Nonviolent Research Articles

Violent and Nonviolent Resistance in Contexts of Prolonged Crisis: The Civilian Perspective

Violent and Nonviolent Resistance in Contexts of Prolonged Crisis: The Civilian Perspective

Travel to Cuba as an Act of Non-Violent Resistance: A New Protest Movement Emerges

Travel to Cuba as an Act of Non-Violent Resistance: A New Protest Movement Emerges

Engaging a family’s support network in non‐violent resistance: the experiences of supporters

Non‐violent resistance (NVR) is a systemic approach which aims to build parent agency and a positive support network around children who display destructive behaviour. Supporters play a key role in NVR, but there is limited research on how to engage them in NVR. The aim of this study was to explore the experiences of the members of a family’s support network on the implementation of NVR. These experiences were then interpreted in line with theories of motivation and change in order to understand how the NVR practitioner and parents can best engage with supporters in future. Eight supporters were interviewed and themes developed using interpretative phenomenological analysis. The study analysis found five themes: contemplation, committing to action, looking for change, needing to cope and working within a social context. These are interpreted in line with theories of change and motivation. Clinical recommendations and recommendations for further research are discussed.Practitioner points Practitioners need to consider that taking part in NVR can be experienced by supporters in both positive and negative ways Practitioners may improve supporters’ engagement and motivation in the process by considering areas such as understanding NVR, positive communication and impact on relationships

Media satyagraha in the broadcast age: underground literature and populist politics during the Indian internal emergency of 1975–1977

This essay considers the role of media in a major instance of populist mobilization in post-Independence India: resistance to the internal Emergency of 1975–1977. It engages with sender–message–receiver models of communication by looking at how news of an event in Bangladesh, the assassination of President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (1920–1975), was disseminated via radio broadcasts and written about in the prison writings of two political leaders arrested in connection with the Emergency in India: Jayaprakash Narayan (1902–1979), leader of the anti-Congress movement for Total Revolution, and L. K. Advani (1927–), Jana Sangh and later Bharatiya Janata Party politician. News of Mujib’s murder was initially censored in India, occurring as it did at the inopportune moment of Indian Independence Day, when Indira Gandhi was due to make her first public address since the proclamation of emergency. But attempts to withhold news of the killing were rendered futile by unimpeded foreign radio broadcasts. In describing how prison writers refuse official accounts of this event, I outline a particular type of media satyagraha (truth force or non-violent resistance): knowledge created through the spatiotemporal disordering induced by technical mediation rather than the linear model of state censorship, and made possible by the very media formats criticized by Gandhi for having “macadamized” the human mind.

Şiddet Davranışları Olan Çocuklara Sahip Ebeveynlere Yönelik Şiddetsiz Karşı Koyma Programının Etkisi

“Şiddetsiz Karşı Koyma” programı, şiddet ve saldırganlık içeren davranışları olan çocuk ve ergenlere sahip ebeveynler, öğretmenler ve bakım veren kişiler için geliştirilmiştir. Ebeveynlerin çocuklarıyla karşılıklı olarak gerilimi tırmandıran etkileşimleri ile etkili bir biçimde baş etmeleri için yardımcı olmayı amaçlayan yeni bir eğitim modelidir. Bu araştırmanın amacı, şiddet davranışları olan çocuklara sahip ebeveynlere yönelik uygulanan "Şiddetsiz Karşı Koyma" ebeveyn programının çocuklarda görülen şiddet ve saldırganlık davranışları, ebeveynlerin yaşadıkları stres, algıladıkları yetersizlik duyguları ve hissettikleri destek düzeyleri üzerindeki etkisini incelemektir. Araştırmanın verileri deney ve kontrol grubunda bulunan ebeveynlere uygulanan ‘Aile Değerlendirme Ölçeği’ Anne Baba Stres Ölçeği’, ve ‘Öznel Rahatsızlık Birimleri Anketi’ aracılığıyla elde edilmiştir. Söz konusu ölçekler deney ve kontrol grubu ebeveynlerine öntest, sontest ve izleme ölçümleri olarak uygulanmıştır. Bulgular incelendiğinde, ebeveynlere uygulanan programların aile içi ilişkilerde değişiklikler meydana getirdiği, çocuklarda görülen şiddet ve saldırganlık içeren davranışları azalttığı, ebeveynlerin stres ve yetersizlik duygularını anlamlı derecede düşürdüğü ve algıladıkları destek düzeylerini ise artırdığı görülmüştür. Bu sonuçlardan hareketle eğitim öğretim ortamlarında ve çocuk ve ergenlere yönelik hizmet veren diğer kurumlarda, şiddetsiz karşı koyma programının anne-babalarla işbirliği çerçevesinde uygulanması önerilmektedir.

The alternatives to war: from sanctions to nonviolence

The alternatives to war: from sanctions to nonviolence

Challenging Dissemblance in Pauli Murray Historiography, Sketching a History of the Trans New Negro

Challenging Dissemblance in Pauli Murray Historiography, Sketching a History of the Trans New Negro

Mapping B. R. Ambedkar Within the Matrix of Manu’s Patriarchy, the Mentoring of Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad and the Dynamics of Agamben’s Homo Sacer

On the 125th birth anniversary of Dr B. R. Ambedkar, this essay acknowledges the great leader’s life, vision and contributions to the cause of marginalized humanity in India. It attempts to examine Ambedkar’s agenda for social reform and his efforts towards the empowerment of the abused caste and gender categories through intense satyagraha (a form of nonviolent resistance), widespread education and supportive state laws. The article concludes with a review of caste and gender issues in the present times and argues for the need to revamp the education system. This essay begins with Ambedkar’s early life and education facilitated by the patronage of the philanthropic reformer and King of Baroda Province, Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad III. Second, it examines Ambedkar’s endeavours to educate and empower the women and depressed castes of India through his research, scholarship and rewritings of the Indian social history. And third, the essay attempts to understand the concept of the untouchable Dalit as a category that comes close to the Greek phenomenon of the homo sacer—a Greek concept synonymous with the rational of the Dalit/Ati-shudra. Through the ancient concept of the homo sacer, Giorgio Agamben explores agencies that conspire to draft, long-drawn statements of abuse and exploitation of the ostracized social and political underdog.

What Matters Is Who Supports You: Diaspora and Foreign States as External Supporters and Militants’ Adoption of Nonviolence:

Militant groups are usually committed to violent tactics to pursue their goals. Yet, in certain cases, militants adopt nonviolent tactics and desist from violence. As internal conflict rarely remai...

Non Violent Resistance parent training and adolescent substance misuse

Adolescent substance misuse is increasingly being viewed as a systemic problem and several studies have shown the benefit of increased parental involvement. This article describes the evaluation of a ten‐week Non‐Violent Resistance (NVR) group parent training programme delivered within a Young People’s Specialist Substance Misuse Treatment Service. Eighteen participants completed questionnaires before and after the programme, and at follow‐up. Eight participants also took part in semi‐structured interviews. Parents reported experiencing the programme as unique and helpful, and highlighted some challenges. Measures of parental self‐efficacy and goal‐based outcomes showed significant improvement at the end of the programme, and improvement in parental self‐efficacy remained significant at follow‐up. This evaluation provides preliminary evidence that NVR parent training may be a useful intervention in this context. However, the generalisability of the data is limited and further research is needed.Practitioner points Non‐Violent Resistance parent training helps parents resist their child’s behaviour, manage their own emotional reactions, and recruit supporters from their wider network Qualitative data suggests that parents who have attended this programme experience additional benefits to those found in qualitative evaluations of other parenting interventions A group training programme delivered within a Young People’s Specialist Substance Misuse Treatment Service improves parents’ self‐efficacy and helps them achieve their goals for their children

The activist as geographer: nonviolent direct action in Cold War Germany and postcolonial Ghana, 1959–1960

This article interprets nonviolent direct action campaigns against nuclear bases and tests as agents of alternative geopolitics in Cold War Germany and postcolonial Ghana. In doing so, it draws on the archives of the Direct Action Committee against Nuclear War, a British organisation, to illustrate how the activities and work of international activists entailed a repertoire of geographical skills and understanding. The activists engaged in networking to create confluences of international space, plotted logistics and maps to make practical and symbolic meanings out of the regions of the bases and tests, and through nonviolent direct action attempted to perform these as an alternative geopolitics to those of the Cold War and colonialism. Together, these processes are interpreted as part of a constructivist, spatial politics, where activists sought to shape and reshape international geographies by intervening in the relationship between space, war and peace. The more they progressed, the more the campaigns seemed to embody a separate set of socio-spatial relations by which German and Ghanaian geopolitics could be challenged and navigated. The article thus sheds light on campaign mobilisation as geography and views the spatial politics of nonviolence as a powerful paradigm in the contemporary history of international activism.

The Responsibility to Protect, the Right to Assist and the Right to Resist

The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) has come under heavy criticism following its invocation during the 2011 intervention in the Libyan conϐlict. The perceived unworkability of RtoP for future intervention to prevent atrocity crimes has formed the basis of continued development of the concept of the 'right to assist', which has emerged in the nonviolence literature as a means of responding to the needs and requests of individuals engaged in campaigns of nonviolent resistance. Although couched in the language of a need to respect bottom-up actors engaged in nonviolent resistance, the nonviolence literature from which RtoA has emerged indicates reasons to be cautious. Drawing on the developing critical nonviolent resistance literature, this study suggests that efforts to discipline and restrict resistance to nonviolent forms of conϐlict, and indeed to limit conϐlict to the terms established by external actors, seem to inherently afϐlict the concept of RtoA.

Nonviolence as Manic Rupture of Individualism

Nonviolence as Manic Rupture of Individualism

Conducting Sensitive Research as an Alien Ethnographer in the United States

As a French PhD student, my work focuses on democratic deficits in the United States and explores the evolution of the American Left since 2001. Adopting methodological tools provided by ethnography, I am investigating how activist groups are using civil disobedience and non-violent direct action under the current legal, judicial, and police constraints specific to the post-9/11 era. My research is contingent on structural shifts occurring on the macro-political level, such as a changes in the federal government. But as the incident related above demonstrates, my own status as a foreign ethnographer is also a factor, since I can neither escape nor disentangle myself from my identity. The aim of this reflexive article is to discuss how, within a broader context of state repression and surveillance, my “double condition of alienage” (alien as a non-citizen and alien as an insider/outsider researcher amongst activist groups), is affecting not only how I am conducting my fieldwork, but is also shaping my object of study.

On the Possibility of Action as Liberation from (Non)Violence

On the Possibility of Action as Liberation from (Non)Violence

Phenomenon of the Baltic singing revolution in 1987-1991: Three Latvian songs as historical symbols of non-violent resistance

The denomination singing revolution (coined by Estonian artist Heinz Valk, b. 1936) is commonly used for events in Baltic States between 1987 and 1991 that led to the restoration of the independence of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Three songs - the folk song P?t, v?ji?i! (Blow, Wind!), the choir song Gaismas pils (The Castle of Light) by the national classical composer J?zeps V?tols (1863-1948) and the song Saule, P?rkons, Daugava (Sun, Thunder, Daugava) by the composer M?rti?s Brauns (1951) - at that time in Latvia had a special significance in society. Each song represented references to different layers in Latvian cultural and political history. The characteristics of the three songs in the Singing Revolution process are based on the approach and methodology of distant (objective) analysis of cultural context and recent historical experience. As a result, this article reveals the meaning and reception of the three songs as symbols of nonviolent resistance during the fall of communist regime in Latvia in the late 1980s.

The Songs We Know Best: John Ashbery's Early Life

The Songs We Know Best: John Ashbery's Early Life

Strategizing Kashmiri Freedom Struggle Through Nonviolent Means

Since 1947, Kashmiris are demanding freedom from Indian occupation. They have adopted numerous approaches to gain independence from Indian subjugation, including nonviolent resistance, election boycotts and international arbitration. Various new trends in the Kashmiri freedom struggle have been observed since 2008 including a signature campaign ‘Safr-e-Azadi’ (journey for freedom) in 2008, ‘Muzaffarabad Chalo’ (Got to Muzaffarabad) march of 2008 and sit-ins of 2010 which have significantly changed the nature of Kashmir struggle. This paper explores emerging trends of strategic nonviolent Kashmiri struggle and practical future options to strategize the former through the prism of Gene Sharp's Theory of Nonviolence. This study assumes that strategic nonviolent movement in IOJ&K has highlighted the Kashmir cause across the world. It has challenged the Indian occupation through staging mass protests and employing new forms of strategic methods, which will likely put India under pressure in the future. If organized, well-coordinated and strategically planned, this struggle can be successful. In the wake of the Indian government's abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A and illegal annexation of IOJ&K on August 5, 2019, the need for devising a well-calibrated, inclusive and comprehensive strategy and employing all viable options for peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute further increases.

For Aprina, for Cierra, and for Me: Questions and Commitment to Abolition

For Aprina, for Cierra, and for Me: Questions and Commitment to Abolition M Adams (bio) I remember where I was when I got the first call. “M, ’Prina is missin’. Her mom said she ain’t heard from her. Dis ain’t like ’Prina. Wat we gon’ do?” At the time, I had no idea who Aprina was, but that didn’t matter. This happened in October 2013 and I was twenty-eight years old. As a survivor, I had long learned that there is very little space between fear and privacy, so it didn’t take long for the worry about Aprina to become my own. I got a second phone call from the same voice at the end of the first one, a young Black stud/gender-nonconforming nineteen-year-old who I had been building with through my queer youth work at Freedom Inc. The voice cried out, “They found her. She’s fuck’n dead M, they found her.” And then, seconds later, “He chopped her body up and burned her! They roasted marshmallows over her M, fuck’n marshmallows,” and the voice turned from a fire and rage, to a helpless plea. There were screams. There was silence. Then there was me breaking. It was more than I could take. The phone call ended for me before I hung up. I went static, offline. I didn’t remember where I was for about a minute before I snapped back to my organizer go, go, go mode. I wiped my tears, called on my ancestors, and went to Freedom Inc. to rally the crew. ________ Freedom Inc. is a nonprofit and grassroots collective of Black, Hmong, and Khmer women and girls, and queer and trans folx, based in Madison, Wisconsin. Our mission is to end violence within and against low-income Black and Brown communities. We define violence comprehensively to include both systems of violence such as colonialism, patriarchy, and capitalism, and the range of interpersonal expressions such as sexual assault and intimate partner violence. In order for us to accomplish this work we are [End Page 261] grounded by a set of frameworks: gender justice, queer justice, Black and Southeast Asian liberation, anti-colonialism—which are rooted in radical Black queer feminisms, Hmong and Khmer feminisms. We use these ideologies and frameworks as our compass to building movements that help to realize our mission and meet the immediate needs of our folx. Our strategy to accomplish our mission is threefold: 1) to provide gender-, generation-, and culturally specific lifesaving services to survivors of gender-based violence, 2) to offer leadership development that focuses on and works with the same survivors to develop a sharp analysis of how their personal experiences are connected to broader issues of power and oppressions, and equips them with tools to create change around it, and 3) to develop grassroots campaigns led by survivors that uproot the root causes of violence. Some examples of our campaigns have been fighting to stop jail expansion, fighting for community control over land with the Take Back the Land Movement, fighting to stop deportations with the Southeast Asian Freedom Network, and fighting to end state violence against Black people with the Movement for Black Lives. Given the work of Freedom Inc., we often straddle multiple issues and act as brokers to bring disjointed movements together, and in particular have really worked to help align the anti–violence against women movement with queer justice movements and prison abolition movements. We know intimately how we and our communities are failed when we don’t. In our work, the praxis of building an abolition movement that centers solutions to gender-based violence as outlined in the Critical Resistance–INCITE! statement is critical (2006). As we organize for justice, liberation, and wellness for survivors, we are continuously challenged by the penultimate questions of abolition: What do we do in real time when violence is happening that we can’t stop? What to do with people who won’t change and who are harming the most vulnerable among us? Though we are faced with these questions, in many ways, we share an analysis with many survivors that the prison industrial...

MANAJEMEN PENDIDIKAN MULTIKULTUR DAN AKTUALISASI ISLAM MODERAT DALAM MEMPERKOKOH NASIONALISME DI INDONESIA

The purpose of this study is to describe the management of multicultural education in instilling the value of Indonesian culture through learning in educational institutions to cultivate and instill a variety of cultures, religions and Indonesia, this is an engineering or developmental ideas in learning from the age of elementary school to university, so as to be able to provide the basis of national values ​​(nationalism), tolerance and not thinking and acting radically. This research is a field research with a descriptive qualitative approach with a tool to collect observation data, interviews from several key informants and analyze them with inductive thinking. The development of multicultural education in fostering a spirit of nationalism, and radicalism in radicalism, is carried out through: 1. Integrating moderate Islam by planting the attitudes of tawassuth, tassamuh, and tawazun, 2. Introducing the environment around as plural learning (contectual learning), 3. Instill the attitude of anti-violence truth rahmatan lil alamin These three things as engineering application of material development, are thoroughly integrated in the learning process in the classroom and outside the classroom. Conclusion, Education is carried out programmatically while: 1). Transformation of knowledge through the understanding of contemporary Islam, 2). Adopt good culture (repertoire), 3). Acting in the educational environment with the attitudes of tawassuth, tassamuh and tawazun, amar ma'ruf nahimunkar anti violence 4) Performed in the form of behavior and developing tepo seliro tolerant concepts on all learning processes and 5) Character of nationalism in life (Khoirunas Anfauhum Linnas) . The impact that arises in a timely manner recognizes moderate Islam, fosters the development of nationalism fostering a sense of love for the land as a manifestation of the preservation of Islam rahmatan lil alamin and strengthening the unity of the Indonesian nation.