The on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), the Final Act of which was signed at Helsinki in August 1975 by 33 European countries and the United States and Canada, was treated in many early commentaries as a discrete and essentially competitive event be analysed in terms of who won. This approach has not proved very productive, and the more recent tendency has been focus attention on the provisions of the Final Act as a yardstick against which actions of the participating states can be judged. The follow-up meeting of the 35 this year at Belgrade will further emphasize this aspect of the question, and it is likely remain of importance thereafter. For the Belgrade meeting is a reminder that the CSCE should not be analysed only in static terms: the Final Act notes the resolve of the participating states to continue the multilateral process initiated by the Conference and provides that they should at Belgrade inter alia define the appropriate modalities for the holding of other meetings. It seems probable that the CSCE will remain in some way or other part of the European security picture, and thus appropriate ask what it may be able contribute. To the extent that East-West negotiations are seen as a zero-sum game, the CSCE can do little but serve as an arena and scoreboard for the contest as it develops. There would seem little point in continuing it for this purpose, and the process may be better viewed as a means of testing a more optimistic hypothesis: that there is a possibility of mutual gain; and that a multilateral framework, comprising the neutrals and nonaligned as well as the members of the two alliances, offers a useful means of identifying and building upon the common ground. This in turn requires that each participant should feel reasonably confident that the process will not be exploited by others in a way which would be damaging its security; and it seems clear that this essential element of confidence cannot at present be taken for granted. On the Western side, there is still much concern about Soviet intentions. Western Europe can be said have three main politico-military options: continue rely for its security on the alliance with the United States; substitute for the American commitment an increased defense effort of its own; or accept and adapt the fact of Soviet military preponderance. The text of the 1966
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