Normalization Of Diplomatic Relations Research Articles

DAMPAK NORMALISASI HUBUNGAN DIPLOMATIK ISRAEL DAN NEGARA-NEGARA ARAB TERHADAP KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI INDONESIA DI TIMUR TENGAH

The research aims to understand the impact of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Israel and Arab countries on Indonesia's foreign policy in the Middle East. The signing of the Abraham Accords in 2020 is a new chapter in relations between Israel and Arab countries. Four Arab countries - the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco - decided to normalize diplomatic relations with Israel. This has an impact on political dynamics in the Middle East region. Indonesia, the country with the largest Muslim population in the world and a country that consistently fights for Palestinian independence, has the potential to be affected by the normalization of diplomatic relations. This research used qualitative research methods which were descriptive analysis. The data collection technique used was literature study. The data analysis technique used in this research was content analysis. The research results show that Indonesia's foreign policy is not affected by the normalization of diplomatic relations between Arab countries and Israel. Indonesia is consistent in fighting for peace and the fate of the Palestinian people in accordance with international parameters, UN resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative.

A study on the factors influencing the changes in the scale of Japanese students studying abroad since the normalization of diplomatic relations between China and Japan

In 2017, China has become Asia's largest study destination country, but at the same time, the number of international students from Japan has been decreasing year by year. Understanding the factors that influence Japanese students' choice of study abroad destination is critical to understanding the reasons for this trend. This article takes Japanese international students as the research objects, starting from the development of the number of Japanese international students since the normalization of diplomatic relations between China and Japan, and focusing on analyzing the reasons behind the decrease in the number of Japanese international students. It has been found that Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations, study-abroad policies, Sino-Japanese trade relations, costs of studying abroad, expected benefits, rankings of Chinese universities, number of institutions, number of Confucius Institutes and courses, and total exports of Chinese cultural products are important factors affecting the changes in the number of Japanese students studying abroad. This study also provides suggestions to promote the growth of Japanese students studying abroad, and improve the quality and efficiency of China's overseas education.

Political Cold and Economic Hot in Sino-Japanese Diplomatic Relations Since the New Century

Japan is Chinas important neighbor and the only developed country among its neighbors. The relations with Japan are Chinas important external relations. Since the normalization of diplomatic relations between China and Japan in 1972, the two countries have benefited from extensive exchanges and cooperation. In the 21st century, with the changes in the international environment and the reversal of the overall strength comparison between the two countries, the two countries have entered a new period of coexistence of competition and cooperation, and intensified strategic game, showing a situation of cold politics and hot economy. For China, it is an important task in the new century to seek advantages and avoid disadvantages in dealing with its diplomacy with Japan under the background of cold politics and hot economy, so as to ensure the sound and stable relations between the two countries.

A Literature Review on Mental Health Among Japanese War-Displaced Orphans and Their Families Returned from China

Purpose: This study is focusing on the mental health issue of Japanese who had been left behind in mainland China in confusion after World War Ⅱ in 1945, then returned to Japan due to the policy with the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and China in 1972. Their language, customs, values, etc., are tinged with the temperament of the Chinese cultural region. This study reports on the changes in mental health issues among the returnees over time. Method: This study investigates original papers published after 1972 when diplomatic relations between Japan and China were normalized. Moreover, we quote Ichushi (Japan Medical Abstracts Society)- Web, the most used medical publications database in Japan. As an ethical consideration, we quoted the original text as faithfully as possible so as not to infringe copyright. Result: Eleven prior research from the original papers were analyzed in this study. The research at that time were peaked in 1990. Also, the period of the research was conducted in three separate times, 1st, over three and ten years after returning to Japan. In the early years, many studies focused on psychological adjustment and analysis of background factors. Since the beginning of the 2000s, health concerns increased due to the aging. Many returnees had mental health problems, language barriers and cultural differences economic anxiety and the lack resources, and they had continued to be psychological causes of mental health. Conclusion: Mental health problems among China returnees remained a serious health problem even after a long period of time. For aging Chinese returnees to lead safe and happy lives in Japan, it is important to provide Chinese-language care services and have an abundance of spirituality. In addition, the effort to take cultural differences into account for the health supports and nursing care services is also essential.

1970년대 ‘조선반도 연구자’의 한국론

Current Korea-Japan Relations reach the worst state since Normalization of diplomatic relations in 1965. The confrontation between Japan and South Korea over the sovereignty of Dokdo, Japan's comfort women, and forced mobilization has expanded to all the aspects such as historical conflicts, economic sanctions, and diplomatic clashes. At the root of the pride of Korea which has achieved the economic growth and democracy since 1980s, Strong nationalism is in place, and this is the nourishment of ‘anti-Japanese’.
 In Japan which has become smaller since Peak Japan in 1980s, the Discomfort with Korea, which has emerged as a competitor, so-called ‘anti-Korea’ has became the major political agenda, and expanded to public society. While experiencing the risk of neoliberalism since post-cold war, the civil society in South Korea and Japan has been besieged by internal and external nationalism and has fallen victim to hostilities that have been reduced to factional logic.
 This study reviews the original form of the theory of anti-Korea of Japanese society now based on the case of Akira Tanaka, who was evaluated as a pro-Korean in Japan in the 1970s. This is also a work that reviews the reason why the evaluation on Tanaka between Korean intellectuals Kim Yoon Sik and Jeong Gyung Mo is so different. Through this study, we examined how Japanese intellectuals' “Korean studies” were related to and interconnected with Korean intellectuals' perceptions of Japan through the Hyunhaetan.
 As shown in the intellectual exchange With Seonwoo Hui, it was communism and liberal conservatism premised on Japanese (Japanese) consciousness of atonement. However, when the issue of Japanese history textbook in 1982 is recognized as infringement of sovereignty of Japan, Japanese intellectual Tanaka declared that he would no longer be a “good Japanese” on the premise of atonement, and such a recognition by Tanaka became the basic theory that forms the original form of anti-Korea in current Japanese society.

일제강점기 강제동원피해사건에 대한 손해배상청구 문제 검토

The incidents of forced mobilization during the Japanese occupation occurred between 1938 and 1945, about 77 years ago. Victims of forced mobilization during the Japanese colonial period and their bereaved families were unable to receive compensation for damages from Japanese companies because diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan had been cut off until June 22, 1965. After the normalization of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan, the “Agreement on the Settlement of Problem concerning Property and Claims and the Economic Cooperation between the Republic of Korea and Japan”(so-called ‘the Claims Agreement’) was concluded between the Governments of the Republic of Korea and Japan. But its contents had not been disclosed. It had generally been accepted in Korea that the Korean national’s individual claims against Japan or Japanese nationals had been comprehensively resolved in accordance with the Claims Agreement. Accordingly, it was still difficult for the victims and their bereaved families to claim damages from Japanese companies. Then, in January 2005, documents related to the Claims Agreement were made public in Korea. On August 26, 2005, the public-private joint committee expressed an official view that the Korean national’s individual rights to claim damages due to anti-humanitarian acts involving Japanese national authority or illegal acts directly related to Japanese colonial rule could not be considered resolved by the Claims Agreement. And on October 30, 2018, the Supreme Court finally confirmed the jurisprudence of upholding the claims of the victims of forced mobilization during the Japanese colonial period and their bereaved families for damages against Japanese companies through its en banc Judgment 2013Da61381. This paper focuses on the legal issues in the trial process and the judgment of the domestic courts until the damage caused by forced mobilization is recognized as compensation for damages due to illegal activities against Japanese companies. In addition, I would like to present countermeasures against the Japanese companies’ defense that the claims of the victims forced mobilization during the Japanese colonial period and their bereaved families were not exercised within a reasonable period of time related to the Principle of Good Faith.

From the Normalization of Relations to Dwindling Interest and Indifference

Abstract This article offers an overview of the political, economic, and cultural aspects of Hungarian–Mexican relations during the last 15 years of the Cold War. After a more than 30-year interruption, the normalization of diplomatic relations (1974) was made possible by a change in the foreign policy orientation of Mexico, in the context of improving East–West relations, in particular an improvement of US–Hungarian relations. Both sides planned to intensify ties, and signed various documents to this end, but the early impetus soon deflated. This investigation explores the development of the bilateral nexus and the complex reasons behind its low intensity, related to the asymmetries between the two countries as well as to the differences between their foreign policy objectives and possibilities of maneuver.

Introduction

The U.S. government is obsessed with Cuba. Cuba is a small island, ninety miles off the shore of Florida, that is home to eleven million people. Not a day has gone by that the United States has not tried to overturn the Cuban Revolution, through the assassination of its leaders, invasions by proxy forces, preventing it from normal commercial and diplomatic relations, and encouraging social distress in the island to become a counterrevolutionary force. That is the level of the obsession.

Effects of a Threat and Alliance on International Cooperation: Comparison of Inter-Korean and Turkish-Armenian Railway Projects

The article examines restricting factors in international cooperation, drawing a comparative analysis of two cases on cross-border infrastructure projects: the Gyeongui railway line that connects North and South Korea and the Kars-Gyumri-Tbilisi railway line that links Turkey and Armenia. In both cases, states involved strive for the normalization of diplomatic relations and border openness as well as potential economic opportunities and national security. Nevertheless, neither Seoul and Pyongyang nor Ankara and Yerevan succeeded in building a sustainable cooperation framework. While the outcome is the same, independent variables in both cases are different. Firstly, two Koreas have been in a military confrontation for seven decades, whereas Turkey and Armenia never engaged in a direct conflict. Secondly, the configuration of alliances (South Korea and the United States and Turkey and Azerbaijan) weakens the decision-making on the troublesome infrastructure projects. Consequently, alliances are identified as one the key factors that determine the mode of international cooperation.

55 Years of Normalization of Diplomatic Relations between Japan and South Korea and the Current State of Mutual Recognition between Japan and South Korea

55 Years of Normalization of Diplomatic Relations between Japan and South Korea and the Current State of Mutual Recognition between Japan and South Korea

냉전시대의 한반도 평화모색 -7.4 남북공동성명의 국제관계사-

When there was a big change in the international situation, North and South Korea had a dialogue and made an important agreement. In the early 1970s, the period of the U.S.-China reconciliation and the detente, South and North Korea began a dialogue and agreed on the three principles of unification through the July 4 South-North Joint Communique. About 20 years later, the end of the Cold War, the collapse of Eastern European countries and the Soviet Union, and the German reunification led to the 1991 Inter-Korean Basic Agreement. And in 2018, the two Koreas created milestones such as the 4.27 Panmunjom Declaration and the September 19 Pyongyang Joint Declaration and the Military Agreement. In this article, I analyse the meaning of the July 4 South-North Joint Communique, focusing on the Park Chung-hee administration’s perception of changes in the Northeast Asian situation including the U.S.-China reconciliation and normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and People’s Republic of China with South Korea and U. S. diplomatic documents. The movement of the neighboring powers was one of the key factors in starting inter-Korean dialogue, but the leaders of the two Koreas were strengthening their power bases rather than making proper use of the international environment and moving toward national unity. In addition, it seems that the great powers around the Korean peninsula regarded the two Koreas as a means of realizing their own national interests, and they had no intentions to provide opportunities for the two Koreas to solve their problems on their own.

Korea-J apan Trade and Cotton Textile Industry in U.S. Army Military Government in Korea

Purpose: This study examined the impact of the Military Government’s trade with Japan during the U.S. Military Government period (1945.9-1948.8) on South Korea’s cotton textile industry. Through this, we understood the situation of the cotton textile industry, South Korea’s representative sector, and looked at the impact of the U.S. Military Government’s import policy on the cotton textile industry and companies in the South Korea shortly after the collapse of the colonial economy. Research design, data, and methodology: South Korea’s colonial economic system, which had been built around the munitions industry, collapsed when its colonial rule ended. Most factories stopped procuring raw materials and components, and the Japanese-owned company’s operators disappeared. The South Korean economy was paralyzed when workers left the plant that stopped operating. When the Cold War began, the U.S. military government in South Korea expanded its trade with Japan through GHQ. Machinery imported from Japan by the U.S. military government included parts related to cotton spinning. Parts and consumables of cotton spinning facilities imported from Japan were distributed to vested textile factories under the control of the U.S. military government. South Korea’s cotton textile industry, which suffered from a shortage of cotton parts and supplies, repaired a considerable number of facilities in 1947. At that time, representative large-scale vested textile factories began to increase efficiency in terms of facilities, operations, raw materials, and labor. Results: The U.S. military government restored part of the dismantled colonial economic system through military trade with Japan and restored Korea-Japan economic relations. The U.S. military government''s move was revealed when the Delegation of Korea to Japan was established and the Korea-Japan trade agreement was signed under the leadership of GHQ in 1949, which eventually contributed to the signing of the Korea-Japan Agreement in 1965. Implications: In conclusion, the military government’s trade between Korea and Japan during the U.S. Military Government period played a role in expanding the colonial economic relationship to after Liberation. In addition, it provided the prototype of the cooperative relationship established by Korean and Japanese companies after the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan

The Rise and Fall of the US-China Health Relationship

US-China health cooperation reaches back to the signing of the bilateral Science and Technology Umbrella Agreement, their first agreement after normalization of diplomatic relations in 1979. Bilateral cooperation has shaped the China Center for Disease Control and Prevention (China CDC) and produced some of the world's finest epidemiological research over the last thirty years. US-China research and technical cooperation has covered the full range of health-related topics, with no area given more attention than research and technical cooperation on emerging infectious diseases. In the wake of the outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS), the United States ramped up the staff presence of its Center for Disease Control (CDC) in China. Although this changed in the Obama years, as China's epidemiological capacity developed rapidly, the dramatic shift occurred with the Trump administration, whose cuts, just as COVID-19 arose as the largest epidemiological threat to the world in a century, left only a skeleton staff in place, and the US government without eyes and ears on the ground. Nonetheless, there is a reservoir of mutual respect and willingness to cooperate among the health professionals in both countries. If there is political will, this could become the foundation for a next-phase bilateral health relationship.

Pyongyang's Failure: Explaining North Korea's Inability to Normalize Diplomatic Relations with the United States

executive summary: This article analyzes North Korea's failure to normalize diplomatic relations with the U.S. and argues that this failure is largely the result of Pyongyang's poor choice of bargaining tactics. main argumentNormalization of diplomatic relations with the U.S. is a long-term North Korean foreign policy goal, dating back to 1974. Since the end of the Cold War, normalization has become a realistic prospect. Indeed, the four U.S. presidents between 1992 and 2019 reached agreements with North Korea making explicit reference to diplomatic normalization. North Korea, however, has failed in its goal even as other Communist countries and nuclear powers that are not signatories to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty have established—or maintained—diplomatic relations with the U.S. A key reason behind this failure is Pyongyang's poor choice of bargaining tactics to negotiate with Washington. As a weak power negotiating with a more powerful counterpart, North Korea can choose whether to soft balance or bandwagon, whether to use brinkmanship, and whether to engage with multilateral regimes. Informed by its political culture, North Korea's most common choices have included a weak commitment to soft balancing, including with South Korea; a decisive use of brinkmanship; and a rejection of international regimes. These choices have antagonized successive U.S. administrations, preventing North Korea from achieving diplomatic normalization. policy implications • North Korea has a long history of making poor choices to successfully bargain with the U.S. to achieve diplomatic normalization, one of its key long-term policy goals. Pyongyang should refrain from brinkmanship, pursue soft balancing with third parties such as South Korea, and participate in multilateral regimes. • The U.S. should nudge North Korea toward this choice of bargaining tactics, given the benefits. These benefits include lower tensions on the Korean Peninsula, a clear choice presented to Pyongyang, and the possibility of discussing denuclearization. • The U.S. should approach relations with North Korea fully aware that normalization of diplomatic relations is a long-term foreign policy ambition that could persuade Pyongyang to contemplate denuclearization in the future. Without diplomatic normalization, however, denuclearization is not a realistic goal.

Sino-DPRK Relations and Chinese Perception toward North Korea’s Nuclear Issue: Meta-Analysis on Chinese Literature since 2012

This paper examined the perceptions of Chinese scholars on Sino-DPRK relations and North Korea’s nuclear issue through meta-analysis of arguments of 102 articles published from January 2012 to June 2020. As a result of a comprehensive investigation, this paper found six main tendencies on Chinese academic discourse. First, although Sino-DPRK relations became strained at times, most articles viewed it as a friendly alliance and a special relationship. Some also argue that it should be transformed into normal diplomatic relations between sovereign states. Second, while acknowledging North Korea’s role as a strategic buffer, Chinese scholars tend to believe that Pyongyang’s nuclear program not only threatens China’s national security and interests but also allows the United States to strengthen the South Korea-U.S. alliance and implement strategic deterrence against Beijing. Third, in many scholars’ predictions, the North’s nuclear weapons are likely to cause nuclear proliferation and an arms race in East Asia. Fourth, scholars claim that the North’s nuclear issue stem not only from the Cold War but also from the post-Cold War architecture on the Korean Peninsula. In this regard, some of them support the North’s nuclear development, emphasizing a Korean unification led by Pyongyang, a strategic balance between the two Koreas, and lessons from the Indian and Iraqi cases. Fifth, most papers find the root cause of Pyongyang’s nuclear development as being from U.S. military threats, yet the authors think situational changes made the North’s nuclear policy more entrenched. Sixth, the authors stressed Sino-U.S. cooperation is necessary to resolve nuclear issue, criticizing the lack of Washington’s sincerity. They expect Beijing to play an active role in this problem based on its special relationship with Pyongyang despite some limitations.

Analog Hallyu: Historicizing K-pop formations in China

This article will revisit the beginnings of the spread of Korean popular entertainment in China in the mid-1990s to early 2000s by examining the contents of previously untapped Chinese language popular entertainment magazines and public recollections on internet forums. Considered here as critical archival resources, the authors argue that these materials are instrumental in offering both new chronologies and insights to the circulatory process of the regionalization of Korean popular cultures or Hallyu. Korean popular music (hereafter K-pop) entered China after the normalization of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Instead of the often singularized, culturalist argument of “shared traditions,” this article offers a more dynamic historiography of the Korean Wave in China that is termed here as “Analog Hallyu.”

Linking peace with reconciliation

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain Japan’s role in the peace process on the Korean Peninsula that began in early 2018. Design/methodology/approach This paper emphasizes the historical context of international politics in Northeast Asia, rather than power politics or geopolitics. The paper reaffirms the significance of the ongoing peace process on the Korean Peninsula by considering a synthesis of three joint declarations published in 1998, 2000 and 2002 between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan, the ROK and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and between the DPRK and Japan. Findings The normalization of diplomatic relations between DPRK and Japan, along with reaffirmation of the joint declaration between the ROK and Japan, and the Panmunjeom Declaration, would be a base for denuclearizing Northeast Asia. Originality/value In Northeast Asia, historical reconciliation among the two Koreas and Japan and peace-building between the two parties on the Peninsula are closely linked. Moreover, the three bilateral relationships among these three parties are also the basis for creating a new multilateral security order in Northeast Asia.

북일 국교정상화 교섭과 북한의 체제전환

북일 국교정상화 교섭과 북한의 체제전환

Small State Anti-Fascism: Norway’s Quest to Eliminate the Franco Regime in the Aftermath of World War II

In the early postwar years Norway was among the most active in the campaign against Franco’s Spain, supporting the policy of keeping Spain out of the UN, and pushing for UN members to break off diplomatic relations with Spain. Within a few years the policy of ostracism was seen to fail as it appeared to strengthen rather than weaken the Franco regime. Spain was then gradually allowed into the warmth. Until the early 1950s Norway’s retreat from its 1946 position was very reluctant, and it was in 1949 the last Western European state to accept normalization. Spain retaliated with economic pressures, and by 1951 Norway had relented and joined in the general reestablishment of normal diplomatic relations, and in 1955 accepted the package deal that brought Spain into the UN. The article discusses the foreign policy concerns and the domestic political struggles that explain Norwegian policies, including the veto on Spanish NATO membership that was never given up.

Bhutan and Sino–Indian Rivalry

The military standoff between Chinese and Indian troops in the disputed territory of Doklam brought forward the foreign policy dilemmas of Bhutan and its search for an optimal strategy toward its two neighboring big powers. This paper discusses Bhutan’s attempts to balance its overwhelming dependence on India with the necessity of normal diplomatic relations with China.