North Korean Research Articles

Providing Access to Higher Education for Refugees: Comparative Analysis and Policy Recommendations for South Korea

Securing higher education rights for refugees is critical not only for refugees’ selfempowerment but also for the peaceful development of communities. Qualifications recognition is a major barrier when refugees attempt to apply for work or higher education, due to missing documents or unavailability of issuing institutions in their home countries. This issue led to the 2019 Global Convention as the first global treaty on higher education. However, South Korea, a rising power with a normative policy focus, has little addressed qualifications recognition for refugees. Therefore, this research examines the extent to which South Korea, has internalised international norms regarding the provision of education for non-North Korean refugees. Then, by benchmarking the policies of Western normative middle powers, Canada, Norway, and Australia, the research analyses the strengths and limitations of existing qualifications recognition policies for refugees. The paper also refers to the existing policy for access to higher education for North Korean refugees in South Korea. It argues that South Korea should not only welcome more refugees but also develop an effective measure for the recognition of qualifications for refugees to integrate them as productive members of the society in fulfilment of its international humanitarian obligations, but also in accordance with its national interest. Lastly, this research concludes with policy recommendations for establishing a fair and effective recognition system for qualifications of refugees in South Korea, modelled on existing policies for North Korean refugees.

신임경찰관의 북한이탈주민 인식태도 및 수용성 확대 방안에 관한 인식 연구

The purpose of this study is to present policy suggestions on desirable attitudes toward North Korean defectors through empirical research on the level of familiarity and interest in North Korean defectors, image of North Korea, and image-shaping influence media for new police officers trained at the National Central Police Academy. In order to conduct empirical research, a survey was conducted on 300 adult men and women in their 20s and older who were educated at the National Central Police Academy through the self-evaluation method. From October 1 to October 10, 2021, 300 people responded to a randomized sampling survey with a response rate of 100%, using 300 surveys and analyzed using the IBM SPSS program. As a result of the analysis, the frequency of contact with North Korean defectors in terms of demographic characteristics showed a static correlation with affinity for North Korean defectors, and a talisman correlation with the image of North Korea. Attitudinal traits showed a statistically significant correlation between the three variables of friendliness, interest, and image with North Korean defectors. As for the affinity for North Korean defectors, it can be seen that the more frequent contact there is, the higher the affinity for North Korean defectors. In terms of interest in North Korean defectors, women were more interested in North Korean defectors than men, a statistically significant difference. The image of North Korea showed an inappropriate correlation with the frequency of contact with North Korean defectors. In other words, the more North Korean defectors meet, the more negative images of North Korea accumulate. When we checked the media that influenced the formation of North Korea's image, the media (TV and media media) accounted for more than half of the media (56.0%), followed by the Internet (including SNS) and education. This study seeks to make the following policy recommendations. First, it is the gradual resolution of the “South-South conflict” in Korean society. Second, strengthen multicultural education and publicity activities for the people. Third, the development of various policies. Fourth, comprehensive network construction. Fifth, it is necessary to limit the spread of negative images of North Korean defectors in the mass media. Sixth, strengthen training for new police officers.

Properties of Patient-Reported Outcome Measures for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder in North Korean Defectors: A Scoping Review.

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is highly prevalent among North Korean defectors. This scoping review aimed to appraise the measurement properties of patient-reported outcome measures (PROMs) that assess PTSD among North Korean defectors. A systematic search was conducted using Research Information Sharing Service, ScienceON, PubMed, and Embase from their inception up to September 15, 2022. Each measurement properties of the included PROMs were evaluated using COnsensus-based Standards for the selection of health status Measurement INstruments (COSMIN) methodology. First, the methodological quality of each study on measurement properties was evaluated using the COSMIN Risk of Bias checklist. Second, the result of each single study on a measurement property was rated against the updated criteria for good measurement properties. After screening the articles, nine instruments from 40 studies were included. Among these instruments, Impact of Event ScaleRevised was the most frequently used (13 studies [38.1%]), followed by the Trauma Scale for North Korean Refugees, PTSD Checklist, and Posttraumatic Diagnostic Scale. The theoretical basis of all PROMs was secure in terms of content validity. The most frequently tested characteristics in measurement properties for internal structure were internal consistency, criterion validity, and convergent validity. No study reported sufficient structural validity as confirmatory factor analysis results with a model fit. There is insufficient evidence to support the recommendation of a specific PROM for use among North Korean defectors with PTSD.

The rocky road to freedom: number of countries transited during defection and risk of metabolic syndrome among North Korean Refugees in South Korea

ObjectivesNorth Korean Refugees (NKRs) undergo defection, and this has been shown to impact their current health status in South Korea. However, little is understood about how the defection process is related to metabolic syndrome (MetS). This study regarded the defection process to be a quasi-measurement of traumatic experience and investigated whether defection was a risk factor for MetS among NKRs living in South Korea. Study designThis cross-sectional study obtained data from the Korea University Anam Hospital in Seoul. NKRs (N = 847) voluntarily completed questionnaires and underwent at least one medical examination between October 2008 and July 2021. MethodsMultivariable logistic regression models were used to evaluate whether the number of countries transited by NKRs was associated with MetS by controlling for covariates. ResultsThe prevalence of MetS among male and female NKRs in South Korea was 12.3% and 13.3%, respectively. The highest prevalence of MetS (33.4%) was among NKRs who had transited two countries. The number of months in transit countries (mean: 49.9 ± 51.7) and period of residence in South Korea (mean: 40.9 ± 40.9 months) were also considered. NKRs who transited three countries had a higher probability of MetS (odds ratio [OR] 2.660, 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.161–6.097) than those who travelled directly to South Korea. NKRs who transited three countries and had only resided in South Korea for a short period had a higher probability of MetS (OR 3.424, 95% CI 1.149–10.208) than those who have lived in South Korea for a longer period. ConclusionsConsidering the social vulnerability of NKRs and consequential health problems, there is an urgent need for appropriate support from the government and society.

Understanding career-designing experiences of North Korean immigrant youths in South Korea

AbstractNorth Korean immigrant youth are underrepresented in career development research fields. We explored contextual factors that work as resources or hindrances to obtaining adequate education and exploring career paths in addition to the unfilled psychological needs they want to fill in through securing decent work. By analyzing the interview with 12 participants, we found three domains with 17 categories. The main hindering factors were the difference in language, academic curriculum, and lack of career information. Resources included increased self-understanding, social support, and past work or educational experience. Lastly, psychological needs were the sense of autonomy, economic stability, and social recognition.

Collective Memory and Everyday Politics in North Korea: A Qualitative Text Analysis of New Year Statements, 1946–2019

ABSTRACT Rulers often use a mythologised understanding of the past to further their political interests in the present. In authoritarian societies, rulers often manipulate collective memory to justify their hold on power. When rulers manipulate specific aspects of the past, they can shape the collective memory of ordinary people and thus have a significant impact on everyday politics. Using the case of North Korea, one of the world’s most authoritarian societies, I theorise everyday politics from the standpoint of the state by focusing on legitimation and collective memory. Based on the New Year statements issued by North Korean rulers between 1946 and 2019, I use thematic coding through qualitative text analysis to analyse how these rulers have portrayed specific aspects of the past in their political discourse. The article focuses on how legitimation claims about the ‘Chollima Work Team’ within the ‘Chollima Movement’ have used memory politics to shape the everyday lives of North Koreans. Because these claims have been invoked consistently in propaganda for decades, a comparative examination over time shows the propagandistic tools that North Korean rulers have drawn on for mobilisation.

Robert R. King and Gi-Wook Shin (Eds.), The North Korean Conundrum: Balancing Human Rights and Nuclear Security

Robert R. King and Gi-Wook Shin (Eds.), The North Korean Conundrum: Balancing Human Rights and Nuclear Security. Stanford: Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, 2022, xviii + 250 pp. (paperback). ISBN: 978-1-931368-65-0.

The failure to co-host the Seoul 1988 Summer Olympics: a diplomacy “of small steps” influenced by international opinion (1985–88)

ABSTRACT In the wider context of the Cold War in the 1980s, a rare exception was a proposal for the potential co-hosting of the 1988 Summer Olympics between Seoul (South Korea) and Pyongyang (North Korea). While diplomatic exchanges between the two countries in other areas had produced inconclusive results, a series of joint meetings were organised by the International Olympic Committee to facilitate North Korean participation in the Games while preventing any action that might undermine the Games’ organisation. This historical analysis of these tripartite meetings aims to reconsider the frequently essentialist position of North Korea as a ‘Games saboteur’. While the talks ultimately proved to be a failure, they did have an effect on sports diplomacy. The threat of a massive boycott by the socialist countries, which did not occur in the end, and the progress of the negotiations show that there can be compromises to the host city principle enshrined in the IOC Olympic Charter.

Standardisation of terminology North Korean propaganda - selected aspects

The oppressiveness of the North Korean regime cultivated by the successive dynastic leaders of the Kim family is paradoxically legitimised because of the attributes of vulnerability, fragility and the considerations of mystical deities. Mother, Tangun and Pektu are phrases with an unimaginable power of social constructivism, capable of sustaining totalitarian power structures in an unchanged formula for years. Propaganda in the North Korean dicta tury co-constitutes the architecture of social reality, contributing to contributing to the chronic apathy of the DPRK people. With the further development of the nuclear arsenal nuclear arsenal, the imperialist aspirations are shrouded in an ever-decreasing layer of fog, all with the measurable indifference of the rest of the world.

Public health measures on COVID-19 in North Korea: a quantitative analysis of media programmes in 2020–2022

ObjectivesDetails regarding the management of COVID-19 in North Korea are unknown. The aim of this paper was to analyse media programmes in North Korea in order to understand public health...

북한의 공포감정 사회화 연구

This study analyzes the socialization of fear emotion in North Korea according to the attachment theory, paying attention to the fact that North Korean residents form attachments to their ‘parently leader’. To this end, we searched North Korean literature and conducted content analysis along with review of related theories. The results of the study are as follows. First, the North Korean media does not deal with the feelings of fear among North Korean groups at all. Fear is an emotion that appears only in enemies, failed socialist countries, and capitalist countries. Second, the North Korean media sensitively deals with the fear of out-of-groups according to the situation abroad, indirectly exposing them to the residents, and reinforcing secondary emotions that have converted fear into hatred and aggression. Third, North Korean education emphasizes emotional organization, a psychological process that organizes emotions, and through this, emotional socialization. This study enhances the understanding of North Korean society and people’s emotions by examining the characteristics of socialization of fear emotions in North Korean society based on the attachment theory.

북한주민 식량권(Right to Food)에 대한 북한과 국제사회의 책임

This study examines the fulfillment of obligations related to the right to food for the people of North Korea, considering the concept of the right to food and responsibility under international norms. The research aims to determine whether North Korea and the international community are adequately meeting their obligations in guaranteeing the right to food. International norms, such as the UN Declaration of Human Rights and the Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, delineate the individual’s right to food and the corresponding responsibilities of states and the international community.
 North Korea has implemented various policies to enhance food production, including guidelines from the Supreme Leader, initiatives such as the field-respinsibility-system (po-jeon damdangje) that incentivizes farmers, and the upgrading of agricultural institutions. However, these efforts have yielded unsatisfactory results. The North Korean authorities’ emphasis on self-reliance, labor mobilization, and resistance to accepting food aid from the international community have hindered progress. While the presence of markets in North Korea has increased access to food, government control over food purchase and distribution persists, posing challenges in guaranteeing the right to food for those unable to access the market.
 The international community has provided support to address North Korea’s food crisis since the mid-1990s. However, the imposition of UN and US sanctions due to the North Korean nuclear issue, coupled with the COVID-19 pandemic, has hindered the provision of food aid. The combination of sanctions and North Korea’s political blockade further impedes the realization of the people’s right to food. Despite outward appearances, both North Korea and the international community have failed to fulfill their responsibilities in guaranteeing the right to food for North Koreans.
 Consequently, this study offers several policy implications for ensuring the right to food for the North Korean people. Firstly, it proposes resuming humanitarian support from UN organizations and international NGOs, utilizing the UN sanctions waiver with the understanding of the US, and ensuring transparency in aid distribution. Secondly, it recommends urging North Korea to accept external support, such as from the FAO, to strengthen their agricultural base and increase food production, aligning with the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Lastly, it suggests the establishment of a collaborative entity, tentatively named the “Korean Peninsula Agricultural Development Organization” or the “East Asia Humanitarian Cooperation Council,” which would enable accurate assessment of North Korea's food situation and work towards improving long-term food productivity.
 Given that the right to food is a fundamental human right crucial for individual survival and well-being, it is imperative that the responsible parties collaborate to ensure the guarantee of this right for the people of North Korea.

김정은 집권 이후 북한 경제 관련 법령의 변화

JAfter Kim Jong-il died in December 2011, his son Kim Jong-un implemented various economic reform measures to solve North Korea's economic problems, and accordingly, significant changes occurred in North Korean economy-related laws. The purpose of this article is to analyze the changes in North Korea's economy after Kim Jong-un came to power, focusing on North Korean laws and regulations. Since the enactment of the Socialist Constitution in 1972, the fundamental ideology of the North Korean economy has been ‘socialist relations of production(nationalization of the means of production)’, ‘independent national economy’, and ‘planned economy’, which have been maintained even after Kim Jong-un took power. However, after Kim Jong-un came to power, North Korea adopted a new method of economic management called the “socialist corporate responsibility management system,” which was also specified in the 2019 amended constitution. The Socialist Enterprise Responsible Management System granted “actual management rights” to enterprises, and as a result, the autonomy of enterprises was greatly expanded. In particular, enterprises and farms were able to plan and produce on their own under the names of 'enterprise index' and 'farm index', respectively, and decide the price to sell, which is a significant change in the socialist planned economy. can be said However, it is questionable how much the socialist responsible management system can achieve in a situation where the ownership and management of enterprises are not separated. Various measures to improve the economy have been implemented since the early days of Kim Jong-un's reign, and the results are being completed and organized through the revision of relevant laws and regulations. From the time Kim Jong-un came to power until 2019, North Korean economy-related laws were mainly revised in the direction of expanding the management rights and autonomy of enterprises and farms. However, after 2020, it has changed in the direction of strengthening control over enterprises and society as a whole. As a result, there is a possibility that the autonomy of enterprises or private economic activities will shrink in the future. It is necessary to pay attention to changes in North Korea's economy-related laws in the future.

The Perception of the Unified South-North Korean Women’s Ice Hockey Team for the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games among Young Adults in South Korea

The purpose of this study was to investigate Korean young adults’ perceptions about the formation process of North and South Korean unified women’s ice hockey team for 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games in South Korea. Q-method was used to analyze perceptions about the formation process of the unified ice hockey team. Q-statements were distributed to 42 people in their 20s and 30s in Seoul, South Korea. Distribution of Q-statements was analyzed using Qunal program. We found three types of perception: 1) athletic sacrifice forcing type, a recognition that the formation process of the unified ice hockey team was used for political purpose and a promotional tool for the Olympic Games; 2) inter-Korean exchange development type, a conception that the unified ice hockey team positively contributed to the promotion of exchange of North and South Korea, economic cooperation, peace, and harmony; and 3) political purposes pursuit type, a perception that the formation of the unified ice hockey team was primarily used to achieve political and diplomatic goals and that the media mainly conveyed positive aspect of the unified team for this purpose. The use of sports for political and diplomatic purpose is likely to increase in the future. Perception types among Korean adults in their 20s and 30s are likely to be mixed in the future. Therefore, it is important to promote consensus among Koreans regarding the formation of a South and North Korean unified team in the future.

김정은 통치이념과 담론

This study aims to examine the ruling ideology of Kim Jong-un in North Korea, specifically focusing on the element of “manipulation” within his ruling discourse. To achieve this goal, the study employs Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), a theoretical trend that highlights the importance of language use in shaping social reality. The study operates on the premise that the North Korean regime is characterized by totalitarianism, with power centralized around Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un. As a result, the governing ideology is produced and distributed uniformly through propaganda.
 The analysis concentrates on the ruling discourse during the Kim Jong-un period, and uses editorials and articles published in the Rodong Sinmun from January 2021 to April 2023 as primary data sources. The content of these articles is classified into macroscopic and microscopic aspects, with an emphasis on identifying the expression methods and manipulation techniques used to control public thinking and attitudes.
 The results of the discourse analysis reveal that the ruling ideology during the Kim Jong-un period in North Korea is characterized by leader absolutism, collectivism centered on the leader, patriotism, and a utopian vision of equality, welfare, and human rights. However, with the faster spread of marketization, individualism and capitalist thinking have become prevalent in North Korea, making it challenging to control the public's thoughts with outdated governance discourse.
 The ruling discourse during the Kim Jong-un period elevates the people to a higher position while imposing more political, economic, and social duties and roles to induce loyalty. The development of this discourse appears to be a phenomenon that emerged as part of a system stabilization strategy, rather than a new change in the North Korean system. Ultimately, the ruling discourse during the Kim Jong-un period is a manipulated message of power that controls the thoughts of the people, legitimizes Kim Jong-un's authority and policies, and contributes to the maintenance and stability of the system.

2020년 전후 북한의 인권정책 분석과 평가

North Korea enacted a Countermeasure Act that could respond by considering the international community’s accountability activities and human rights sanctions as defamation against North Korea and that established a crime of defamation on DPRK in the criminal law. In response to COVID-19, North Korea revised the Law on Prevention of Infectious Disease and enacted the Emergency Quarantine Law. By enforcing these laws, North Korea excessively regulated and punished North Koreans. Also North Korea strengthened controls and rules by tightening discipline within the WPK through punishment and reshuffles of officials. Especially North Korea strengthened ideological, information and culture control through enacting Public Report Act, Reactionary Ideology and Culture Rejection Act, Youth Education Security Act, Pyongyang Standard Language Protection Act and Law on the Administration of Revolutionary Relics. And control and punishment of drugs was strengthened through the revision of the Criminal Law and enactment of the Drug Crime Prevention Act. Meanwhile, North Korean authorities have continuously issued an order to ban human rights violations since COI establishment and then enacted Act on Prevention of Batteries. This indicates that international community’s consistent human rights policy toward North Korea can draw reality change and legislative change. Also in order to drawing North Korea’s change, international community continue information and culture dissemination activities.

Translating North Korean Refugee Poets: Implications for DPRK Country Images

Translating North Korean Refugee Poets: Implications for DPRK Country Images

북한이탈주민의 정착을 위한 시 쓰기 수업의 현상학적 연구

The purpose of this study is to phenomenologically examine the effect of poetry writing classes for North Korean defectors and residents of Pyeongtaek belonging to the Hana Center in southern Gyeonggi Province on the settlement of North Korean defectors in the community. This study is a small group in which seven South Koreans and four North Korean defectors participate together, and a total of nine classes were conducted once a week, 120 minutes per session. Each time, topics were presented, and individual-centered poetry writing classes were conducted according to the topic. More than 90% of the participants participated in this study, and each session was conducted by reading the poem they wrote and conveying the story and contents of writing the poem. After the course, the results were analyzed through a survey. Poetry writing classes involving South Koreans and North Korean defectors contributed to enhancing their understanding of each other, raising self-esteem for North Korean defectors, and raising confidence in community settlement by eliminating mental distance from South Koreans.

북한이탈주민 대상 건강교육 중재연구의 개발·수행·평가

This scoping review identified trends in research on health education interventions for North Korean defectors in South Korea and analyzed the intervention process to provide evidence for developing future interventions. The scoping review followed PRISMA-ScR guidelines, and the PRECEDE-PROCEED model was used to analyze the design, implementation, and evaluation of health education interventions. The review included eight studies out of 459 identified through five databases from January 1997 to December 2022. The trend showed that studies were scarce and quantitative–focused. Therefore, it is necessary to promote research and overcome methodological limitations to improve the research quality. The process analysis found that interventions need to be tailored to the specific needs of North Korean defectors, considering enabling and reinforcing factors to translate knowledge into healthy behavior. The evaluation phase should employ a variety of methods and strengthen both process and outcome evaluations. Lastly, interventions should pursue integrated health education to provide continuous health information and counseling channels. The results of this review can be utilized to improve the design, implementation, and evaluation of health education interventions and settlement support for the health of North Korean defectors in South Korea.

조선로동당 8기 정치국 인선 변화 연구

This paper is an exploratory study that seeks to explain the dynamics between North Korea's traditional ‘Suryong system (수령제)’ (in which the supreme leader is supposed to hold more power than all elites combined) and the growing prominence of the Korean Workers’ Party's (KWP) Political Bureau(Politburo for short) under Kim Jong Un's rule. Certain observers concluded that the ‘Suryong system’ became weaker since Kim Jong Un had assumed power. While this view is not widely accepted, Kim Jong Un did launch a process aimed at restoring and reinforcing the institutional politics of the KWP - a peculiar initiative, since the institutionalization of politics might potentially limit the personal power of the supreme leader. This study seeks to explain this paradox by analyzing the relations between Kim Jong Un and the lower - ranking KWP leaders. By analyzing the changing composition of the KWP Politburo in the framework of Milan Svolik's “power-sharing theory,” the author argues that the fundamentals of the Suryong system have remained unchanged under Kim Jong Un's rule. Since the 8th Party Congress (2021), the KWP Politburo has been dominated by the ruling coalition fostered by Kim Jong Un. However, his co-leaders seem to have been his subordinates, rather than his equal partners. Kim was able to arbitrarily reorganize the composition of his ruling coalition, and frequently change the status of other Politburo members as he saw fit. In Kim Jong Un's Politburo, practices like ‘jumping promotion,’ demotion, and reinstatement of former members have been far more common than in other Communist one-party regimes. Applying Svolik's concepts and terms to the North Korean scene, the author concludes that Kim Jong Un's status as dictator is already ‘established,’ rather than ‘contested.’