Movement Organizations Research Articles

A Variational Bayesian Gaussian Mixture-Nonnegative Matrix Factorization Model to Extract Movement Primitives for Robust Control

Nonnegative matrix factorization (NMF) is a powerful tool for parameter estimation applied in numerous robotics applications, such as path planning, motion trajectory prediction, and motion intention detection. In particular, NMF has been successfully used to extract simplified and organized movement primitives from myoelectric signal (MES) for robust control of multi-degree of freedom humanoid robots. However, MES is typically contaminated by complex noise sources. The system performance often degrades due to the simplified Gaussian assumption of the noise distribution in existing NMF methods. Furthermore, most existing NMF models are unable to automatically determine the rank of the latent matrices. To address these issues, this article presents a hybrid variational Bayesian Gaussian mixture and NMF (GMNMF) model with a finite Gaussian mixture model adopted to fit the mixed noise density function of MES. In addition, the automatic relevant determination criterion is applied to automatically infer the number of movement primitives. The coordinate descent update rules for the proposed model are formulated by mean-field variational Bayesian inference. We assess the model performance on five synthetic noise distribution functions and an experimental MES dataset to perform six wrist movements. The results demonstrate that GMNMF yields low error and high robustness in extracting the movement primitives over four competitive methods for robust cybernetic control.

전후 트랜스내셔널 ‘서구(Abendland)’ 운동을 통해 본 유럽통합

The central piece of the postwar Abendland movement was European integration. The historical origin of this European vision can be found in the idea of Abendland itself, which departs from the ideal of the Sacrum Imperium of the Middle Age. However, the path, on which the postwar Abendland movement had walked down as an organization in the process of its transformation into an European integration movement was extremely rugged. The so-called CEDI was cast to European stage when it was launched, and thereafter had to switch its partners multiple times in order to survive as an organization in the middle of the stormy conjuncture of the Cold War era. Its agenda was much more transnational, compared to another European movement organization based in West-Germany, i.e. Europa-Union, which belonged to the main stream movement aiming at founding a United States of Europe. The clearest transnationality of the CEDI lies in its persistent focus on the Central and Eastern Europe and the political goal of setting this region free from the Soviet’s claw.
 The decisive move of the CEDI towards this ultimate goal was the organizational merge with Paneuropean Union in 1972. The CEDI already restored its ancient pivot of the Abendland, i.e. the Central and Eastern Europe, as its main agenda through the collaboration with De Gaul France government, and it did not lose sight of this pivot again even after they split. Eventually since the CEDI merged with PEU, it properly start collaborating with the expellee’s association in West-Germany and its efforts to realize the agenda of ‘christliches Großeuropa’ led to the historical event, the Paneuropean Picnic in 1989, which made the first kick to tear down the iron curtain.

Leaderfulness from a Gramscian perspective: Building organic intellectuals within Black lives matter

Contemporary social movements and organizations have increasingly embraced the notion of ‘leaderfulness’. This development has the possibility of affecting the current struggles these movements face as well as the activist landscapes of the future. Due to its distinct contribution to developing an analysis of leadership, this article seeks to position Gramsci’s intellectual work at the heart of understanding the ways in which these contemporary movement organizations are using organizational structures to address social objectives and the implications this has on the movement. Specifically, this article examines the Black Lives Matter Global Network, which openly advocates for leaderfulness, through documentary content analysis and 22 interviews of activists across 18 local chapters. We find that the structures for promoting leaderfulness which Gramsci had advocated for were lacking and, we argue, this was the reason why the development of leaderfulness was limited. This article helps to shed light on the difficulties of social movement momentum and proposes a solution drawn from Gramsci’s work.

“Communist Controlled Black Barbarism”: The Citizen’s Councils of America’s Anti-Communist Master Frame Cluster and the Renovation of White Supremacist Ideology

Using insights from a content coding analysis of discourse from the most influential White supremacist segregationist organization of the early Cold War decades, Citizen’s Councils of America (CCA or Council), I argue that social movement organizations use a master frame cluster, a package of closely related, overlapping frames with a core master frame to adapt and update pre-existing, older ideology to contemporaneous sociopolitical currents and thereby mainstream, modernize, and streamline propaganda messaging. From its media outlets and White supremacist ideology, the Council deployed what I call its Anti-Communist Master Frame Cluster, proclaiming that unrestrained Black savagery and misguided White sympathy, including liberals, leftists, and socialists, all followed a downward slope toward communist tyranny or what the Council called, “Communist controlled Black barbarism.” Twenty-first century conservative rightwing media has inherited the CCA’s master frame cluster to discredit Black Lives Matter protests, still using anti-communist messaging, but with a “Black-on-Black” crime narrative as the main propaganda weapon against Black protest.

Do Human Rights Reinforce Border Regimes? Differential Approaches to Human Rights in the Movement Opposing Border Regimes in Berlin

ABSTRACT Scepticism often dominates the debate regarding the potential of human rights for eroding border regimes. Powerful actors make use of human rights to justify migration control. However, subaltern groups can also rely on human rights to challenge oppression. In this article, I argue that the ambivalence of human rights must be contextualised within the wider human rights politics pursued by different social actors. By drawing on my ethnography of the social movement contesting border regimes in Berlin, I analyse how different social movement organisations contest deportation and I emphasise crucial differences in their approaches to human rights. More specifically, human rights NGOs, which I conceptualise as moderate organisations, draw on legal notions of human rights and oppose deportations only partially. In contrast, radical organisations oppose all deportations by elaborating non-legal notions of human rights. I contend that NGOs see human rights as imperatives that need to be upheld by the law and state institutions. In contrast, radical organisations conceive of human rights as aspirations for social justice and locate the source of human rights in social struggles. These differential approaches to human rights entail a distinctive potential for eroding border regimes as they underpin different models of migration governance.

PANDANGAN ISLAM DAN PANDANGAN SUKU SAMAWA TERHADAP PERNIKAHAN SESAMA JENIS

In recent years, the issue of same-sex marriage (gay and lesbian) is spreading on the surface and has been widely discussed by various groups. In Indonesia, the number of perpetrators of same-sex marriage is increasing in the name of human rights that must be respected and upheld, so this certainly raises pros and cons. This increase occurred due to increased internet access; the world of entertainment showing LGBT dramas; unrestricted access to pornography; narcotics; and the emergence of many LGBT movement organizations. In addition to biological factors, the influence of the immediate environment, namely family, relationships, and sexual violence, is also the cause of the emergence of LGBT. Same-sex marriage is prohibited in Islam because it violates nature and is contrary to Islamic Shari'a so that it triggers the maintenance of honor, soul, lineage, and reason. In short, same-sex marriage interferes with human physical and mental health. In the view of the Samawa tribe, same-sex marriage is also a deviant behavior, so that the perpetrator will be given punishment according to the existing customs and developed in the Samawa tribe.

AKSELERASI MUTU PENDIDIKAN DASAR MELALUI TOTAL QUALITY MANAGEMENT

The low quality of human resources is a fundamental problem that hinders the economic development of the country. Statistical data shows that Indonesia's labor force is still dominated by people with basic education. This low level of education is an obstacle to our ability to produce competitive products using the latest technology. The method used in this study uses a literature method or approach. Literature research can be interpreted as a series of activities related to how data in the form of literature is collected, compiled, and analyzed to produce findings. The application of Total Quality Management (TQM) in the field of education must be fundamental and sustainable. Educational institutions should adopt TQM as a process and initiative to improve and restore the quality of education in managed school institutions, since the application of TQM principles produces good results in achieving quality. The principles of TQM are likened to pillars that strengthen and support the organizational movement of a school institution to achieve the specified quality.

Framing in the Authoritarian Context: Policy Advocacy by Environmental Movement Organisations in China

ABSTRACT When do CSOs succeed in influencing policy when working under one-party regimes? This article compares two cases in which Environmental CSOs (ECSOs) in China tried to influence policies. This article argues that the difference between success and failure is connected to the types of frames that the organizations use and how well these frames can link to meta-cultural master frames. Most studies have concentrated on how activists apply frames to get resonance among the population to mobilize people against the regime. However, under an authoritarian regime that greatly represses public demonstrations, it is often more important to frame arguments in a manner that gets resonance among policymakers than it is to gain resonance among the population. Even though it has been rare to analyze how CSOs frame their arguments vis-à-vis policymakers, some recent studies of Chinese CSOs have done so. However, these studies do not go deep enough in elaborating the cultural and historical contexts of these framing strategies. Our study goes deeper in this direction, by claiming that in order to get resonance the frames must be in line with the cultural norms of society. Consequently, we link culture to the “master frames.” Scholars are often reluctant to discuss master frames because the term itself is a bit diffuse and it is not always apparent how to use it. By tying master frames to a meta-cultural analysis, we make it clearer how the concept of master frames can be useful for analyzing the framing strategies of political entrepreneurs.

A South African Perspective on Learning in Social Movement Activism

There is a body of education scholarship in South Africa that captures the role played by social movements in democratising education in post-apartheid South Africa. However, this scholarship says little about how power dynamics affect learning and intellectual labour in social movements or social movement organisations. In addition, the issue of learning in social movements or social movement organisations is hardly explored in the South African social movement literature. This lack of focus on how activists, especially grassroots activists in working-class communities, learn and produce knowledge in social movements and organisations obscures the complexity of learning and knowledge production in activist settings. This article explores how activists, especially grassroots activists, learn in social movements. Based on secondary literature and interviews, the article advances two main arguments: First, learning in social movements and organisations takes place in non-formal and informal ways. Both these forms of learning take place inside and outside formal educational settings. And they both contribute to the empowerment and critical consciousness of activists in social movements and organisations. In addition, informal learning takes place inside and outside popular educational spaces. However, it is not inevitable that non-formal and informal forms of learning in activist settings will generate critical knowledge and activist practices that disrupt the status quo. Second, power relations based on “race”, social class, gender, and sexuality, among other axes of social division, impact on how learning takes place in non-formal or popular contexts of education. This article seeks to understand how power relations shape the learning and knowledge production process in social movements and organisations.

AKSELERASI MUTU PENDIDIKAN DASAR MELALUI TOTAL QUALITY MANAGEMENT

AbstractThe low quality of human resources is a fundamental problem that hinders the economic development of the country. Statistical data shows that Indonesia's labor force is still dominated by people with basic education. This low level of education is an obstacle to our ability to produce competitive products using the latest technology. The method used in this study uses a literature method or approach. Literature research can be interpreted as a series of activities related to how data in the form of literature is collected, compiled, and analyzed to produce findings. The application of Total Quality Management (TQM) in the field of education must be fundamental and sustainable. Educational institutions should adopt TQM as a process and initiative to improve and restore the quality of education in managed school institutions, since the application of TQM principles produces good results in achieving quality. The principles of TQM are likened to pillars that strengthen and support the organizational movement of a school institution to achieve the specified quality.Keywords: Elementary School, Quality, Total Quality Management

관동대지진 이후 일본지역 조선인 유학생계의 변화와 학생운동의 추이

This paper reviewed changes in society of Choseon students in Japan in 1920s and progress of student movement, focusing on activity patterns of Choseon Students Association in Tokyo before and after Great Kanto Earthquake. Through this, the paper tried to reconsider the characteristics of students in the colonial period. Existing studies considered student association as an organization that represents Anti-Japan awareness of Choseon students. Through this, those studies believed that most of Choseon students were united and participated in student movement. But this study found that student association since the earthquake disaster was not a group representing the entire Choseon students. In addition, it was found that it lost the characteristics as an organization of student movement and gradually changed into a social group centered on students attending specific schools. This implies that Choseon students after earthquake disaster no longer took a united stance about national issues. As hostility on socialism had heightened and gaps between economic power of students and school level had widened, groups with different stances had emerged within the society of Choseon students. Management of each college reunion which occupied key posts of student association strengthened such gaps by making qualification of members more strict rather than promoting their unity. As a result, socialists who were pushed out defined duties of students as whether or not to participate in social movement to be against with it. While confrontation between two continued, students who tried to settle in the system increased. Paradoxically, the cases of calling students by the student movement had gradually decreased.

Black identity formation and the civil rights in Brasil

This paper aims to establish an association between black racial identity formation and the struggle to guarantee civil rights in Brazil. The consolidation of racial identity is a determining factor for the subject to become an active social agent, able to enjoy all their rights as a citizen. The introduction contextualizes matters involving identity formation in the colonial e imperial periods. Next, we examine the construction and consolidation of black identity from the legal abolition of slavery until the contemporary advances in the conquest of rights in Brazil. Finally, we observe that the consolidation of racial identity is directly linked to the organization and strengthening of Black Brazilian movement.

GERAKAN DAKWAH MUHAMMADIYAH DI CIANJUR 1970-2012

This paper aims to find out the beginning of the emergence of Muhammadiyah, the potential of Muhammadiyah proselytizing, to the method of developing Muhammadiyah in Cianjur. Thus giving rise to a new view of the development of this civic organization. Regarding the beginning of the entry of Muhammadiyah in Cianjur Regency, which was officially formed and began to be organized in 1970. In this period Muhammadiyah established SMP and SMEA Muhammadiyah which were part of Muhammadiyah proselytizing in the field of education. The potential of Muhammadiyah proselytizing in Cianjur Regency, lies in its charitable efforts and the focus of this organization's movement is in the field of education, be it kindergarten or paud, elementary school, junior high school, high school or university startups. In the muhammadiyah development method in Cianjur Regency, it is more developed in the field of education, then, the establishment of branches that encourage the establishment of branches so that guidance on understanding the concept of Muhammadiyah is carried out in an organizational hierarchy. In addition, Muhammadiyah in Cianjur Regency penetrated into the entrepreneurial sector. This is one of the methods of developing proselytizing in reducing the poverty of people in terms of economic independence.

The antinuclear power movement in India after the Fukushima disaster: the case of Koodankulam

ABSTRACT This article shows how the international nuclear disaster in Fukushima affected the antinuclear movement in Koodankulam by using the cross-national diffusion model proposed by Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak and Giugni (1995) . It examines the impact of the international disaster on the antinuclear movement and its subsequent expansion in terms of protest events and organizational trajectories. It also describes the new participants and actors in this antinuclear power issue. The research questions are addressed through archives, handbills, unpublished documents, and semi-structured interviews. I argue that diffusion of information and domestic opportunities helped the antinuclear groups erect a protest camp that offered manufactured vulnerability. This induced several meso and micro level social movement organizations and political parties to join the antinuclear movement, leading to expansion at the organizational level and the formation of coalitions. Further, the participation of newly joined social movement organizations and political parties in the mobilization helped the movement expand its protest events and led to an increase in the level of contention. The study contributes to the study of antinuclear movements and cross-national diffusion.

Mobilization momentum: A network approach to the temporality and effectiveness of environmental movements

Past environmental scholars have sought to explain why environmental mobilization succeeds or fails in reducing environmental hazards, but less scholarship has assessed why environmental mobilization occurs. To examine this question, we employ a month-level temporal model to predict the likelihood of a mobilization event taking place, and a network-analysis model that predicts the involvement of Social Movement Organizations (SMO's). Our results indicate that, with the exception of anti-nuclear mobilization, the environmental movement saw demobilization effects from past events, most strongly for institutional events such as lawsuits. However, past SMO participation significantly increased the likelihood of a non-nuclear environmental protest occurring in the subsequent period. We also find that SMO's prefer to participate in events which match their past experiences, have greater public participation, and target the government. These findings support resource mobilization theory by highlighting the positive influence that SMO's have on mobilization formation and momentum as well as demonstrating how SMO participation shapes and is shaped by event characteristics. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of our results for the future of the environmental movement.

Datafication and implicated networks of demobilization: social movement demobilization in datafied societies

ABSTRACT An increasing number of social movements have taken the form of connective action achieved through datafication structures in the absence of central coordinating social movement organizations. Social movement demobilization in digitally-mediated connective action remains a relatively understudied area. Drawing together social movement studies and communication studies, we introduce the theoretical framework of ‘implicated networks of demobilization’ (INsD) to explore the dynamics and implications of datafication for social movement demobilization. Based on examples from the Anti-Extradition Bill movement in Hong Kong and the 2020 George Floyd protests in the United States, we theorize that the connective action embedded in the datafication structure confronts three demobilizational dynamics: implicated data, materiality, and epistemic dynamics. These dynamics imply that connective action mobilization in datafied societies faces constraints pertaining to state-level network oppression, potential threats imposed by the material datafication structure, and the spread of digital knowledge of self-protection. The INsD framework contributes to understanding the interactive data-mediated dynamics between the state and activists in connective action.

Research as a Practice of Collective Care and Resistance: A Roundtable Conversation with Transmasculine Health Justice: Los Angeles

Transmasculine Health Justice: Los Angeles (TMHJ:LA) is an initiative of Gender Justice Los Angeles, a grassroots organization led by and for trans, gender nonconforming, two-spirit, Black, Indigenous, People of Color. The organization's mission includes resisting oppression, developing community responses to violence, and healing from present and historical trauma. TMHJ:LA was created in 2016 to use cultural arts and participatory action research to combat the erasure and invisibility of trans men and transmasculine people in public health planning and services in Los Angeles County. We began, and have since organized, as a majority transmasculine, queer, and Black, Indigenous, People of Color team of researchers, educators, community organizers, artists, and cultural workers.In the past five years, we have witnessed the increased politicization and monetization of “transgender health care” and a surge of transgender health-related research. Most public funding for research related to transgender health goes to efforts that are initiated and led by people without lived experience and with limited ties to trans-led social change organizing. TMHJ:LA started as a community-initiated organizing effort, situated within the leadership of a social movement organization with a broad vision for health justice. In the following roundtable conversation, held in May 2021, a few of the creators of TMHJ:LA reflect on the work and some of the tensions and opportunities for organizing data projects on the principles of research justice and collective care.To learn more or connect with TMHJ:LA organizing team, visit: tmhealthstudyla.org.

Up right, not right up: Primacy of verticality in both language and movement.

When describing motion along both the horizontal and vertical axes, languages from different families express the elements encoding verticality before those coding for horizontality (e.g., going up right instead of right up). In light of the motor grounding of language, the present study investigated whether the prevalence of verticality in Path expression also governs the trajectory of arm biological movements. Using a 3D virtual-reality setting, we tracked the kinematics of hand pointing movements in five spatial directions, two of which implied the vertical and horizontal vectors equally (i.e., up right +45° and bottom right −45°). Movement onset could be prompted by visual or auditory verbal cues, the latter being canonical in French (“en haut à droite”/up right) or not (“à droite en haut”/right up). In two experiments, analyses of the index finger kinematics revealed a significant effect of gravity, with earlier acceleration, velocity, and deceleration peaks for upward (+45°) than downward (−45°) movements, irrespective of the instructions. Remarkably, confirming the linguistic observations, we found that vertical kinematic parameters occurred earlier than horizontal ones for upward movements, both for visual and congruent verbal cues. Non-canonical verbal instructions significantly affected this temporal dynamic: for upward movements, the horizontal and vertical components temporally aligned, while they reversed for downward movements where the kinematics of the vertical axis was delayed with respect to that of the horizontal one. This temporal dynamic is so deeply anchored that non-canonical verbal instructions allowed for horizontality to precede verticality only for movements that do not fight against gravity. Altogether, our findings provide new insights into the embodiment of language by revealing that linguistic path may reflect the organization of biological movements, giving priority to the vertical axis.

Gay and Race Cognizant: Interstitial Storytelling and the Narrative Positioning of an Interracial Gay Organization in the 1980s1

In this article, I show how an interracial gay group forming in the 1980s, Black and White Men Together (BWMT), did storytelling of themselves as gay and anti‐racist. Part of a larger narrative ethnography, this article focuses on how BWMT, in a 1980s context compelling the question of interracial organizing, did storytelling to narratively construct themselves as such. This article notes how the group faced an immediate narrative environment likely to characterize an interracial gay group as either racial fetishists or colorblind interracialists and explains, through analysis of their newsletter, how they tried to create a larger story of themselves as neither. I detail the storytelling they did of themselves as gay and race cognizant—recognizing gay racial difference, confronting white gay power, and interrogating racist gay sex culture and racialized gay desire. I discuss how it operated as interstitial storytelling, drawing from and extending traditions of Black and gay liberation but with limits when deployed interracially in a colorblind context. I end by pointing out how their interstitial storytelling served to construct them as a legible intersectional movement organization and to narratively position them in relation to Black gay groups of the era.

Sociopolitical Analysis of The Escalation of The Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) Movement During The Reign of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) in DKI Jakarta 2014-2017

This study analyze how social conditions during the reign of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) affected the escalation of the Islamic community organization Front Pembela Islam (FPI) movement and built the reality of socio-political conflicts that occurred in DKI Jakarta from 2014 to 2017. The method used in this research is a qualitative research method using a case study approach. The case study approach was used to analyze how the process of forming the escalation of the Islamic community organization movement of Front Pembela Islam (FPI) against socio-political conditions during Ahok's reign in DKI Jakarta from 2014 to 2017. Using theories related to the concept of Political Opportunity, New Social Movements, and Identity Theory becomes an analytical knife to explain questions that have been formulated academically and, of course, produce an answer from the results of the analysis. From the results of the research, the Islamic Mass Organization of Front Pembela Islam (FPI) was one of the Organizations that experienced an escalation of the movement based on various conflicts that occurred both before, during his time in office, and also after Ahok served as governor of DKI Jakarta. FPI is present as a hard-pressure group for Ahok's refusal to become Governor. FPI became one of the organizations considered very active and aggressive in carrying out a series of protests against Ahok's rejection.