Occupation Of Crimea Research Articles

Політика пам’яті сучасної України у сприйнятті «постмайданної» російської гуманітаристики: засоби та стилістика

Introduction. In the article is analyzed the perception of the Ukrainian politics of memory by contemporary Russian humanities. The focus is on how Russian researchers today assess the memory space of Ukraine as a whole and what preconditions determine their vision of its latest transformations. The events of 2014 in Ukraine (Revolution of Dignity, occupation of Crimea and parts of Donbass by Russia) changed radically the relations between the states in the Eastern European region and intensified their memorial practices with renewed vigor. The beginning of the war with Russia almost completely stopped the Ukrainian-Russian scientific dialogue (that was not very dynamic), in humanitarian issues. Purpose. The main goal of the research is historiographical analysis, first of all, of Russian humanities scholars studies about the processes in Ukrainian politics of memory (and historical politics), which were published in the “post-Maidan” period, from 2014 until now. Results. The lack of scientific dialogue between Ukrainian and Russian scientists leads to a complete lack of discourse about the problem, so this investigation is the first attempt to delineate it. The main methodological difficulty is overcoming the “political uproar” that is constantly raging around this topic. However, it is impossible to overcome entirely such “information noise” because it overwhelms most of the “humanitarian” texts of Russian researchers. The “scientific vocabulary” of their works, the authors’ complete misunderstanding of the essence and specifics of historical and ethnological terminology are particularly striking. The analyzed scientific literature is very heterogeneous in stylistic direction. In most cases, the Russian humanities views everything, that relates to Ukrainian memorial practices exclusively in a negative light. There is a Russian historiographical tradition of disrespect and neglect of the Ukrainian national narrative, ignorance of Ukrainian history, which affects on its simplified and superficial analysis of modern Ukrainian memory policy. Conclusion. In general, Ukrainian historical policy as a phenomenon and historiographical precedent occupies a prominent place in modern Russian humanities. The thematic direction of the Russian scholars research in the field of Ukrainian memory policy and its assessments are marked by ideological, schematic and extremely negative conclusions.

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ КОНФЛІКТИЗАЦІЙНОСТІ СЕПАРАТИЗМУ В СУЧАСНІЙ УКРАЇНІ

The article is devoted to a retrospective analysis of the peculiarities of separatist conflict in Ukraine. The author connects the appearance of each feature of the separatism conflict with the level of socio-economic, political and spiritual development at which Ukrainians were at one or another time in their history. Since the almost 200-year stay of Russian (Ukrainian) lands in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania by the author (as well as mostly domestic researchers) is not seen as an invasion of a foreign horde, but as a "gathering of Russian lands" from the Tatar yoke of the Golden Horde, coinciding with interests of Ukrainians, so they did not show separatist sentiments towards Lithuanian princes. However, the subsequent socio-political changes associated with the loss of remnants of state autonomy in the Ukrainian lands during the rule of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and especially after the "reunification" of Ukraine and Russia led to not only separatist tendencies but also separatism as it is. Because after the signing of a conditionally combined series of documents called the Pereyaslav Agreement in 1654, many magnates of the Ukrainian clergy, a number of representatives of the Ukrainian nobility and Cossack officers and even part of the regiments of the Hetmanate showed separatism and refused to swear allegiance to the Moscow tsar. This step was supported by the vast majority of the Ukrainian population - the peasants, who were not sworn in at all. Ukrainians also showed frequent separatist sentiments during the Soviet era. The most obvious in this context were Ukrainian dissidents, who laid the first bricks in the foundation of Ukrainian state independence. After Ukraine's independence, the peculiarities of separatist conflict, although due to somewhat modified reasons related to the polyethnic and multi-religious composition of the country's population and total support for separatist sentiments among some Russian-speaking citizens on the part of Russia, remain unchanged. Ukraine, using for this or that kind of (secession, irredentism, enosis or devolution) separatism. The peculiarity of the use of each type of separatism in Ukraine is that they are all used with Russian utensils. It is about Russia's occupation of Crimea and ORDLO with the use of "green men" in the first case, and Russian-Ukrainian war in the second, and separatist-minded Russian-speaking Ukrainian citizens, who are called to hide Russia's true intentions on the way to its expansion into Ukraine.

The Role of Military Aviation in the Occupation of Crimea (2014)

The Role of Military Aviation in the Occupation of Crimea (2014)

Колабораціонізм в Україні в умовах російської агресії: проблема правового визначення

The article focuses on the problem of the legal definition of collaborationism in Ukraine in the context of Russian aggression. The need to ban collaborationism at the legislative level has been on the agenda since the occupation of Crimea and the war in Donbass. However, the normative definition of defecting to the aggressor's side and knowingly collaborating with the occupying authorities is debatable. This is because in the face of Russian aggression, loss of life and the need to restore state sovereignty, the state should normatively define this phenomenon and establish fair punishment, but on the other hand, the threat of punishment for collaborating with the enemy in the temporarily occupied territories hinders the processes of de-occupation and reintegration. The author reviewed the main conceptual approaches to the definition of collaborationism. It has not been found to have a single established definition either in international law, political circles or academic research. Based on the interpretations considered, the broad approach, which understands collaborationism as assisting the enemy in any way, and the narrow approach, which explains it solely as conscious and voluntary cooperation with the occupier to the detriment of the state, are highlighted. The definition of collaborationism in Ukrainian law has been established, in particular its identification with high treason, while noting that collaborationism includes more forms of cooperation with the occupier than are specified in the Criminal Code of Ukraine, especially given the "hybrid nature" of Russian aggression. The process of finding ways to legislate and criminalise collaborationism is explored through an analysis of the main provisions of the draft laws submitted to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine since 2017. The first draft laws needed considerable refinement, detailing the definitions of the term "collaborationism" itself, which were not self-sufficient and did not emphasise the voluntariness or consciousness of such activity. The draft laws of 2021, currently before the Verkhovna Rada, largely addresses these shortcomings by defining in detail all the forms of activity that should qualify as collaborationism, giving them a better chance of coming into force. Emphasis has been placed on the need for a balanced, cautious and clear interpretation of this concept in Ukrainian legislation that will ensure that appropriate and fair legal liability for this criminal offence is established, while not impeding the process of de-occupation and reintegration.

Russian armed aggression against Ukraine – the impact on the environment of the temporarily occupied territories

The armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, which has been going on since 2014, caused severe consequences for our state. Besides killing and injuring dozens of thousands of Ukrainian citizens, expelling hundreds of thousands of people from their homes, seizing and destroying infrastructure, Russia has inflicted large-scale environmental damage in the occupied territories. Thus, as a result of the occupation of Crimea, the situation with fresh water on the peninsula is rapidly deteriorating, which can significantly change the ecosystem in the future. In addition, the warfare launched by the aggressor against Ukraine in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions caused serious environmental and man-made consequences, among which the main are pollution of groundwater and surface water, flooding of mines, subsidence, air pollution, destruction of agricultural lands, destruction and damage of nature reserves, forest fires, etc. Ignoring the environmental threats caused by Russian armed aggression can lead to catastrophic aftermath in the future. To prevent this scenario, an effective response is needed not only from Ukraine but also from the entire international community.

A Jew’s Fate in Eurasian Space: Between Hatred and Misunderstanding. Role of Mikhail Vygon‘s Legacy in Understanding Persecution of Jews in Crimea in Twentieth Century

In the article, I investigate the role of prosaic oeuvres and memoirs of the famous but now forgotten Yalta-born writer, public figure and teacher of Jewish origin Mikhail Josifovich Vygon (1924-2011), in the reconstruction of the Jewish genocide in Crimea by Nazi criminals during the Great Patriotic War, as well as the later political oppression of Jews in the Soviet Union. An especial attention is paid to Vygon’s testimony of atrocities of the Russians and Ukrainians to the Jews during the German occupation of Crimea. As a result of studying the unpublished works of Vygon, I conclude that the Yalta writer was pessimistic about the future fate of the Jews in Eurasia. Only the formation of the State of Israel in 1948, according to Vygon, where he emigrated in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union, put an end to the almost universal political, cultural and social persecution of the Jewish nation in Eurasia.

Characteristics of alternative forms of state care for orphan children and children deprived of parental care

Problem statement and purpose. Modern domestic society is characterized by a number of negative phenomena –impoverishment, unemployment, rising crime, mass labor migration both abroad and internally, related to the occupation of Crimea and hostilities in eastern Ukraine. All of them, directly or indirectly, cause disruption of the structure and functioning of the family, which, in turn, leads to an increase in the number of people such as orphans and children deprived of parental care.The system of social assistance and protection of this category of children combines both traditional and alternative forms of state care. Unfortunately, the reform of this system is too slow due to various reasons of social and economic, social and political and psychological and pedagogical nature. It is also worth noting that nowadays only the scientific basis for its functioning is being formed.Thus, Bader S., Bevz H., Vodyana O., Borysova V., Volynets L., Kobzar B., Komarova N., Ivanova I., Petrochko J., Kalibaba O., Makiychuk T., Orzhekhovska V., Pesh I., Piren M., Polyanychko A., Trubavina I. Turchyn O., Fedorova N., Kharkhan G., Chervonyy Yu. and others,studied the technologies of creation and organization of life of adoption and foster families, as well as children's homes (as alternative forms of state care), various aspects of stay and upbringing of children in such families.The content of social and pedagogical work in protection institutions and families where children are under protection is reflected in the works of domestic scientists: Bezpalko O., Hykava G., Zavgorodna T., Evdakh K., Ivanova A., Kapska A., Kurlyak I., Maksymova N., Naumenko T., Oleksyuk N., Pesh I., Sydorenko O., Chenbay I., Yurchenko T., Yaskal L., Yashchenko N. and others.Despite the wide and multifaceted scientific interest in this problem, the peculiarities of the formation and operation of alternative forms of care still remain unresolved.That is why the purpose of our study is to characterize the features of the functioning of alternative forms of care for orphans and children deprived of parental care and to determine the possibilities of their development.Research methods: to achieve this goal we used a set of methods: theoretical (conceptual and comparative analysis of philosophical, sociological, psychological and pedagogical, scientific and methodological and reference encyclopedic literature, regulatory and program documentation on research topics to clarify the content of basic concepts and study of the state of development of the researched problem in theory and practice); empirical (content analysis, questionnaires, pedagogical observation, study and generalization of independent characteristics and pedagogical experience, survey).Results. Based on the analysis of the scientific literature, the essence of the concepts "adoption", "custodianship/ care", "foster family", "family-type orphanage", "family patronage", "small group home", "deinstitutionalization" and "alternative care"is specified. Alternative forms of state protection of children as a social phenomenon are characterized, the relevance of deinstitutionalization and transformation of services for children is substantiated.

Features of circulation of agricultural lands in Ukraine for legal entities

Land in Ukraine can be in private, communal and state ownership. The lands of Ukraine include all lands within its territory, including islands and lands occupied by water bodies, which are divided into categories according to their main purpose. Legal entities may acquire land mainly for use on the rights of lease, sublease, emphyteusis and permanent use, may have agricultural land on the right of lifelong inherited land tenure, the legal regulation of which is currently absent. In Ukraine at this stage, models of organization of relations between business partners are effectively and justifiably used through the creation of a joint holding company in a foreign jurisdiction, which further establishes the company in Ukraine. As a result of the anti-terrorist operation and the occupation of Crimea on the territory of Ukraine, the rights of thousands of people to housing, land and property, including the rights of agricultural land use, were violated. Today, land lease is the main way of doing agribusiness, lease agreements have become an important tool for absorbing weaker competitors or seizing their land. In conditions of slow growth in the cost of rent, agricultural holdings can afford a slightly higher fee, which gives them a significant advantage over farmers. However, the moratorium on land has been lifted in 2020 and the land market in Ukraine will be introduced on July 1, 2021. From this date, agricultural land will be available to individuals, ie the moratorium on the sale of agricultural land will be lifted. As for legal entities, the land market will be open for them only from January 1, 2024.

Narwa-Iwangorod – dwie dusze tego samego miasta

From 1612 to 1990, the Estonian Narva and the Russian Ivangorod not only belonged to the same countries (at different times they were Sweden, Russia, Estonia and the Soviet Union), but they also were one city. The situation changed after the collapse of the Soviet Union and today, with each passing year, the differences between Narva and Ivangorod are becoming deeper and deeper. In this article, the author makes a short introduction to the history of Narva and Ivangorod and analyses the current political, economic and cultural situation in both cities. Narva is particularly important for Estonia’s political life because it has the largest Russian-speaking population in the country. Therefore, after Russia’s occupation of Crimea and the beginning of the Russian aggression in Donbas, Narva has been perceived as the city that may be most threatened by Russian infl uence in Estonia. On the other hand, the Russian authorities consider the surprising difference in economic and infrastructural development between the two cities to be the inconvenient propaganda of the European model of liberal democracy. The author describes how both countries cope with this situation and how ordinary residents of the Estonian Narva and Russian Ivangorod cope with these great political games.

EXCHANGE ACTIVITY IN THE SYSTEM OF NATIONAL ECONOMY

Introduction. Exchange activity occupies an important place in the financial services market and in the system of the national economy as a whole. At the same time, the development of such ac-tivities is characterized by significant problems and obstacles that cause its inertia. There is a need to review the main trends in the field of exchange activities and identify measures to improve it. The purpose of the article is to consider the exchange activity and the main trends of its functioning in the system of modern national economy. Results of this study: The features, classification of exchanges are determined and the peculiarities of their functioning in Ukraine are considered. It is noted that modern world exchanges reflect the current price situation in different markets, and market capitalization is an important indicator that characterizes the scale of this exchange in the world economy. The world's stock exchanges with the largest market capitalization are systematized. It is determined that the state regulation of exchange activity of modern Ukraine is somewhat different from the existing norms, standards and rules in the world, which are implemented in foreign markets of financial services. Such activity in the system of the national economy is still in its infancy, despite the positive growth trend of many indicators that characterize it. Trends in the development of commodity exchanges in Ukraine are detailed and their positive dynamics are noted. It is noted that the number of exchanges is too large for the volume of business transactions in the national economy. It was specified that the most important problems that cause the inert development of exchange activities include: political, social and economic instability, occupation of Crimea and some areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions, the spread of the pandemic and more. It is emphasized that there is a problem of too limited and inconsistent legal field of regulation of commodity exchanges, characterized by the existence of various regulations, a significant number of which should be considered in the context of administrative influence and creating artificial barriers to commodity exchanges. Conclusions. It is determined that in order to ensure effective exchange activity there is a need to improve banking and financial instruments. In addition, in the system of the national economy for the successful development of exchange activities, in accordance with world experience and socio-economic characteristics of the regions of Ukraine, it is necessary to optimize the number of stock exchanges; to improve the information infrastructure that will provide sales processes; to improve exchange tools; to strengthen the role of agricultural commodity exchanges and innovative enterprises, to create favourable conditions for their operation. Key words: exchange activity, exchange trading, exchange tools, currency market, information infrastructure, innovative enterprises, clearing institutions, competition, stock market.

Incydent czy akt agresji w rejonie Cieśniny Kerczeńskiej?

<p>Studium przypadku określanego mianem incydentu w Cieśninie Kerczeńskiej z uwzględnieniem uwarunkowań związanych z rosyjską agresją, aneksją i okupacją Krymu (2014) oraz agresywne działania podjęte przez Rosję wobec okrętów ukraińskiej marynarki wojennej jesienią 2018 r. podlegają jednoznacznej ocenie jako akt agresji. Powyższe wydarzenia należy rozpatrywać także w kontekście kontynuowania przez Federację Rosyjską niewypowiedzianej wojny wobec Ukrainy oraz dążenia do przejęcia całkowitej kontroli nad Morzem Azowskim i ograniczenia żeglugi floty handlowej Ukrainy i państw trzecich w kierunku portów ukraińskich. Działania Federacji Rosyjskiej mieszczą się w ramach paradygmatu polityki imperialnej, stanowią ewidentne pogwałcenie norm prawa międzynarodowego oraz suwerenności i integralności terytorialnej państwa ukraińskiego.</p>

Ukraine’s Struggle for Independence

In this article, I summarize the justification for Ukrainian state sovereignty, in spite of Russia’s claim of the non-existence of such sovereignty. The Russians invaded Ukraine claiming their right to justify their interests. The occupation of Crimea by Russian forces and their declaration of its annexation to Russia was an act of aggression disapproved of by the United Nations (2014). I also outline the nature of the limited war between Ukraine and Russia that is managed by ethnic Russians living in the Donbas region and Russian emissaries.

Dynamic Coordination of Internal Displacement: Return and Integration Cases in Ukraine and Georgia

The conflict-related internal displacement in Ukraine since 2014, after the armed combats with Russian military forces backing the separatist administrations, as well as the occupation of Crimea by the Russian Federation have not been state-organized. They imply a range of personal choices depending on civil positions and destinations for resettlement; therefore, the affected persons get involved in the consequent practical discourses and decision-making processes. Based on the legislative acts and the international reports on internal displacement, the internal displacement due to the current hybrid war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is compared with the first Russia-backed separatist conflicts after the collapse of the USSR—the wars in South Ossetia, in 1992, and in Abkhazia, in 2008. The internal displacement situations have been reviewed through their dynamic coordination patterns, with regard to non-equilibrium transitions, fluctuations, and adaptations triggered on the systemic, community, and personal levels, as well as to the expected durable solutions: integration, return, temporary resettlement. Therefore, we suggest, for further discussion, the patterns of bistability—for the internal displacement due to the Russo-Georgian wars of 1992 and 2008, characterized by an overfocus, in the practical discourses, on the return of the internally displaced persons (IDP), and metastability—for the conflict-related internal displacement in Ukraine, with both the return and local integration solutions creating the quasi-stable system.

Імплементація міжнародно-правових норм Ради Європи щодо охорони культурної спадщини у законодавство України

Україна стала членом Ради Європи в 1995 році, взявши на себе зобов’язання дотримуватися основоположних принципів діяльності організації. У сфері культурної політики наша держава активно впроваджує основні положення Ради Європи в національне законодавство.
 Метою статті є аналіз основних міжнародно-правових пам’яткоохоронних актів Ради Європи та імплементації їх норм у законодавство України у контексті сучасних викликів і загроз національній культурній спадщині.
 Наукова новизна статті полягає в аналізі міжнародно-правових норм Ради Європи щодо захисту культурних цінностей і відповідності національного законодавства України цим нормам, а також тим викликам і загрозам, які постали перед Україною та її культурними цінностями після окупації Росією Криму й початку збройного конфлікту на Донбасі.
 Висновки. Україна активно співпрацює з Радою Європи у сфері захисту культурних цінностей та є учасницею основних міжнародних конвенцій, прийнятих цією організацією. Наша держава ратифікувала Європейську культурну конвенцію 1954 р., Конвенцію про охорону архітектурної спадщини Європи 1985 р., Європейську конвенцію про охорону археологічної спадщини (переглянуту) 1992 р., Рамкову конвенцію про захист національних меншин 1995 р., Рамкову Конвенцію Ради Європи про значення культурної спадщини для суспільства 2005 р. тощо.
 Водночас українське законодавство потребує подальших змін у зв’язку з розвитком міжнародного права охорони культурної спадщини та з метою протидії руйнуванню, викраденням і знищенню об’єктів культурної спадщини в окупованому Криму та зоні збройного конфлікту на Донбасі. Серед документів Ради Європи у цьому контексті важливою є Конвенція про правопорушення, пов’язані з культурними цінностями 2017 р., яка підписана нашою державою, однак ще не ратифікована. Так само важливими для України є й документи Ради Європи рекомендаційного характеру, положення яких варто враховувати під час внесення змін до національного пам’яткоохоронного законодавства.

ЕКСПАНСІЯ РОСІЙСЬКОЇ ФЕДЕРАЦІЇ В УКРАЇНІ 1991–2014 РР. ЯК СКЛАДОВА ЗАГАЛЬНОЇ СТРАТЕГІЇ ЛІКВІДАЦІЇ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ДЕРЖАВНОСТІ

Based on the available literature and sources, the article summarizes the expan- sionist policy of the Russian Federation in Ukraine in 1991-2014 as a component of the overall Russian strategy for the elimination of Ukrainian statehood.It is shown that in order to achieve this strategic goal, Russia pursued an expan- sionist policy that caused significant damage to the national security of Ukraine. Its main directions are outlined, including territorial, political, economic, cultural, reli- gious, information and military expansion.In 1991–2014, during the period from the collapse of the USSR and Ukraine’s in- dependence to open armed aggression against it by the Russian Federation, Russian- Ukrainian relations were not good-neighborly. Despite the concluded bilateral treaty on friendship, cooperation and partnership between the two sovereign countries, they were accompanied by blackmail, lies, intimidation, provocations, etc. actions, includ- ing threats to use weapons.It should be noted that the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine did not begin in 2014 with the occupation of Crimea and parts of Donetsk and Lu- gansk regions, and has much longer historical roots. Territorial claims to Ukraine have not disappeared, which requires, first of all, the Ukrainian authorities to ensure the protection of vital national interests, pursuing a more active and decisive policy towards neighboring countries, especially Russia.The article presents statistical data, normative-legal acts and quotes of some politi- cal leaders of the Russian Federation and Ukraine, which strengthens the arguments and conclusions of the authors on this issue.

ВИСВІТЛЕННЯ У ВІТЧИЗНЯНІЙ ІСТОРІОГРАФІЇ ПІДГОТОВКИ ФАХІВЦІВ ГУМАНІТАРНОГО НАПРЯМУ ДЛЯ ЗБРОЙНИХ СИЛ УКРАЇНИ

The Constitution of Ukraine has provisions on European integration. Our state has confirmed this choice by joining the Bologna Process. Ukraineaspires to become a member of the European Union and NATO. Education is an impor- tant resource for increasing of people’s well-being and international competi- tiveness, as well as enhancing the defense capacityin confronting the Russian aggression. The occupation of Crimea and the armed aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine highlighted the need to reform the higher education system and military personnel training.The higher military education of Ukraine has witnessed a lot of changes since the independence in 1991. The Ukrainian education has beendeveloped accord- ing to the historical experience, theoretical knowledge, empirical researches in various fields, awareness of the social consequences of military education re- forms, aspirations to join the European Union, the armed aggression of the Rus- sian Federation.It is establishedthat the training of military specialists in the national historiog- raphy can be divided into two main stages. The first stage is from August 24, 1991 (proclamation of the Independence Act of Ukraine) until April 2014. The second stagehas begun after the Russian aggressionwhich affected the training of military personnel in the national security and defense sector.

Імплементація в законодавство України міжнародно-правових норм ООН та ЮНЕСКО щодо охорони культурної спадщини

The purpose of the article is to analyze the main international legal acts of the UN and UNESCO and to implement their norms in the legislation of Ukraine in the context of contemporary challenges and threats to the national cultural heritage. Methodology is a system of theoretical principles (systematicity, historicism, objectivity, etc.), logical techniques (analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, analogy, hypothesis, etc.) and specific research tools that have made it possible to fully disclose the process of implementation of international law into the legislation of Ukraine in the context of contemporary challenges and threats to the national cultural heritage. The scientific novelty of the article is to analyze the international legal norms of the UN and UNESCO on protection of cultural values and conformity of national legislation of Ukraine with these norms, as well as those challenges and threats that Ukraine and its cultural values face after the occupation of Crimea by Russia and the beginning of the armed conflict in the Donbass. Conclusions. Ukraine actively cooperates with the UN and UNESCO in the field of the protection of cultural property and is a party to major international conventions adopted by these organizations. Thanks to the application of these norms, only in the last few years have been managed to recover some of the objects of cultural heritage stolen from the Ukrainian museums, as well as to return such objects discovered by Ukrainian law enforcement agencies, to the state-owners. Due to international law, Ukraine is also pursuing lawsuits to return to our country cultural values that were exported abroad from Crimea until 2014, counteracting the attempts of the Russian Federation to seize cultural heritage in occupied Crimea and the like. At the same time, Ukrainian legislation needs further changes in connection with the development of international cultural heritage law and in order to counteract the destruction, theft and destruction of cultural heritage sites in occupied Crimea and the armed conflict zone in the Donbass. Keywords: UN; UNESCO; Ukraine; international law; convention; legislation; cultural heritage.

The Phenomenon of Propaganda as Reflected in Victor Pelevin’s novel S.N.U.F.F.

The aim of this paper is to draw a parallel between today’s situation – not only political and military, but also between the ideological confrontation between Russia and the Western world and the religious wars, which were waged during the Reformation, and Counterreformation in Europe in the 17th century. Epoch when arguably wars were waged not only for the military domination in Europe, but also, and most importantly, for the minds of people. Jose Antonio Maravall in his book “Culture of Baroque: Analysis of Historical Structure” describes the means of influencing audiences, calling this influence a “Baroque mechanism”. The connection between the modern times and the epoch of Baroque is also described in Greg Lambert‘s book “The Return of the Baroque in Modern Culture”. Lambert is comparing the alliance between politics and culture present in the modern world to that of Baroque epoch. Recent developments in Russian history and its reflection by the state propaganda and television quite often make the citizens feel that it is almost impossible to tell where fictional tragedy ends and a real one starts. The occupation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and the sanctions that followed gave rise to a new spiral of Russian propaganda which gave an impetus to a new wave of nationalism on the government-sponsored television and created the so called “Olgin Trolls” on the internet. This policy of state-sponsored ideology and propaganda found its reflection in Russian literature. Prominent contemporary writers, such as Viktor Pelevin and Vladimir Sorokin, gained almost prophetic status for their ability to predict developments in Russian politics albeit in a satirical and provocative form. By describing the present, Pelevin models the future and for this reason he is often credited with prophetic qualities. It seems that he manages to foresee not only the general outline of events, but also the smallest details. While reading Pelevin, one cannot help returning back to the title page and double check the date – it's hard to believe that the book has been written not in the wake of the Chechen wars (Generation II) or the hybrid war with Ukraine (S.N.U.F.F.) but anticipated the events and provided their astonishingly accurate description. As a rule, Pelevin's books outpace the historic events by about five to six years. Presumably we are not dealing here with a mystical providence, but with Pelevin’s unique ability to observe and his brilliant capacity for analysis. The aim of this paper is to analyze Viktor Pelevin’s novel S.N.U.F.F. This post apocalyptic novel was published in 2011 and predicted the confrontation between Russia and the Western world, which began after 2014. Pelevin suggested even the name of Ukraine, albeit in a distorted form – Urkaina, which is a derivative of укры (the term which became to serve as a pejorative name for Ukranians in Russia), орки (Orks by Tolkien) and урки (prisoners in the prison jargon). Although the book describes a dystopian future, one can clearly establish a connection with modern day realities. One of main discourses of the book is a fusion of ideology and art. The research based on works by Greg Lambert and Jose Antonio Maravall will be mainly focused on the analysis of the system, created in Pelevin’s book. In this system society is based on the films it is itself producing. The films are divided in two halves: one part of the film is a pornographic footage, and other part is a footage of killing during war, hence both the book and the films are called snuffs. The films relentlessly fed to the public serve to educate it and to offer it news. In this way they are the only source of information in Pelevin’s dystopia. The connection discussed in this paper will show that these films carry out not only an educational and information functions, they also become the main object of a religious cult and are an integral part of ideological and religious propaganda. The results of our analysis will hopefully show the mechanisms and effects of such forceful cultural pressure on individuals and how they can cope with and resist the pressure of goverment-controlled media.

From “Three Brotherly Nations” to “the Return to the European Family”: Anne of Kyiv’s Personality in Ukrainian Politics of History

After the occupation of Crimea and Russian aggression in the Donbas, Ukraine left the Russian political orbit and inserted amendments to the Constitution regarding the strategic course of the state for acquiring membership in the EU and NATO. Consequently, the concept of “three brotherly nations,” which symbolized connection of Ukraine with Russia and Belarus, was irrevocably replaced by the new idea of “the return to the European family,” which was repeatedly postulated at the state level. As part of this course, Ukrainian politics of history needed bright historical figures who could serve as a symbol of the ancient connection between Ukraine and Europe. According to historian Heorhiy Kasyanov, in Ukraine “nationalization” of the past took place, up to the times of Kyivan Rus. Since in Ukraine Kyivan Rus is perceived as an early predecessor of modern Ukraine, it seems to be clear why the personality of Anne of Kyiv, daughter of Yaroslav the Wise and wife of French King Henry I, was designed to legitimize the European integration course of Ukraine. Her personality was intended to show how old the ties which have allegedly united Ukraine and Europe. This article explores commemorative practices around Anne of Kyiv’s personality during the last five years. These practices show how the past can serve to the interests of the present and how easily political instrumentalization of the history happens. Each element of the commemorative practices states essentially the same idea: Ukrainians are not just eager to become a part of Europe, they were a part of Europe some time ago, so now they are just returning to their “European family.” Such commemorative practices include charity events, production of “Anne de Kyiv” film, “Anne de Kyiv Fest”, creation of the monuments, etc. Legitimizing resource of Anne of Kyiv’s personality is so strong and valuable that Ukraine has to fight for it with the Russian Federation: Vladimir Putin has recently made an attempt to tell the world about “Russian Anne.” Probably in the future commemorative practices connected with Anne of Kyiv will be developed and elaborated.Article received 08.03.2019

Russian-occupied Crimea and the state of exception: repression, persecution, and human rights violations

ABSTRACTSince annexing Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula in 2014, Russian authorities there have introduced harsh repressive measures to silence opposition to the ongoing occupation, chiefly targeting the indigenous Crimean Tatars and others pro-Ukrainian individuals. From the legally subversive methods it employed to orchestrate the annexation to the rhetoric of anti-extremism with which it has continually justified its occupation, the Kremlin has inaugurated a new “state of exception” in Crimea, invoking the prerogative to circumvent normative legal and juridical procedures in response to a perceived emergency. While Crimea’s state of exception resembles those initiated elsewhere by some Western states and Russia itself as part of the global War on Terror, the state of exception has provided the pretext for a particularly severe degree of repression, persecution, and human rights violations in occupied Crimea. In conjunction with the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group, this article discusses the theoretical groundings of the state of exception, its broader applications within the Russian Federation, and its troubling repercussions for residents of Crimea. Casting the Kremlin’s actions as belonging to a state of exception helps draw attention to its alarming human rights violations, and may bolster resistance to the creeping normalization of the Russian occupation of Crimea.