&#x0D; It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.&#x0D; Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.

ПЕРЕСЕЛЕННЯ ТА ВЛАШТУВАННЯ БОЛГАР НА ТЕРИТОРІЇ БЕССАРАБІЇ У 30–50-х РР. ХІХ СТ.

The article is devoted to the fact that the Russo - Turkish war of 1828–1829 led to the mass resettlement of Bulgarians in Bessarabia, which was part of the Russian Empire since 1812. Transdanubian settlers received 50 dess. of land per family. The Bulgarians became colonists. Their legal status was enshrined in the "Charter of Foreign Colonies in the Empire." They were subordinated to the Trusteeship Committee for Foreign Immigrants of the Southern Territory of Russia and the Office for Transdanubian Immigrants. They had the opportunity to buy land outside the colonies, to engage in handicrafts and trade. The Bulgarians were released from military service. At the same time, the tsarist government paid little attention to the education of Transdanubian settlers, without allocating funds from the state budget. The education of the children of the Bessarabian Bulgarians was entrusted directly to the colonial societies. The Crimean War of 1853–1856 changed the position of the Bulgarians. Many of them voluntarily joined the Russian army to fight against foreign invaders. The Bulgarians defended Sevastopol, took part in the siege of the Turkish fortress of Silistria, and carried out a border guard in the ranks of the Danube Cossack army. Transdanubian settlers donated food and raised money for military needs. Russia's defeat in the Crimean War had a negative effect on their future because according to Article XXI of the Paris Peace Treaty, the three southern counties of Bessarabia came under the jurisdiction of the Principality of Moldavia. Outside Russia, there were 40 colonies with a population of 22,365 people. Thanks to the efforts of the Russian authorities, from 1857 to 1860 only 500 families of Bulgarian colonists returned to the land of their second homeland. Transdanubian migrants who remained within Russia found themselves in a difficult economic situation due to the severance of economic ties associated with the new border division. In addition, they had to provide apartments to Cossack troops and border guards. Despite all the difficulties, the Bulgarians remained colonists. The Russian government retained this status, hoping to attract new Slavic settlers from the Balkan possessions of the Ottoman Empire.