Seoul Olympics Research Articles

The Power of Fake Food: Plastic Food Models as Tastemakers in South Korea

The Power of Fake Food: Plastic Food Models as Tastemakers in South Korea

일본 교과서에 나타난 한국문화 콘텐츠 변화 양상 분석

This study is aimed to track down on changes in the way Korean culture was covered in Japanese textbooks over the past three decades since the 1980s by reviewing `social studies` textbooks for the 6th graders in elementary school and `geology` textbooks for middle school, which are two compulsory subjects in Japanese schools where Korean cultures is the most often mentioned. To that end, Korean culture contents mentioned in the textbooks were classified into basic element, unique element and element that reflect the times, each of which was then divided into the categories of traditional & modern and surface & in-depth so as to see how each of the categories was presented. Japanese textbooks mentioned mostly surface and basic elements of Korean culture relating to food, clothing and shelter, such as Hanbok, Kimchi, Ondol, high-rise apartment and table manners, and also landscape of Seoul. Also, the kinds of contents which constantly appeared in the textbook were mostly basic elements including to food, clothing and shelter. Elements that reflect the times such as the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, the 2002 Korea-Japan World Cup and the Korean Wave were adequately covered as part of chronological explanations in the books. The aspect of Korean culture in Japanese textbooks seems to expand in depth and scope over the years. More recently, detailed explanations and visual images were increasingly used to introduce Korean culture.

Economic Changes Resulting from Seoul 1988: Implications for London 2012 and Future Games

South Korea has often been considered a successful host nation after the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games and their apparent positive economic, cultural, social and environmental legacies. The purpose of this essay is to offer an analysis of economic growth as a consequence of earlier Olympic Games and to extrapolate to the 2012 London Olympic Games and beyond to the forthcoming 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympics. It is the intention of this essay to examine previous studies, economic indices of world banks and reports of each Organising Committee of the Olympic Games (OCOG). The hypothesis is that the Olympic Games have not positively influenced the economic growth of the host nations. The essay explores this conclusion with reference to London 2012. The essay will reveal past negative influences of the Olympic Games and ask the International Olympic Committee (IOC): ‘What is the IOC's responsibility to the host city after the Games?’ Finally, the essay will propose and recommend an economic tool to the IOC to ensure sustainable outcomes after the Games.

The IOC and the doping issue—An institutional discursive approach to organizational identity construction

To show why the 1998 doping scandals led to the establishment of the World Anti-Doping Agency, this paper investigates how the IOC has created its organizational identity once confronted with the emergence of doping in sport. The paper endorses a new institutional understanding of organizations, which is combined with a critical discourse analytical framework. Through a systematic reading of the Olympic Review between 1960 and 2003 four main anti-doping discourses are outlined: health scientific, ethical, legal and educational discourses construct the meaning-providing horizon of IOC anti-doping commitment. The 1988 Ben Johnson doping incident is crucial for the understanding of the organizational changes occurring 10 years later. Immediately following the Seoul Olympic Games the IOC applies a warfare genre, which frames anti-doping as a declaration of war and constructs a narrative of the IOC as leading a successful battle against doping. The 1998 doping scandals reveal the opposite. Subsequently, WADA can be labelled IOC's institutionalization failure.

Idiopathic Growth Hormone Deficiency in Adults, Ben Johnson and the Somatopause

In his update on the syndrome of adult GH deficiency in this issue of the JCEM, Melmed (1) draws attention to the growing number of people being diagnosed with “idiopathic GH deficiency in adults.” He also states that “the propensity by some practitioners for inappropriate IAGHD (idiopathic adult-onset GH deficiency) diagnosis as a prelude to administering unsafe nonapproved GH supplementation for athletes or for the frail elderly underscores the need for a stringent diagnostic approach”— thus implying that the increase in idiopathic adult-onset GH deficiency diagnosis, typified by that seen in the HYPOCCS postmarketing surveillance database that he quotes (2), is because fellow practitioners are overdiagnosing the condition in order to legitimize undesirable practice. These are strong words. Although few doctors would prescribe GH (recombinant human GH [rhGH]) as a performance-enhancing drug for an athlete, few of us would not prescribe a trial of therapy in someone we believed to be suffering from GH deficiency and appearing to have ill health as a consequence. Let us not forget that in the early days of the use of rhGH in adults, there was considerable skepticism and some frank hostility to this from some established endocrinologists. It is difficult to distinguish the GH deficiency in older people from the GH deficiency secondary to pituitary or hypothalamic damage. There is a clear rationale for prescribing a trial of rhGH for prevention and/or treatment of frailty in suitable patients (3–5). Let us put this in context: athletes and their coaches were the first to discover the powerful anabolic actions of GH in adults (6, 7). GH was given a glowing write-up by the California “doping guru” Daniel Duchaine in “The Underground Steroid Handbook” (6); in 1982, he wrote: “We find that GH is the most expensive, most fashionable, and least understood of the new athletic drugs. It has firmly established itself in power-lifting and within a few years will be a commonly used drug in all strength athletics.” Thus, human GH was established as a drug of abuse in sport some 7 years before the results of the first 2 randomized controlled trials confirming its powerful anabolic actions in humans were published in the bona fide medical literature (8, 9). A year earlier, the sprinter Ben Johnson won a gold medal at the Olympic Games in Seoul, only to lose it 3 days later when his urine test confirmed that he had been taking the anabolic steroid stanozol; he subsequently admitted under oath that at the time he was also taking GH. These performance-enhancing effects of GH have now been confirmed using randomized controlled trials—first in abstinent, previously steroid-dependent athletes by Graham et al (10); and, together with sex steroids in young athletes, by Meinhardt et al (11), 29 years after Duchaine’s first publication. I use these anecdotes to illustrate that it is not always the scientists who make the discoveries; sometimes, like the athletes, it is the people who are most likely to benefit and who are always hungry for an effective new therapy. If they find such a substance, try it, and find that it works, then the word spreads and later we, as clinician scientists, come along and discover it “officially.” Athletic competition is so strong and the rewards are so great that new ways of improving performance are constantly being sought. The intelligent athletes and their coaches are constantly using the “trial of one” paradigm (12) to test new training regimes, diets, supplements, and substances. Athletes know their best performance for a given event to a

‘Seoul to the World, the World to Seoul’ … and Ben Johnson: Canada at the 1988 Olympics†

Should Olympic athletes, coaches, and delegation officials learn other languages and the skills of intercultural communication so that they can fully engage in the intercultural exchanges so fundamental to the Olympic Movement? Should they be expected to do their pre-Games training in the cities and towns of the host country and stay after the closing ceremonies to immerse themselves in the host culture and contribute to the social networks that enhance respect for other peoples and combat xenophobia and ultimately war? With the pressures they face to medal, is it still possible for Olympic athletes to live the full Olympic experience? These were the questions I wrestled with during the 1988 Winter Olympic Games in Calgary and the Olympic Games in Seoul. Both organizing committees made exceptional efforts to spread the humanitarian message of the Olympic Movement, prepare citizens for their responsibilities as international hosts, and encourage exchanges. Yet many Canadian sports leaders and coaches, driven by the ‘ideology of excellence’ and the structures of funding from the state, discouraged athletes from taking advantage of these opportunities, fearing that they would ‘distract’ them from training and the pursuit of the podium. This paper summarizes the research I conducted on Canadians in Seoul. I was there as part of the international social research team recruited by Kang Shin-Pyo and John MacAloon to track the intercultural activities stimulated by the Games.

A new orientation to the Olympic Games†

If the original aspirations of the Coubertin Olympics were taken seriously as guiding principles, what would the games look like? This paper, published in 1990, grew out of my work with the Olympic Academy of Canada and Toronto's bid for the 1996 Olympics, but it was prepared as an intervention in the debates about the use of performance-enhancing drugs in the wake of Canadian sprinter Ben Johnson's disqualification for steroids from the 1988 Olympics in Seoul. While some argued that the use of steroids by Johnson and his teammates was an isolated case, limited to a single club led by a rogue coach, others contended that the practice was far more widespread and systemic. I felt that it was a consequence of the ideology of excellence and the unrelenting pursuit of the podium advocated by states such as Canada, the sports media complex, and the leadership of the Olympic Movement, structured by the financial incentives they created. Under such circumstances, systemic change was extremely difficult to undertake, let alone contemplate. The first step, I argued, was to imagine another approach, one that recaptured the intercultural aspirations of Pierre de Coubertin and applied them to the different conditions of the late twentieth century. This paper constituted one such attempt. It proposes that the Games be renovated as a festival of competition, intercultural exchange and service.

Anti‐Dope Testing in Sport: The History and the Science

This summer, as the XXX modern Olympic Games and the XIV Summer Paralympic Games were held in London, millions watched magnificent efforts from the best athletes in the world. The ability of the athletes to produce their best personal performances in the spotlight and the pressure of the Olympic Games was a testament to the human spirit. But, because the margin between winning and losing is so small, one imprecisely placed foot or hand, one moment of indecision, one gust of wind at the wrong moment, and the gold medal is gone. Behind the scenes at these Olympics—properly so— was a scientific team performing under great pressure to ensure safe and fair competition by testing urine and blood for traces of performance-enhancing prohibited substances and methods. Their efforts were crucial, because, in partnership with the clean athletes, they support the integrity and the spirit of sport. More than 1000 samples were analyzed within a few days after each event for stimulants, steroids, masking agents, recombinant proteins like erythropoietin and growth hormone (GH), and other substances on the World AntiDoping Agency (WADA) Prohibited List (1). The List of Prohibited Substances and Methods is maintained by a committee of internationally recognized scientists and sport administrators. A revised list is released annually by the WADA. In deciding whether to add a compound or method to the list, the committee considers whether there is potential to enhance performance; a potential health risk for the athlete; or if use of the substance or method violates the spirit of sport. If two of the three criteria are met, the substance is added to the Prohibited List. The inclusion of the word “potential” recognizes that a substance may emerge for which there are no toxicological data. For example, the identification of the “designer” steroid tetrahydrogestrinone (THG) in a drop of fluid in a syringe turned in to the U.S. Anti-Doping Agency (USADA) in 2003 illustrates the problem. THG had been developed by Wyeth in the 1960s and taken to clinical trials as a potential anabolic agent, but never brought to market. It was impossible to locate any records from the clinical trials 40 years after the fact. THG had been shown to have anabolic activity (2). There were no publications about toxicological studies, but as a 17 -methyl steroid, comparison to similar structures strongly suggested the potential for some degree of hepatotoxicity. Based on this information, THG was added to the Prohibited List in 2006.

North Korean Media Accounts of the Olympic and Asian Games: The Fatherland's Friends and Foes

Prior to the 1988 Seoul Olympics, ideological tensions and conflicts frequently overshadowed international sports events as, for example, both South Korea (ROK) and North Korea (DPRK) tried to exploit these occasions to prove the superiority of their political systems and beliefs. South Korea was originally awarded the right to host the 6th Asian Games in 1970. However, for a number of reasons, including security threats from North Korea, the Games were moved to Thailand. Eventually, the DPRK did not participate in this event. Nor did the DPRK attend the 1988 Summer Olympics hosted by South Korea. This has changed considerably over the last two decades. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, both Koreas use the Olympic and Asian Games as a global stage to celebrate national unity, keep the reunification issue in the public domain and treat each other with respect, dignity and appreciation. Their joint appearances as one team marching behind the reunification flag held by one athlete from the North and one from the South have become impressive examples of the power of sport to symbolically unite divided nations and to promote a reconciliatory spirit – albeit only temporarily. The context of the Olympic and Asian Games has also provided both countries with frequent opportunities to pursue foreign policy objectives, to engage in a political dialogue and to build bridges. This paper focuses on North Korean media accounts that deal with the complex relationship with its South Korean compatriots in the context of both the Olympic and Asian Games. Furthermore, it touches on the DPRK's relationship with its archenemy Japan. The paper draws extensively on publications by the state-controlled Korean Central News Agency, as well as other official sources, in order to develop an empathetic understanding of public discourses in one of the least understood and enigmatic countries in the world.

Seoul'88 – Media, Politicians, Public: Confrontation, Cooperation and Democratic Consequences

A truism: the media is frequently an instrument of politicians and politics – and so is sport! To what extent was this true of the Seoul Olympics? To what extent did the media follow the politicians and use the Games as a means of raising up (in all senses) a depressed nation devastated by war? Was media support uniform in the period prior to the Games in its support for the despotic military regime so influential in ensuring the success of the Seoul bid? And after the Olympics? How did the media respond to the undoubted success of the Games and its military agents of success and the clearly elevated confidence of the South Korean people? Did it see the Games as a successful instrument of political purpose; the rebirth of the nation? Did it celebrate a nation reborn through sport? Did it fuse sport and politics together as a potent means of positive democratic national bonding, a source of a coalescent new national identity and a means of the projection of a new global status? In short, was the media itself a source of a new national self-belief? This essay considers these questions and offers answers.

Embodying the evictees of Asian Olympic cities: Video documentaries of demolition and relocation in seoul and Beijing

Preparations for the Seoul Olympics in 1988 and the Beijing Olympics in 2008 involved the large-scale demolition of dilapidated houses in the old towns of Seoul and Beijing and the forced relocation of their residents as the urban poor. Two activist video documentaries in South Korea and China, Kim Dong-won’s Sanggyedong Olympics (1988), Seoul, South Korea, Purn-yeongsang) and Ou Ning’s Meishi Street (2006), Beijing, China, Alternative Archive), bear witness to those detrimental effects that the urban transformation linked to the two cities’ hosting of the Olympics had on their communities. This article examines the ways in which the two film-makers used the capacities of video technology, such as spontaneity and portability, and the relative ease with which the amateur can access and handle it, to capture the truth of demolition and relocation in the observational, realist aesthetics, and to develop alternative modes of documentary subjectivity for representing the poor residents’ embodied knowledge and emotion. The use of an amateurish female voice-over in Sanggye-dong Olympics, and the casting of a male resident as an amateur documentarian who operates a video camera in Meishi Street testify to the extent to which video technology enabled the film-makers to develop the ‘participatory’ and ‘performative’ modes of documentary in which the residents could be empowered to speak for themselves. It is through the modes of subjectivity, this article argues, that the two political documentaries succeed in bringing into the public consciousness the interests and issues of the social actors who are neglected by the host countries’ official media and authorities.

The sociocultural legacy of the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games

The belief that elite sport and its mega events act like behemoths trampling over all before them is widely held, not least in the culture industries. But how accurate is this view and what contradictory evidence, if any, can be cited? In order to answer these related questions, this article examines the legacy of the 1998 Summer Olympics, held in Seoul, South Korea. This study is based not only on a review of existing relevant literature but also on a series of interviews conducted with prominent figures from the worlds of South Korean politics and sport whose reflections on the immediate impact of the Games and also their consequences, although impressionistic and ultimately highly subjective, nevertheless add flesh to the bones of developments that are difficult, if not impossible, to quantify. We find evidence in the legacy of the Seoul Olympics that global events can help to promote indigenous cultures and even reverse the direction of dominant globalising trends. If nothing else, the example of Seoul 1988 suggests that the culture industries should see sports mega events as potential opportunities rather than self-evident threats.

It's Not Enough to Win: the Seoul Olympics and the Roots of North Korea's Isolation1

The article recounts the story of the secret negotiations between the International Olympic Committee (IOC), North and South Korea, in the run-up to the 1988 Seoul Olympics. The author contends that the Games offered an opportunity for the South Korean leadership to isolate and humiliate North Korea; that the head of IOC Juan Antonio Samaranch played an important – and conscious – role in the process; and that the trilateral talks in Lausanne, under the IOC auspices, were meant not so much to bring about Pyongyang's participation in the Olympiad, as to dissuade the socialist bloc from a potentially damaging boycott. Both China and the Soviet Union, however, proved all too willing to disregard the interests of their ally and did little to encourage an accommodating attitude on Seoul's part. The author concludes that the success of the Seoul Olympic Games actually contributed to the long-term instability on the Korean peninsula by humiliating North Korea into taking the stand of militant defiance.

An interview with Richard Dodds

Richard Dodds fRCS was captain of the gold medal-winning Great Britain hockey team at the 1988 Olympics in Seoul and also won the bronze medal at the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles. He is now a consultant orthopaedic surgeon at the Royal Berkshire Hospital in Reading. Sibella Egerton asked him for his insights on sport, surgery and life.

올림픽 미디어의 사회문화적 분석 - 서울올림픽 보도를 중심으로

This study analyzes the media reported on the Seoul Olympics, and socio-cultural characteristics were derived. The researchers have concluded as follows after analyzing the media on the Games in conjunction with relevant domestic and international politics. Firstly, there were the pros and cons comments about the Olympic bidding due to a distrust of the government and lack of information about the impact of such a mega event. Secondly, there were political turmoil caused by an ideological conflict between the two Koreas and socio-political confusion. Thirdly, the reaction about result of Seoul Olympic was consistently positive. Olympics on the reaction of the media`s social and cultural historical research on the role of the PE values to improve and enrich the educational episodes could do is hope. Such an Olympic media study can contribute to fertilizing various educational episodes in school curricular and promoting the value of socio-cultural function of sport.

Third time lucky!? PyeongChang's bid to host the 2018 Winter Olympics–politics, policy and practice

In July 2011, the International Olympic Committee awarded PyeongChang the right to host the 2018 Winter Olympics. This means that within two decades South Korea will have staged three mega sport events: the Summer Olympics in Seoul in 1988, the Soccer World Cup (together with Japan) in 2002 and the Winter Olympics in 2018. Whilst the bidding for the Seoul Olympics was fairly straightforward, the tendering for the FIFA World Cup was much more competitive and ended with a compromise as the most convincing applicants were asked to co-host this mega event. PyeongChang's successful bid is partly the result of considerable stamina, as it was, in fact, the city's third consecutive attempt to secure this event. This paper offers a detailed account of PyeongChang's three consecutive bids, focusing on the underlying local, regional and national policies, the agendas and influence of different stakeholders and the lessons learned from previous bids. The paper will also explore the political significance and future challenges of this decision for the divided Korean peninsula. The wider context of this article is, of course, the increasingly competitive bidding for mega sports events and the murky role of sport's international governing bodies.

Catching up: understanding the pursuit of major games by rising developmental states

As a category, Developmental States (DS) in the world political economy express a distinctive set of ideological practices that give them specific incentives to host sporting mega-events. Asian DSs, or ‘late(r) developers’, in particular offer interesting case studies by which to explore the symbolic value such states attach to hosting Olympic Games, Commonwealth Games, and other major sporting events. This paper examines five Asian examples (Tokyo Olympic Games 1964, Seoul Olympic Games 1988, Beijing Olympic Games 2008, Kuala Lumpur Commonwealth Games 1998, and Delhi Commonwealth Games 2010) from the past half century which, despite their variations, illustrate the role of mega-event hosting among DSs and, specifically, the effect these events are intended to have in signalling conceptions of modernity and legitimacy to the international community and world society on behalf of their host cities/countries. Despite thenearly ubiquitous claims to economic growth and development, which accompany the bidding and preparation for major games, it is the symbolic representations of modernity and national ‘success’ that are most commonly pursued among this class of hosts.

From the destruction of image to the reconstruction of image: a sports mega-event and the resurgence of a nation – the politics of sport exemplified

South Korea rose from the ashes of a horrendous civil war by way of, among other things, the Saemaul Movement and the Five Year Economic Plan and after three decades of impressive economic growth that left North Korea trailing in its wake, the new nation was able to host etc, that the nation was able to host the Olympic games of 1988 – emblem of astounding recovery, evidence of a successful entry into capitalism, statement of extraordinary national resilience. With the hosting of the Games Korea was ‘on the map’; the eyes of the world watched its successful bid, its confident preparations and ultimately its impressive Olympics – 160 nations participated. This study examines the period prior to the Games and scrutinises the forces of optimism, the agents of endeavour and the mechanisms of success that produced out of terrible destruction the amazing construction of the most demanding sports mega-event of the modern world. It further investigates the special actions that underpinned an achievement that impressed the entire world – not least the hostile communist world – namely the close cooperation of government and business, the effective diplomacy that convinced influential nations and the IOC that Seoul could host the Games and the overcoming of the Communist Bloc antipathy. In essence, the 1988 Olympics allowed Korea to project an image of confident modernity and not least revitalisation that inter alia brought the reward of national self-belief and international esteem that resulted in its successful sports diplomacy bringing to Korea the 2002 FIFA World Cup. But more than this the Seoul Olympics announced to the world a nation reborn via a despotic military regime.

동계올림픽 중계방송에 대한 방송품질지각, 시청만족도, 재시청의도, 구전의도 관계 연구

The purpose of this study was to verify the relationship among broadcasting factors, viewer satisfaction, intention to rewatch, and word of mouth(WOM) intention of 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympic Games TV relay broadcasting program. Subjects were chosen from the viewers of 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympic Games in Seoul. Questionnaires were given to the subjects and 271 questionnaires that were used for the study. Data were analyzed through exploratory factor analysis, reliability analysis and correlation analysis using SPSS Windows V 18.0, also analyzed through confirmatory factor analysis and structural equation model analysis using AMOS 7.0. the SEM results supported five hypotheses out of seven hypotheses. First, commentator of Winter Olympic Games relay broadcasting program has statistically significant effects on viewer satisfaction. Second, image of Winter Olympic Games relay broadcasting program has statistically significant effects on viewer satisfaction. Third, relay condition of Winter Olympic Games relay broadcasting program has statistically significant effects on viewer satisfaction. fourth, viewer satisfaction of Winter Olympic Games relay broadcasting program has statistically significant effects on intention to rewatch. Fifth, viewer satisfaction of Winter Olympic Games relay broadcasting program has statistically significant effects on WOM intention.

스포츠 자원봉사의 성공적 활용사례 분석

This research analyzed the contents and experience of sports voluntary service in the 1986 Asian games and the 1988 Seoul Olympics, which have been commonly acknowledged as the biggest and successful games. To provide useful materials, useful to the large international competitions and games, it drew the results through integrative literature reviews as followings: Firstly, the voluntary service in the 1986 Asian Games and the 1988 Olympic games were acknowledged as successful. In addition, in terms of achievement and operation, these games were exemplary events in the operation of large-scaled sports events. Secondly, the operational experience of the 1986 event was connected to the 1988 Seoul Olympics, the 2002 Worldcup, the 2002 Busan Asian games, and the Daegu Universiade, leaving its name as a role model in large-scaled international sports events. Thirdly, the success of the 1986 Asian games puts the significance in a point that it was a rehearsal for the complete success of the 1988 Seoul Olympics along with pan-governmental and pan-national wishes across the nation.