Number Of Deputies Research Articles

Parliamentary roll-call voting as a complex dynamical system: The case of Chile.

A method is proposed to study the temporal variability of legislative roll-call votes in a parliament from the perspective of complex dynamical systems. We studied the Chilean Chamber of Deputies' by analyzing the agreement ratio and the voting outcome of each vote over the last 19 years with a Recurrence Quantification Analysis and an entropy analysis (Sample Entropy). Two significant changes in the temporal variability were found: one in 2014, where the voting outcome became more recurrent and with less entropy, and another in 2018, where the agreement ratio became less recurrent and with higher entropy. These changes may be directly related to major changes in the Chilean electoral system and the composition of the Chamber of Deputies, given that these changes occurred just after the first parliamentary elections with non-compulsory voting (2013 elections) and the first elections with a proportional system in conjunction with an increase in the number of deputies (2017 elections) were held.

Municipal Chief Manager in the Iraqi Legislation

The idea of ​​this research started from the great importance of the issue of the municipality chief manager in Iraqi legislation. It is one of the important topics in the Iraqi administrative system and the municipality as a form of administrative decentralization and a legal person. There is no doubt that the municipal chief manager performs his executive duties according to the law, and he differs in his work from the municipal council as it is an executive body that deals directly with the citizen. It needs a number of deputies to advance the service reality due to the increase in the population. Then we exposed his power, and it was found that he exercises administrative, legal, financial, and technical powers that help him in implementing them by employees, but he needs to grant other authorities, including appointment, for the purpose of addressing the shortage of staff to perform services, especially after transferring power to the provinces and in order to present an integrated picture of the municipal chief manager in Iraqi legislation. We adopted the analytical approach, with a statement of the position of jurisprudence regarding the appointment of the municipal chief manager and the position of the judiciary regarding providing protection in the event of an attack on the director.

МЕТОДИЧЕСКИЕ ПОДХОДЫ К ФОРМИРОВАНИЮ СТРУКТУРЫ ЦЕНТРАЛЬНОГО ОРГАНА ИСПОЛНИТЕЛЬНОЙ ВЛАСТИ В СФЕРЕ ОХРАНЫ ЗДОРОВЬЯ СУБЪЕКТА РФ

Intensification of the rule-making process in healthcare, active position of citizens and their increased demands for conditions of receiving medical services and quality of health care have resulted in increased burden on health authorities. To ensure efficiency in achieving targets in healthcare reforming and modernization, the requirements for quality managerial personnel are being increased. A wide variety of organizational and legal forms of the central health executive authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, their often insufficient staff size and imbalance in the staffing of structural units necessitate development of unified methodological approaches to the formation of the structure of the central health authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation and substantiate methodology for calculating the staff size. The purpose of the study: to develop a methodology for creating the optimal structure of the health executive authority of a constituent entity of the Russian Federation and methodological recommendations for calculating their staffing. Results. Analysis of the organizational and legal structure and functional responsibilities of the state authorities in healthcare in 13 constituent entities of the Russian Federation has identified significant differences and different competencies, although each constituent entity of the Russian Federation solves general health issues within the competences, therefore, the scope of activities of all levels of government should be coordinated. Staffing of the regional executive authority (REA) should primarily depend on the population size of the constituent entity of the Russian Federation, its density, number of medical organizations, their total bed capacity, planned capacity of units providing outpatient care, and the number of medical personnel. A coefficient has been derived for calculating the staffing level of the state health authority in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. In accordance with the general calculation criteria, several models of the REA structure were proposed, depending on the population size of the constituent entity of the Russian Federation. For REA with the number of deputies four and over, two versions of the model with different hierarchical subordination were proposed. Conclusion. Active processes of the industry reforming against the background of objective factors that determine new approaches to the healthcare system impose new, increased requirements to the executive bodies of state authority of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, necessitate optimization of the structure, management and functional load of regional health executive authorities.

Transparency of Political Parties in Spain and e-Accesibility for People with Disabilities

This article analyses the transparency webs of Spanish political parties in order to verify whether they are accessible to people with disabilities (hearing, visual, motor or cognitive) and also to establish which elements determine or condition, to a greater or lesser extent, the level of accessibility of these spaces. To this end, an evaluation model was generated (4 criteria, 10 variables and 31 indicators) inspired by the guidelines for the development of e-accessibility of the Web Content Accessibility Guidelines (WCAG) 2.1 of the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C), which was applied through the use of automatic and manual techniques for the web pages’ review. In addition, the Pearson Correlation Coefficient was used to determine the relationship between the degree of incidence or relationship of a series of factors (active transparency index, seniority, number of votes and number of deputies) on the level of accessibility of the transparency portals of the political parties. The research provides novel results, which will allow us to verify whether political parties manage inclusive transparency. That is, whether the websites, generated to comply with their legal obligations in terms of active advertising, favour the access of all people to e-information, including people with disabilities so that they can exercise their political citizenship on an equal footing with the rest.

Кадровий потенціал представницьких органів місцевого самоврядування об’єднаних територіальних громад Одеської області в новій системі адміністративно-територіального устрою

The article is devoted to the analysis of the deputy corps of the united territorial communities of the Odesa region of the VIII convocation, which were formed in the new system of administrative and territorial organization. Also, article is determinated of the prospects for the exercise of powers by the deputies of the local council in connection with the suspension of the activities of certain political parties. The author based his research on the analysis of the structure of the deputy corps according to political and gender characteristics and the provision of deputy activity through the work of deputy permanent commissions, factions and groups of representative bodies of local self-government at the basic level of the Odesa region, using the example of three different levels of local councils of the VIII convocation – Artsyz municipal the united territorial community of Bolhrad district, the Shabo village united territorial community of Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi district and the Tairovo village united territorial community of Odesa district, which are newly created administrative units.It was established that as a result of the 2020 local elections, representatives of the following political forces received the largest representation in the deputies’ corps in the Artsyz Municipal Council, the Shabo Village Council and the Tairovo Settlement Council by political affiliation: "For the Future", "Opposition Platform ‒ For Life", "Batkivshchyna". Also, the same political forces in the respective councils ensured the largest representation of women among council deputies out of their total number. The analysis of the permanent commissions of the three councils mentioned above showed that they have the same number of them and are represented by the same number of deputies, namely 5 deputies each. It is noted that in the permanent commissions, deputies from the political forces represented in the councils are not always distributed proportionally, as far as possible, which can disturb the balance and realization of their party interests and the interests of the voters of the united territorial communities. It was determined that 2 deputy factions of political parties "For the Future" and "Opposition Platform – For Life" were created in the Artsyz Municipal Council; 3 deputy factions were created in the Shabo village council of political parties "Sluha narodu", "For the future" and "Trust the works"; no parliamentary factions have yet been created in the Tairovo village council, which does not violate the provisions of normative acts. It is emphasized that candidates from the three above-mentioned parliamentary parties received the greatest representation in these councils. At the same time, the political parties "Opposition Platform ‒ For Life" and "For the Future", as well as a number of others, are recognized as pro-Russian in the normative and procedural order, and their activities are prohibited on the territory of Ukraine. In connection with this the question of the authority of the deputy of the local of the council, if he was elected from a political party whose activity is prohibited, and the parliamentary faction formed by it in the local council remains open and requires a separate normative and legal regulation.

Институционализация региональной политической элиты: рекрутирование и профессиональные карьеры

The paper contemplates one of the aspects of institutionalization of regional political elite, i.e. the establishment of a specific recruitment pool and career track. The study is based on the analysis of the deputies’ biographies of ten legislatures of the Russian regions and of regional representatives in the Federal Assembly. A total of 660 biographies was analysed. The authors use structural-biographical method. Based on the study of career tracks and personal characteristics, it can be argued that institutionalization and a certain stability of the recruitment pool of regional political elite has largely occurred. Moreover, the observed mobility of some characteristics, such as education, pre-elite professional activity, is an indicator of a transition from the late Soviet and post-Soviet requirements and conditions of regional power formation to more modern ones. The authors observe the narrowing of the social space of elite recruitment and their plutocratization. The establishment of a deputy corps in a region entails some issues in the politics. The decrease of the number of deputies working full-time and professionally serving as a member of the regional legislature results in the depoliticization of public space and increase of the significance of the administrative elite.

Right-wing opposition to the mainstream radical right: the cases of Hungary and Poland

ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to compare the role played by radical right and right wing parties in opposition to the mainstream radical right wing governments in Hungary and Poland. We analyse the role developed by the parties Jobbik and Our Homeland in Hungary, while in Poland we focus on the case of Konfederacja. However, while these parties are not important considering their number of Deputies in Parliament, they are relevant in shaping the political climate. Their presence and success is part of the same right wing ecosystem and conditions that sustains the mainstream radical right. Between these parties and the government have been established different kinds of relationships that we consider as: collaboration (Our Homeland), competition from the radical right (first Jobbik and Konfederacja) and competition from the centre (second Jobbik).

РЕАКЦИЯ В ПРАВИТЕЛЬСТВЕ И ПАРЛАМЕНТЕ ВЕЛИКОБРИТАНИИ НА СОВЕТСКО-ЭСТОНСКИЕ МИРНЫЕ ПЕРЕГОВОРЫ В 1919–1920 ГГ.

The article focuses on the contradictions in the British regarding the continuation of military operations against the Soviet Republic at the end of 1919 and the participation of Estonia in the White struggle. Documents of British archives, and transcripts of proceedings of Parliament shows that after a series of military setbacks of the White forces, and the failure of formation with the direct pressure from the British military advisers of the government of the North-West Russia to create anti-Bolshevik coalition under the political control of the British commissioners in the Baltic countries, the mood in Parliament and the War Cabinet of Britain has changed. Speeches of liberal members of Parliament at the meetings of 1919-1920, note that the issue of concluding a Bolshevik-Estonian peace Treaty has become positively evaluated in wide circles of British society. Criticism of the «militarism» of the government became particularly acute after the peace of Tartu in January 1920, and the firmness of the Estonian government, which had making peace, was welcomed by a number of deputies. Minutes of meetings of the British Imperial War Cabinet and documents of the War Council also shows a shift from the policy of active involvement of the Baltic countries in the anti-Bolshevik struggle to recognition of the failure of this struggle and the impossibility of its revival by spending the financial and material resources, which were strongly necessary to solve other problems that arose in the British government after the end of the First world war.

Sejm Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów 1572–1668

In 1572–1668 the Sejm of the Commonwealth of Two Nations underwent constant evolution. The greatest changes occurred at the time of the first interregnum (1572–74) after the death of the last Jagiellonian monarch – Zygmunt Augustus (1572). This was the time of the emergence of two types of new Sejms (convocation and election ones), functioning exclusively during the interregnum. The Henrician Articles (1574) resolved that the Sejm was to debate only for six weeks, and that the monarch was compelled to convoke it at least once every two years. The extraordinary Sejm was established in 1613 – it could be convened in cases of urgent needs and it sat for two or three weeks. The Parliament was composed of three estates: the king, the Senate, and the deputies as well as two chambers. The upper chamber (Senate) consisted of senators nominated by the monarch on a lifelong basis, and the lower chamber (Chamber of Deputies) – of deputies of the noble estate elected at pre-Sejm sejmiks (Polish: sejmiki). An integral part of the Parliament was composed of the Sejm court, both appellant and trying gravest crimes. The Crown and Lithuanian Tribunal, established in 1578–81, assumed appellation competences from the Sejm court. Tribunal judges were elected every year for a year-long term of office at special sejmiks known as deputational or deputy (judicial), which constituted a forum; here deputies presented to the voters accounts of their parliamentary activity. At the turn of 1591, post-Sejm or relational (debriefing) sejmiks were convened after the closure of the Sejm debates; here deputies presented reports concerning their parliamentary activities. The growing composition of the Parliament was associated with an expansion of state territory as a result of victorious wars waged against Muscovy. New bishoprics, voivodeships, and sejmiki were established. There were 140 senators in 1572, and 150 during the 1630s. Analogously, the number of deputies grew from 166 to 180. The Sejm acted upon the basis of a consensus, and thus was obligated to take into account the stand of the minorities. In 1652, the protest of a single deputy for the first time rendered further Sejm debates impossible. From then on, the Polish-Lithuanian Parliament constantly succumbed to a degradation process.

UKRAINIAN REPRESENTATIVE OFFICE OF THE AUSTRIAN PARLIAMENT: FRACTIONAL ORGANIZATION AND POLITICAL AND LEGAL VIEWS

The article analyzes the steam principles of formation and activity of the highest representative body of the Habsburg Empire – the bicameral parliament. Created on the basis of the «February patent» of 1861, the legislature was not only to regulate general imperial issues, but also to decide the specifics of economic, economic, social development of a particular province. Austrian parliamentarism was characterized primarily by broad liberalism, which manifested itself in the ability of all nationalities of the empire to have their own representation in parliament. It is clear that the election procedure and the number of deputies delegating individual peoples differed significantly, which in the case of Ukrainians in Galicia and Bukovina did not allow them to compete effectively with Poles and Romanians, respectively, who were also representatives of these provinces, and convinced the imperial authorities that they are the ones who enjoy the greatest support of the local population. The Ukrainian faction of the Reichstag was called the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation and was divided into several sections. The main activity of the Ukrainian faction in the Austrian parliament, given that it was dominated by representatives of the popular trend, was the struggle for the autonomy of Eastern Galicia as part of Austria-Hungary. It should be noted that Ukrainian deputies in the Austrian Parliament have shown themselves to be qualified parliamentarians. This is confirmed by the fact that on February 22, 1910, Yu. Romanchuk was elected Vice-President of the Chamber of Deputies of the Austrian Parliament. It was established that Austrian constitutionalism not only guaranteed the introduction of the institutions of parliamentarism, but also guaranteed the peoples of the monarchy the opportunity to be elected to the highest representative body of the country. Ukrainians in Galicia and Bukovina actively participated in parliamentary activities and, despite the small number of representatives, were able to form their own faction and actively defend the socio-economic, political and cultural aspirations of Ukrainians.

Інституційні та структурні ефекти виборчої системи у місцевій виборчій кампанії-2020 (регіональний аспект)

The article is devoted to the problems of the influence of the electoral system on the structuring of the electoral field in the region and the representation of political parties in local government. It is emphasized that due to the high size of the electoral deposit, the number of participants in the elections has significantly decreased in comparison with the previous electoral cycle. Also, due to legislative innovations, the possibility of political manipulation and the proportion of spoiled ballot have been increased. According to the author, the election results turned out to be extremely distorted due to the influence of the institutional and structural effects of the electoral system. Institutional effects include disproportions in the representation of political parties in the regional council due to the higher activity of rural voters and low turnout in cities. The author shows that the greatest losses were incurred by the party “Ednannia” of the mayor of Zaporiozhzhia V. Buriak. The effect of “split voting” manifested itself through the differentiation of support for electoral actors when voting in regional, district and local councils. This indicator makes it possible to explain electoral behavior in different elections from the standpoint of the theory of “strategic voting", as well as to study the influence of the factor of "neighborhood" - voting on a territorial basis, “for local”. The most stable was the electorate of the Opposition Bloc, the EU and Servant of the People, and the most unstable was the Opposition Bloc. Structural effects describe the impact of electoral rules on the promotion of candidates within party lists and are revealed using several indicators. The coefficient of regionalization indicates the share of deputies who received mandates in territorial districts, the coefficient of “internal competition” - the number of deputies who received more than a quarter of votes, the coefficient of “integrity of choice” is an indicator of the “pure” ideological electorate who voted for the party list as a whole.

Fuzzy sets … too fuzzy to study women’s representation in parliament!

In this rebuttal piece to Buche et al, I reiterate my criticism of fuzzy set analysis as a method that is poorly suited to study women’s representation in parliament and other rather complex phenomena. The use of fuzzy set analysis is problematic from the onset, because this method asks the researchers to distinguish meaningful from non-meaningful variation and set benchmarks for high women’s representation, the cross-over point and low or non-high representation. Yet, in the study of women’s representation, the distinction between meaningful and non-meaningful variation and the setup of these benchmarks is problematic if not impossible, even with case-specific knowledge. For example, in Asia and Latin America can we talk about high women’s representation if there are 30 per cent women deputies, 35 per cent women deputies or 40 per cent women deputies? Neither the literature nor Buche et al give an answer to this question. This problem of arbitrarily setting benchmarks is magnified by the non-robust findings and low coverage of this method. It is disturbing if we get a completely different combination of conditions, if we slightly change the benchmark for high women’s representation and/or that of some of the conditions or independent variables. Because of these reasons, researchers should refrain from using fuzzy set analysis, when explaining variation in the number of deputies in parliament.

The constitution and the federal treaty: problems of correlation

On the basis of documentary sources (transcripts of the Congress of People's Deputies of the Supreme Council (the SC) and the Constitutional Commission of Russia) and other materials, the author, a member of the Constitutional Commission and the Chairman of the Legislation Committee of the SC, examines the peculiarities of the process of drafting and signing the Federal Treaty, considers certain aspects of the political and legal debate on the Federal Treaty in May 1990 - April 1992. The author expounds the opinions concerning the correlation between the Constitution and the Federal Treaty of such political figures as Boris Yeltsin, Ruslan Khasbulatov, Ramazan Abdullatipov, Oleg Rumyantsev, et al., as well as a number of deputies involved in the constitutional process. The author concludes that, legally, those debates concerned the subject matter and the form of the FT, affected entities and the method of incorporation into the Constitution. Politically, it was a question of what type of Federation would be founded in the country ranging from the constitutional to treaty federation, including intermediary constitutional treaty federation. During the period in question the pendulum was swinging to the constitutional treaty federation.

A Resolução nº23.389/2013 do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral e a tensão entre os poderes constituídos

The situations of regulatory gaps are inherent to Constitutions which foresee limited efficacy standards in its permanent text, however, not being of good plea, the permission of normative voids, occurred by the Legislative’s inaction, resulting in unconstitutionality by default and entailing in a noncompliance of the Constitution. Thusly, this paper faces the question of the possibility of granting Legislative powers to the Judiciary, in order to justify the possibility of such overcome the obstacles imposed by the Legislative inertia and accomplish the enforcement of constitutional determinations via court decisions or secondary normative acts. Through literature and jurisprudence research, having as theme the regulatory role of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal which set the number of deputies to each member state of the Brazilian Federation for statewide elections in 2014, it has been the aim, stimulating debate about the possibility of normative decentralization of the Legislative’s legislating function in the Brazilian legal system, as well as the study of the characteristics, requirements and limits imposed on the Judiciary when it comes to the exercise of such normative competence, capable of innovating the national legal system.

Jordanian survival strategy: The election law as a ‘safety valve’

Jordan has often been characterized as being in a perennial state of uncertainty. This uncertainty at times took on critical proportions, at other times it was more subdued. But it always called for tools of control, tools that confronted and controlled if necessary the perceived threats caused by internal and/or external realities. One such tool of control is the election law, which is the subject of this article. In June 2003, the long-postponed elections for Jordan's fourteenth legislature were convened. The previous parliament's term had expired in 2001, since then the new 'old' regime under King Abdullah II had delayed holding elections under various pretexts. Although King Abdullah has been known to be at least rhetorically an ardent supporter of democratic politics, he preferred on assuming the throne to continue the regressive path Jordan had reverted to a few years earlier. The first excuse for the delay of elections was that a new election law had to be devised. This new law raised the number of deputies from 80 to 104, and it raised the voter's age from 18 to 19. Thus it allows for demographic adjustment and population increase, but no structural change addressing the essence of the law has occurred. In May 2002 it was announced that the date for new elections would be in July, 'after the government has completed its preparations to make the elections according to transparency values ... and to run (them) with the highest standards of honesty and transparency'.' Later they were postponed until September, then they were set for Spring 2003 and, finally in June they actually took place. The reasons for postponement and the outcome of these elections will be analysed in the following. First, it is necessary to look into the development of the election law in Jordan and try to place the changes in the political atmosphere that was prevailing at the time. There have been various versions of the election law, some were only under discussion, others have actually been implemented. The election law in Jordan is one of the traditional tools that has been utilized by the regime in order to manipulate (control/predict) election results while at the same time retaining a semblance of democracy. Many factors are involved in drawing up and redrawing the electoral law the alleged loyalty of certain population groups, Jordan's involvement with the Palestinian issue and its past claim on representing the West Bank, but also the relative strength of certain political parties, the latest example being the Islamic Action Front (IAF), are some worth mentioning. In discussing the subsequent laws, I will not try to cover the topic comprehensively; rather the focus will be on selected instances that seem best to exemplify the case. In so doing, I will try to take account

Moving up, moving down: Political careers across territorial levels

AbstractIn the sparse literature on political careers in federal systems, regional positions are often seen as mere stepping stones on the way to federal office. But are they really? The recent professionalization of state politics in federal systems and the regionalization of former unitary states point to the strengthening of the regional level as a career arena in its own right. Could this lead to the emergence of a regional political class with a set of career interests distinct from those of national politicians? This article takes a first, comparative look at current patterns of career movements between regional and national parliaments in a wide range of federal and newly regionalized systems. The study shows that, contrary to general belief, the number of deputies actually moving from the regional to federal level is generally relatively low. While some cases show fairly integrated career structures, others exhibit a pattern of career development in which state or regional office functions as the main focus of political careers. The territorial structure of the political class is dependent upon a whole range of social, cultural and institutional factors. At the same time, it is also an important factor in the mechanics and institutional development of each federal system in question.

Who Participates and Who Is Seen and Not Heard? Evidence From the Honduran Congress

One way to examine legislative behaviour when roll-call votes are unavailable is participation in debates. Deputies can publicise problems and modify bills, making the Congress a 'policy refinery'. Studying the Honduran Congress, we find that the deputy who is most likely to be a frequent participant in debates is a lawyer from a prosperous department of large district magnitude, from the governing party and has served at least one previous term in the Congress. This indicates limitations to who can use the legislature for input to policy-making. Given the design of electoral and party institutions in Honduras it is understandable that a small number of deputies dominate Congress debates.

But How Many Candidates Should We Have in Donegal? Numbers of Nominees and Electoral Efficiency in Ireland

When the results of an analysis fly in the face both of generally accepted theory and the practice of professional politicians, it is usually a good idea to reconsider whether the point is really established. Such is the case with the small literature regarding the effects of nomination strategies on the outcomes of Dáil Éireann elections that has developed in these pages since the publication of an article by Cohan, McKinlay and Mughan (‘The Used Vote and Electoral Outcomes: The Irish General Election of 1973’, thisJournal, v (1975), 363–83). The original article made several valuable points, including a demonstration that patterns of transfer votes may be more important than the distribution of first preference votes in determining the result of elections under the single transferable vote (STV) system, and an extension of the wasted vote concept to STV, majority, and proportional elections. Unfortunately, the notes that have followed have all focused on the most questionable conclusion of the original article, that overnomination hurts a party's chances of electing the maximum possible number of deputies.

Improving Organizational Forms and Methods of Training Technicians by Correspondence

The Communist Party and the Soviet Government pay much attention to training specialists in correspondence and evening technical secondary and higher schools. In his reports N. S. Khrushchev has repeatedly referred to the major importance of training specialists without their discontinuing productive activities. At the May 1960 Session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR a number of deputies emphasized the need for further extending the network of correspondence and evening educational establishments in the country, since the introduction of a shorter working day created favorable conditions for all working people to raise their skills.