Number Of Slaves Research Articles

The ETH multiprocessor project: parallel simulation of continuous systems

A new multiprocessor system is currently under con struction at ETH (Swiss Federal Institute of Technol ogy). This multiple-instruction-stream multiple-data stream (MIMD) computer exploits the advantages of low-cost large-scale integrated components. A first model of the ETH multiprocessor featuring a modular expansible architecture will consist of a PDP 11/40 and 16 LS-T-11S. After its completion in 1980 the multiprocessor will be applied mainly to the simula tion of continuous systems. Evaluations of integration schemes for MIMD systems showed the method of power series expansions to be most appropriate. Starting from a FORTRAN-like source code, the differential equations are automatically decomposed into smaller problems. The higher deriva tives of all variables are computed using analytical recursion formulas. Usually many formulas can be evaluated simultaneously, each by a master cooperating with a number of slaves, using the inherent parallel ism in many of these formulas. The time behaviour of the multiprocessor is character ized by dynamically changing hierarchies. To imple ment algorithms efficiently, several principal prob lems of parallel computing were solved in hardware rather than in software. Thus the system features provisions for instantaneous data exchange between processors, protection of data, handling of deadlocks, and performance of operating system tasks. As a result, the ETH multiprocessor simplifies the solu tion of problems from different fields.

Slaves from the Windward Coast

The ‘Windward Coast’ between Cape Mount and Assini (modern Liberia and Ivory Coast) is credited by Curtin with the export of very large numbers of slaves in the late seventeenth century and most of the eighteenth, but with hardly any in the nineteenth. It is suggested here that the actual figures for the earlier period are much lower, many of those slaves attributed to this stretch of coast in the English trade having come from the region Curtin calls ‘Sierra Leone’, while a large proportion of those carried in French ships came from the Gold Coast or beyond. In the nineteenth century, slave trading continued on the coast between Cape Mount and New Sestos until 1840. More work is needed on available sources. The figures are far too uncertain to be used for a chronological underpinning of oral traditions of peoples a great distance inland.

Congenital heart block and maternal systemic lupus erythematosus.

The association between infants with congenital heart block (CHB) and the presence or later development of maternal systemic lupus erythematosus or other connective-tissue disease (CTD) was reviewed in 67 cases. In 24 cases CHB was diagnosed at or before birth. Of nine necropsies on affected infants, seven showed endomyocardial fibrosis. The results suggest that one in three mothers who deliver babies with CHB have or will develop CTD. The association is probably explained by placental transfer of a maternal antibody. Awareness of the association may lead to prevention of the birth of children with CHB and better neonatal care of affected children.

Facteurs de mortalité dans le trafic français d'esclaves au XVIIIe siècle

Maintenant que l'histoire du commerce des esclaves dans l'Atlantique est mieux connue, on a pu réexaminer systématiquement l'historiographie traditionnelle de la question. Non seulement on a reconsidéré, grâce aux nouvelles données quantitatives, les estimations des effectifs envoyés d'Afrique et le rôle des différentes nations commerçantes dans ce domaine, mais le problème de l'ampleur et des causes de la mortalité des esclaves a pour la première fois été l'objet d'un examen sérieux. Bien qu'il reste évident que la mortalité des esclaves durant la traversée transocéanique — le « second côté » du commerce triangulaire — a été très élevée par rapport aux taux des populations sédentaires, puisqu'elle atteignait couramment les mêmes niveaux que pendant les épidémies en Europe, elle était certainement inférieure aux chiffres fréquemment avancés et qui donnent à penser qu'elle aurait oscillé entre le quart et la moitié des esclaves embarqués.

Jobs in the Household of Livia

It is a commonplace that slaves in upper-class Roman households of the imperial period were numerous and specialised. The elaborate entourage of the slave civil servant Musicus (5197=EJ 158) implies the far greater luxury of his imperial master, Tiberius. But detailed discussions of Roman domestic arrangements tend to generalise, to take examples from widely separated areas and from any epoch between Augustus and the Severi, and thus to obscure chronological development and class differences. Freedmen in charge of bejewelled gold plate are attested in the imperial house in the Flavian period and later: we cannot infer that they existed before, or in other houses. Conversely, the earliest inscription known to us does not give us the date for the introduction of a post, only a terminus a quo. Some posts are confined to the imperial house. Numbers of slaves and the variety of their functions are dictated by the rank, wealth, family connections, requirements, sex and age of their owner.

How Extensive Was The Border State Slave Trade?: A New Look

How Extensive Was The Border State Slave Trade? A New Look William Calderheacl Just forty years ago this spring American historians welcomed the appearance of Frederic Bancroft's Stove Trading in the Old South. The theme was not new, but it was an interesting and significant one, and the book was considered definitive in its field. By combining the results of earlier research with new research and findings of his own, Bancroft came to the conclusion that a vast exodus of slaves had been flowing from the border slave states to the virgin and expanding farm areas of the Southwest. These findings were considered important, for they helped explain the facility of the rapid growth of slavery in the frontier South, its persisting and continuing value in the border states that now became an important feeder region, and the feelings in the South as a whole that if slavery could be constitutionally protected, especially in the new territories, its institutional form would have a long and profitable life. When it was published, Bancroft's book was well received. The major reviewers were sympathetic toward it and found it to be "a contribution of lasting importance, scholarly, and exhaustive" and its author was an historian who wrote "with the vehemence of a Boston pamphleteer ."1 The book's theme also fitted nicely with the revisionist spirit of historical writing of the early 1930s. The preceding generation had followed the teachings of Ulrich B. Phillips, who had placed no great emphasis on the significance of slave trading and who had argued that the chattel labor system itself was not conducive to economic profit. Now Phillips was cut down in both respects; and for good measure the border states, which had escaped their share of the blame for the evils of slavery, was now singled out for engaging in the most dire feature of the whole system: namely, slavemongering. In more recent years, as the interest in Black history has increased, a goodly number of books on slavery and on its secondary theme, the slave trade, have made their appearance. Almost without exception these writers cite Bancroft as the authority and quote his findings without challenge or hesitation. Thus current writers such as Kenneth Stampp in The Peculiar Institution, Richard Wade in his Shvery in the Cities, 1 Marion Knight and M. M. James (eds.), Book Review Digest, 1931 (New York, 1932), p. 53. 42 SLAVE TRADE43 or Eugene Genovese in The Political Economy of Slavery fully accept and freely quote from Bancroft's earlier work. In fairness to all concerned, it should be noted that no grave error was committed here. Bancroft, for his part, used standard research techniques , cited valid items of evidence, and used basic logic in reaching his conclusions. Those men who quoted him were writing about the broader theme of slavery and his findings concerning the trade in slaves were just a small feature of their broader framework. If they had been doing research on the features of the trade itself, particularly of a single border state or a county within that state, they might have come up with some very different and contradictory results. It was this very feature that I chanced upon when doing research recently on the decline of slavery in one of the slave counties in Maryland in the thirty years before the Civil War. The numbers of slaves being sold South from that county was far less than its proportional share should have been according to Bancroft's findings.2 There were two possible explanations for this. Either the county was not representative of the entire state of Maryland or Bancroft was wrong in his estimates at least as far as that border state was concerned. Further research covering the trade in the entire state of Maryland indicated that the county profile of trading was representative. The conclusion was fairly clear: contrary to Bancroft's view, Maryland did not participate extensively in the interstate trade. It will be the purpose of the remainder of this paper to examine three features of the problem now stated. First an examination will be made of the estimates of Bancroft and others of the size of the...

Republicanism and Slavery: Origins of the Three-Fifths Clause in the United States Constitution

A MERICAN historians have become increasingly aware of how the institution of slavery and the problems of race created tension in Western culture.' During the Revolutionary crisis of the eighteenth century when new constitutional principles and structures emerged in North America, slavery inevitably created friction in politics. Some historians have argued that the three-fifths clause in the United States Constitution was a product of significant conflict over the issue of slavery in the Convention of I787. Others attach little importance to the clause. It is the purpose of this essay to analyze these arguments and to introduce a new interpretation of the discord that led to the inclusion of the three-fifths clause in the Constitution. The clause ordained that three-fifths of the number of slaves in a state would be added to the number of free citizens, including bond servants but excluding Indians not taxed, to determine how many congressmen the state would send to the House of Representatives. The same formula specified the amount of direct taxes the state would pay to the national government.2 The usual interpretation of the political conflict behind the establishment of this procedure in the Constitution is as follows: northerners wanted to count slaves in determining

The People in Power: Courthouse and Statehouse in the Lower South, 1850-1860 (review)

188CIVIL WAR history right. From their point of view, his life was a story of progressive alienation from his own people. He began his political career on a foundation of Norwegian votes; in the end he had become so Americanized that he abandoned his membership in the Norwegian Lutheran church in favor of the Unitarian. The slower assimilator might well have asserted that in his eagerness to be an American, Johnson was prepared to sacrifice all that was dear, even his faith in his Norwegian God. Because of the complexity of Johnson's life, Miss Larson chose to structure her biography topically. This is unfortunate. On one hand, important relationships are ignored. It is, for example, as though Johnson's Americanization had nothing to do with his decision to abandon politics for business, or as though his presidency of the Fuller and Johnson Company was unaffected by his founding of the Gisholt Machine Company . On the other hand, the tracing of separate threads in Johnson's career results in unnecessary repetition. Thus, Johnson's death in 1901 is recorded not less than three times. Certainly John A. Johnson was an uncommon American, as Miss Larson calls him. But more important is the fact that his life exemplifies the tensions which existed between immigrants who were successful men of affairs and the ethnic group with which they felt a strong cultural bond. Frederick C. Luebke University of Nebraska The People in Power: Courthouse and Statehouse in the Lower South, 1850-1860. By Ralph A. Wooster. (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1969. Pp. xv, 189. $6.25.) The People in Power continues the author's bedrock contributions to southern history and is an appropriate sequel to his Secession Conventions of the South. This offering, similar in many respects to the earlier study of the conventions, provides analysis and summary tables from a very extensive collection of information about individual state and local officeholders. The manuscript schedules for the 1850 and 1860 federal censuses yielded age, occupation, birthplace, value of property, and number of slaves. As would have been expected by any who have used these fruitful but frustrating sources, many of the men under study could not be located; but the accumulation of such detailed data for the thousands of men who could be found in the census schedules is a service that will long be appreciated by students of southern life. The seven states that formed the original Confederate States of America are included in the study, and officeholders range from governors or other statewide officials, through state legislators, and to holders of several categories of county posts. The bibliographical essay contains a comprehensive guide to sources for the names of officeholders, their book reviews189 party affiliations, and other personal information beyond that found in the census schedules. It was not possible to assemble names of all local officeholders for every state, but an extensive inclusiveness provides firm foundation for the tabulations and analyses. With some exceptions the men studied are those in office at about the time of the two federal censuses used, 1850 and I860. The manner of selecting state and local officers in each state is traced through state constitutional developments, and the extent of popular election, progress toward universal suffrage for white men, and implications of apportionment arrangements are perceptively discussed. Ten summary tables located in the text sustain analytical passages, and forty-three pages of appendix materials expand in table form the collective biography by state for legislators and county governing boards. Southern officeholders were commonly middle-aged, southern born, and holders of substantial amounts of real and personal property. They were "predominantly agrarian in their sympathies and outlook." Both planters and plain people were well represented, but the proportion of planters and slaveholders was larger in 1860 than in 1850. No Southwide pattern of personal characteristics distinguished Democrats from their opponents. The author offers these and other interpretations of the significance or implications of his composite picture without being concerned primarily with applying his findings to issues on which his data may be brought to bear. The work is chiefly a meticulous frame of reference and a massive effort in descriptive statistics. Only a few...

European and African Tradition on the Rio Real

Those engaged in studying the history of West African coastal communities find themselves confronted with two different classes of material —historical sources, which are mainly written records produced by Europeans who visited or resided for short periods in the area; and anthropological sources, which are mainly local African oral tradition. There is a natural tendency for historians and for anthropologists each to confine themselves mainly to the class of material they understand best and to use the other, if they use it at all, uncritically and without regard to the interdependence of these two sources. The written sources were produced by people who knew little or nothing about the societies they were describing, and they can only become meaningful if seen against the ethnographic background. The African traditions on the other hand, if used alone, are no substitute for historical records. They are not concerned with an absolute time scale and can only be placed in the right historical perspective if they can be correlated with dated historical records. Neither class is capable of standing by itself; they have to be taken together and used to correct, check, and amplify each other. In addition, the written records have other faults of their own, notably the mesmerizing effect which can be achieved by an arresting statement once it has been recorded in print. The more frequently the statement is recorded the more authoritative it becomes. Captain Adams, for example, in his Sketches taken during ten voyages to Africa made a guess at the number of slaves exported annually from the Rio Real, and this figure of 20,000 was accepted uncritically and repeated by almost every subsequent writer on the slave trade in the Bight of Biafra. When it is possible to take them together, however, a great many of the apparent differences between these two classes of material disappear. The African traditions at times provide more accurate historical detail than the written sources, while some of the latter are shown to be more legendary in character than the African and subject to just the same processes of compression and the same dependence on ‘structural time’.

The One Hundred

HE student of early American history can seldom determine the amount of property held by different economic classes. Private individuals did not often keep records which revealed their assets, nor did the governments ordinarily tax so great a variety of the sources of wealth as to furnish the necessary data. Fortunately, the state of Virginia in the I780's levied taxes on some of the most important forms of property, and, happily, the records kept by the collectors were detailed and have survived almost intact.1 The Virginia farmer invested his money principally in land and in slaves, and it is precisely those properties which were taxed. The actual income, to be sure, depended upon a number of factors which were not considered in relation to taxation, such as the productivity of the soil, the state of the market, the heritage of debt, and the money out at interest. That income, therefore, cannot be measured accurately. Nevertheless, an analysis of the amount of land and the number of slaves held by the farmers includes the principal money-making sources and supplies at least a partial picture of the economic status of the great planters. For good measure, the two most important farm animals, cattle and horses, were also taxed. Every estate contained pigs and sheep too,, but each of these was worth only about one-sixth as much as a cow, and their omission from the tax list was no great loss to the state, or to the historian. One can, therefore, search the tax records from Accomac to York for men of large estate, and from the list so obtained may be culled the names of the hundred richest Virginians in the I780's.2 The selection cannot be quite accurate, for it will not take into account property held in present-

The Slave Population of Athens

It is as yet too soon to state what corrections or additions should be made to the various figures I gave in my Population of Athens as a result of new evidence since that book was published (1933), although some individual discoveries have been made and Sterling Dow has published his invaluable Prytaneis (Hesperia, Suppl. I, 1937); for the excavations in the Athenian agora are not finished–though it looks as though the hopes I expressed for the discovery of a large number of inscriptions that would throw new light on the problem will be disappointed. But two objections have been made to my treatment of the number of slaves in Athens, by Mr. Hammond in Proc. Camb. Phil. Soc, 1935, p. 1, and by Prof. George Thomson in his edition of The Oresteia, I 70, n. 1 and II 357-9, both of whom maintain that Ktesikles' figure of 400,000 must be accepted; and though the question has again been discussed, convincingly enough to my mind, by Prof. Westerraann in Athenian Studies (Harv. Stud, Suppl. Vol. I, 1940, 451-70), it is worth dealing with certain aspects afresh, especially in answer to Thomson, for some important principles are involved. Not that anything I can say will convince him; for he hopes that ‘the whole subject will be re-examined by someone who is prepared to take the ancient evidence seriously and is free from the suspicion of seeking to minimise the extent of an evil which casts a sinister shadow over the glory that was Greece.’ But I will do my best.

Blood Grouping of 336 Upper Aucaner Bush Negroes and 70 Alukuyana Indians in Dutch Guiana

Abstract The Bush Negroes of Dutch Guiana, South America, are of the identical blood as those Negro slaves originally transported to North America and the West Indies. The slaving ships which supplied these places all received their cargo from the same parts of the West African Coast. The region particularly concerned may be said to have extended from the Senegal river to the Congo mouth, including the adjacent interior for many miles back. The names of the known tribes which contributed black men to this hemisphere are too numerous to mention here, while others have been obliterated by time and the depredation of the slaving trade. The history and present day situation of the Bush Negro is however, unique in the annals of the Negro people in both North and South America. Beginning in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, numbers of slaves on the plantations of Dutch Guiana escaped into the jungle.

The Rôle of the Cook in Plautus' Curculio

Previous articleNext article FreeThe Rôle of the Cook in Plautus' CurculioClinton C. ConradClinton C. Conrad Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Classical Philology Volume 13, Number 4Oct., 1918 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/360192 Views: 112Total views on this site PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.