Nonviolent Research Articles

Pengembangan Dongeng Antik (Anti Kekerasan) “Sayang Teman” Sebagai Upaya Mengenalkan Nilai-Nilai Moral bagi Anak Usia Dini

The rise of cases of violence has consequences for children's development. Violence results in poor emotional regulation, stickiness problems, problems in relationships with peers, difficulty adapting to the environment, and other psychological problems such as depression, and delinquency in children. Seeing this the researchers developed Dongeng Antik (Anti Violence) "I love My Friends" in the form of pop-ups to minimize and prevent violence against early childhood. Dongeng Antik “I love My Friends” are expected to be able to foster children's knowledge and awareness of moral values anti-violence, so that it becomes an anticipation that they do not commit and experience acts of violence.

Book review: The Force of Nonviolence: An Ethico-Political Bind

Book review: The Force of Nonviolence: An Ethico-Political Bind

Grist to the mill of subversion: strikes and coups in counterinsurgencies

Why are acts of organized resistance associated with coups? Inspired by the Arab Spring, a large literature suggests that militaries confronted with civil resistance tend to side with protesters and oust their government. In the historically most coup-prone environment of insurgencies, however, alliances between the military and protesters are implausible because soldiers suspect insurgents behind social dissent. Disentangling different types of resistance, this article analyzes whether and how strikes, demonstrations, riots, and guerrilla attacks affect the military’s disposition and ability to stage a coup during counterinsurgencies. We argue that only strikes trigger coup attempts. Soldiers interpret strikes as manifestations of a strengthening subversive enemy that threatens their victory over insurgents, while economic elites support a coup in the hope that the military will terminate costly walkouts. This interest alignment fosters military takeovers. We provide case-study evidence from Cold War Argentina and Venezuela to show our suggested mechanism at work. Demonstrating the scope of our argument, we quantitatively analyze coup attempts in counterinsurgency worldwide (1950–2005). Results show that strikes increase wartime coup risk, whereas demonstrations, riots, and guerrilla attacks do not. The findings highlight the backfiring potential of nonviolent resistance with important implications for post-coup political orders and democratization prospects.

Tindak Kekerasan Terhadap Anak di Lingkungan Satuan Pendidikan dan Peranan Keluarga Sebagai Upaya Non-Penal Dalam Pencegahan

ABSTRACT
 
 ROLE OF THE FAMILY AS A NON PENAL EFFORT IN PREVENTING
 ACTS OF VIOLENCE AGAINTS CHILDREN IN THE EDUCATION UNIT ENVIRONMENT
 
 Schools are required to be anti violence zones, which provides a safe comfortable and enjoyable learning environment. Legal protection made by the government has not provided protection for children from violence that occurs in schools. So that there needs to be other efforts beyond legal measures that can prevent acts of violence against children in school. Non penal efforts through the role of the family.a as the first educational institution in society that plays a role in educating children to shape the character of children. Character education in the family will produce anti violence behavior in children themselves will distance themselves from behavior u violence, because children are equipped with loving behavior, tenderness, religious values, empathy in children.
 

Tindak Kekerasan Terhadap Anak di Lingkungan Satuan Pendidikan dan Peranan Keluarga Sebagai Upaya Non-Penal Dalam Pencegahan

ABSTRACT
 
 ROLE OF THE FAMILY AS A NON PENAL EFFORT IN PREVENTING
 ACTS OF VIOLENCE AGAINTS CHILDREN IN THE EDUCATION UNIT ENVIRONMENT
 
 Schools are required to be anti violence zones, which provides a safe comfortable and enjoyable learning environment. Legal protection made by the government has not provided protection for children from violence that occurs in schools. So that there needs to be other efforts beyond legal measures that can prevent acts of violence against children in school. Non penal efforts through the role of the family.a as the first educational institution in society that plays a role in educating children to shape the character of children. Character education in the family will produce anti violence behavior in children themselves will distance themselves from behavior u violence, because children are equipped with loving behavior, tenderness, religious values, empathy in children.
 

The Effects of Selective and Indiscriminate Repression on the 2013 Gezi Park Nonviolent Resistance Campaign

We investigate the differential effects of selective and indiscriminate repression on the rate of protest actions during the nonviolent resistance campaign in Gezi Park, Turkey, in 2013. After deriving theoretical expectations about how and why these forms of repression will influence protest actions, we test them with protest event data that were collected from a major local newspaper and subsequently validated through a comparison with two other independent Twitter datasets. Utilizing a Poisson autoregressive estimation model, we find that selective repression, as measured by the number of arrested activists who were detained while they were not demonstrating, decreased the rate of protest actions. Meanwhile, indiscriminate repression, as measured by the frequency of the government’s use of lethal and nonlethal violence against protesters during demonstrations, increased the rate of protest actions. Our findings support prior research on the influence of indiscriminate repression on backfire outcomes. They also provide evidence for the impact of selective repression on movement demobilization through the removal of opposition activists. Finally, the targeted arrest strategy of selective repression that was employed in the Gezi campaign has implications for the feasibility of the strategic incapacitation model of protest policing.

Unravelling the complex nature of security force defection

ABSTRACT This study analyses a large number of regime-change seeking movements, their experiences with state repression, and the outcome of security force defection. Crisp-set Qualitative-Comparative Analysis (csQCA) is utilised to investigate six conditions and set-theoretic associations with defection. Results reveal that defection is neither sufficiently nor necessarily tied to any single condition. Contrary to theoretical expectations, of the most salient identified solutions, three out of five feature the presence of a violent oppositional campaign. There exist heterogeneous pathways that can lead to defection and defection has occurred in cases of both violent and nonviolent resistance. While mass nonviolent dissent can spur defection by fostering regime fragility, by providing protesters favourable opportunities to overcome state repression or through persuading security forces to not repress, large violent movements (100,000 or more participants) can also cause defections by directly challenging regime security support pillars. This analysis offers timely implications for our understanding of the interrelated character of dissent, repression and security force defection.

Under Caesar’s Sword: How Christians Respond to Persecution, edited by Daniel Philpott and Timothy Samuel Shah

If one only read the most prominent selections of World Christianity texts—Andrew Walls’s The Translation Principle in Christian History, or the late Lamin Sanneh’s West African Christianity, for example—one would likely see the assumptions that underlie the field in general: that Christianity is diverse and expanding; that the reasons for its expansion and diversity are due more to the creative agency of non-Euro-American converts than to Western missionaries; and that while the foundation for this growth occurred in the nineteenth century, most of it came to fruition in the late twentieth. If this literature formed the basis of one’s knowledge of Christianity worldwide, then one could be forgiven for not realizing that we are perhaps living through one of the greatest periods of anti-Christian persecution since Christianity’s earliest centuries, as some researchers and activists have claimed.That is because, alongside its many scholarly contributions, the field of World Christianity has also produced some lacunae. It has a difficult time integrating into its narrative those places where Christianity has not thrived. Similarly, we can point to relatively few studies within World Christianity literature that seriously grapple with religious persecution. And the field seems to struggle to construe agency as something other than the production of “new” Christianities, often to the neglect of Christians belonging to traditions whose roots extend well before the nineteenth or twentieth centuries.It is with respect to these three lacunae that we think Under Caesar’s Sword offers a robust and welcome addition to our understanding of contemporary Christianity worldwide. Following their large grant-funded study of the same name, editors Daniel Philpott and Timothy Samuel Shah assembled an impressive collection of contributors who examined how contemporary Christians have responded to persecution. The regions covered read almost like a list of those places most neglected in the World Christianity literature: North Africa and the Middle East, Central Asia, Southeast Asia, and Eastern Europe, though it also includes important contributions on Christians in India, China, and Latin America. The editors are to be commended for the consistently high quality of the essays, as well as for giving due attention to the full swath of Christian denominations and traditions across the regions covered.The responses described in the volume include fleeing, political mobilization, patient nonviolent resistance, international networking, and even armed resistance. Among the contributions, Kathleen Collins’s chapter on Christian repression and survival in post-Soviet Central Asia is particularly enlightening, and Maryann Cusimano Love’s chapter on transnational Christian networks offers important and pertinent data with respect to the ways that Christian persecution has produced various kinds of global imaginings, regional partnerships, and international communities for advocacy and support.The analysis found in Under Caesar’s Sword comes predominantly from sociology and/or political science, and while Christians’ responses are shown to be historically grounded, the chronological scope is mostly quite contemporary. But if one is looking for a political, legal, and institutional introduction to the constraints and structures that impact contemporary Christians in large regions of the world today, as well as how Christians interact with those structures, then Under Caesar’s Sword offers an excellent orientation. In doing so, the volume provides an initial solution to the historiographical dilemma that seems to divide contemporary Christians among those who are agents of religious transformation (e.g., Mark Noll, The New Shape of World Christianity) from those who are victims (e.g., John Allen Jr., The Global War on Christians).Even though Christian responses to persecution is the theme of the volume, one will not find detailed accounts of what Christian faith looks like in these regions—or how Christians’ responses to persecution shape their daily lives, spirituality, theology, or worship. This observation is not so much a criticism of the volume as it is an invitation for scholars of World Christianity to investigate those dimensions of contemporary Christianity worldwide that do not so easily fit with the assumptions of our field.

The Climate Emergency: Are the Doctors who take Non-violent Direct Action to Raise Public Awareness Radical Activists, Rightminded Professionals, or Reluctant Whistleblowers?

When doctors become aware of a threat to public health, they have a professional duty to try to mitigate the threat. Climate change is a recognized major threat to planetary and public health that requires actions to both mitigate, and adapt to, climate change. The limited time and resources available to change what humankind are doing and protect planetary health add urgency to the threat. Some doctors take non-violent direct actions if their governments fail to take the effective actions needed. Professional regulatory organizations like the UK’s General Medical Council (GMC) are charged with protecting the health of patients by setting standards for, giving ethical advice about, and supervising the behaviour of doctors. This article examines the conflict between climate activist doctors and the GMC interpretation of a doctor’s duty of care when there is threat to public health from climate change.

Learning about principles or prospects for success? An experimental analysis of information support for nonviolent resistance

The color revolutions in Eastern Europe and the recent waves of protests in the Middle East and North Africa show that nonviolent conflicts, like violent conflicts, spread across countries. Scholars argue that the idea of adopting nonviolent resistance travels across borders because dissidents learn from foreign protestors about the principles of nonviolent campaigns and their success in changing the status quo. However, the commonly used country-level data do not allow scholars to distinguish between these two learning mechanisms and to establish a causal association between exposure to information about nonviolent resistance and changing individuals’ attitudes. Therefore, we conduct an experimental survey to analyze and distinguish individuals’ responses to information about the principles of nonviolent campaigns and their higher prospects for success. Our findings show both types of information increase individuals’ evaluation of nonviolent resistance. However, exposure to information on the principles of nonviolent campaigns yields different results than exposure to information on the success rate of nonviolent campaigns.

A critique of climate change mitigation policy

Global institutions and national governments have failed to provide effective policy guidance or leadership on tackling climate change. The extraction and combustion of fossil fuels continues apace, resulting in continual rising of greenhouse gas emissions, which pose a threat to all life on earth. However, the global climate regime continues to underestimate the need for immediate, radical and powerful action. Dominant framings of the problem continue to emphasise behaviour change rather than system change, and fail to challenge the power of fossil-fuel capital. This failure makes it difficult to be optimistic about the future but there may be hope in a new kind of politics based on non-violent direct action and mass civil disobedience. This form of action is directed at delegitimising fossil fuels and stopping their extraction, and acting as a ‘radical flank’ in positively influencing political decision-making towards a democratically agreed just transition.

Curving the resource curse: Negative effects of oil and gas revenue on nonviolent resistance campaign onset

There is growing consensus that large oil and gas revenues in autocracies have multiple pernicious effects, from decreasing democratization to increasing armed conflict: the so-called “resource curse.” Yet we know little about the effects of oil and gas revenue on the onset of major nonviolent dissent. The logic of the resource curse would lead us to expect oil and gas revenue to significantly decrease the likelihood of nonviolent resistance, as resource wealth enables autocracies to increase repressive capacity and co-opt potential challengers. But this relationship has yet to be comprehensively tested. I show that such an effect obtains, but is more complex than previously theorized. Low levels of oil and gas revenue increase the likelihood of nonviolent resistance onset, while high levels decrease it. Despite popular assumptions and the general logic of the resource curse, oil only appears to drown out major nonviolent dissent at relatively high levels.

Human Values in Medicine—From Core Human Values (Universal Values) Perspective

According to Sathya Sai Baba, an Indian philosopher, educationist and philanthropist, human values have their derivative from the concept of divinity. In other words, human values are the characteristics of God in human condition. He postulated the five human values, viz: Love, Truth, Right Action, Peace, Non-Violence. Within each value, there is a range of sub-values and they are expressed in medical ethics values. Medical ethics, on the other hand, is a system of moral principles that apply values to the practice of clinical medicine and in scientific research. These values include the respect for autonomy (self-determination), non-maleficence (non-violence), beneficence (charity), justice (equity). Sai Baba points out the subtle difference between human values and ethics, namely, that ethics is a system conceived by humans without underpinning the role that divinity plays. Taken together with their sub-values, these five basic principles encompass a full vision of human potential, namely, the fulfillment of the quest of the intellect for truth, the channeling of the will into satisfying expression through right conduct, the resolution of the conflicts of human emotions and interactions in the achievement of inner and outer peace, the expansion of the heart in the flow of love and the realization of perfect sympathy of all creation through non-violence. Human values in medicine, apart from being the moral benchmark for relationship between physician and patient, necessitate ensuring that clinical and management practices are consistent with widely accepted ethics standards, norms, and expectations. In recent years, scientism as a goal has frequently led to the neglect of the humanism inherent in medical practice that the science of medicine has assumed precedence over the art of medicine. The pedagogy of Sai Baba’s value-based healthcare helps to elicit the human values inherent in every human being.

Gender roles in Nigeria’s non-violent oil resistance movement

ABSTRACT Since the 1980s, Nigerians have engaged in non-violent protests against oil exploitation polluting their lands. This qualitative case study asks why Niger Delta women came to engage in seemingly separate, all-female protests starting in 2002, mobilizing in a long-standing resistance previously led by men. Using grounded theory methods, this multi-site ethnography draws on one-on-one interviews, participant observations, and university and non-governmental organization archival data. It finds that although women were indeed aggrieved by oil, their protests from 2002 to 2012 did not emerge autonomously from those of men, as described in scholarship elsewhere. Rather, these findings indicate that male elites may have had a role in initiating women’s collective action in response to their own failed prior negotiations, to increase the number of protesters, and to bolster men’s dialogue. This study provides a nuanced corrective to the Niger Delta narrative and expands our understanding of gender dynamics in social movements.

Interactive Visualization of Data on the Impact of Violent Games on the Behavior of Children and Adolescents: Action Research

Introduction: The purpose of the present study is to graphically and comprehensively illustrate the data on the impact of violent video games on the behavior of children and adolescents. Materials and Methods: This visualization system was designed based on the Schneider principle using the results of a clinical study carried out by psychologists at the Ohio University, Athens, Ohio, United States that included 242 children aged 8 to 12 years in three groups. All groups played different versions of the Minecraft game, then using data recorded in an Excel file on the Figshare site, four variables were depicted. The variables including finding the gun, length of time the gun was held, the number of trigger pulls, as well as demographic or control characteristics of age and gender of the children were evaluated. Results: Visualization was designed in the Processing software environment and it was easy to compare the three groups using the color, shape, and coordinate channels. Accordingly, it appeared that violent behaviors in children who experienced gun play were greater than those played the sword; both of them showed more violent behaviors compared to the group who played the non-violent version. Violent behaviors were also more prevalent in male children in all three groups. In other words, girls in the 8-12 age group in all three groups were less likely to exhibit post-game aggression. Conclusion: In this study, data on the impact of violent video games on the behavior of children and adolescents were graphically and comprehensibly visualized based on the Schneider Principle and revealed that violent behaviors in children who experienced violent video games were higher than those in the control group. Violent behaviors were also more prevalent in male children in all three groups.

공동체적 실천으로서의 설교에 관한 기독교윤리학적 이해 : 캠벨의 비폭력적 저항과 부르그만의 대안적 해석을 중심으로

설교는 하나님이 섭리하는 현실을 비판적으로 인식하고, 역사 속 하나님의 행위에 대한 해석을 바탕으로 신앙공동체 구성원들이 세상에 책임적으로 응답하도록 이끄는 과제를 늘 안고 있다. 그렇기에 설교는 교리 중심으로 획일적인 해석과 답변만을 제 공하는 것이 아니라, 사회의 지배적 가치를 넘어서서 대안적 삶의 방식을 꿈꾸는 세 계 이해에 기초해야 한다. 본 논문은 기존의 지배적 관계성들이 갖는 폭력성들을 비 판적으로 읽어내고 전혀 다른 상호적 관계성을 꿈꾸고 실천하도록 이끄는 동인으로서 설교를 공동체적 실천으로 이해하고자 한다. 캠벨은 설교 행위가 갖는 윤리적 의미를 비폭력적 저항으로서 강조한다면, 부르그만은 기존 사회의 지배적 해석을 넘어서는 하나의 대안적 해석으로서 설교의 내용에 관심한다. 캠벨은 설교가 행해지는 컨텍스 트로서 친구들의 사귐의 공동체를 중시하면서, 서로 정의를 탐구하는 동등한 관계성 을 공동체의 특징으로 삼는다. 이 공동체의 상호적 관계성 가운데서 설교자는 권위를 부여받게 된다. 부르그만은 설교자와 회중이 텍스트를 중심으로 대립할 것이 아니라, 텍스트에 대하여 설교자와 회중이 함께 공동체의 실천의 방향과 의미를 탐구해야 한 다고 강조한다. 세상 권세의 지배체제에 대한 비폭력적 저항과 대안적 해석을 바탕으 로 전혀 다른 삶의 방식을 강조하는 실천은 사회의 소외되고 억눌린 이들의 삶에 초 점을 맞추고 그들의 목소리를 대변한다는 지점에서 만나게 된다. 이와 같은 설교 이해에 대하여 기독교윤리학적 관점에서 비판적으로 이해할 때, 1) 비폭력적 저항으로서의 설교는 폭력적 지배구조의 비도덕성을 드러내는데 매우 효과 적이다. 하지만 비폭력적 저항은 결국에는 폭력적 상대와의 연합까지 지향해야 한다. 2) 비폭력적 저항으로서의 설교는 설교자와 공동체가 폭력의 구조와 공모할 수 있음 을 인정하고 자기 비판력을 확보해야 한다. 3) 설교자는 공동체와 함께 텍스트에 참 여하고, 이를 바탕으로 대안적 삶의 관계성을 꿈꾼다. 공동체를 통한 동등한 상호적 관계성의 추구는 지배적 사회구조에 저항하는 분명한 방식이다. 4) 지배적 현실 해석 에 저항하는 설교는 가시적 사회적 변화에 평가될 수 없고, 공동체의 지속적인 실천 을 이어가는 힘으로서 평가된다. 5) 설교는 소외되고 눌린 자들에게 힘을 부여하는 윤리적 실천이어야 한다.

공동체적 실천으로서의 설교에 관한 기독교윤리학적 이해 : 캠벨의 비폭력적 저항과 부르그만의 대안적 해석을 중심으로

설교는 하나님이 섭리하는 현실을 비판적으로 인식하고, 역사 속 하나님의 행위에 대한 해석을 바탕으로 신앙공동체 구성원들이 세상에 책임적으로 응답하도록 이끄는 과제를 늘 안고 있다. 그렇기에 설교는 교리 중심으로 획일적인 해석과 답변만을 제 공하는 것이 아니라, 사회의 지배적 가치를 넘어서서 대안적 삶의 방식을 꿈꾸는 세 계 이해에 기초해야 한다. 본 논문은 기존의 지배적 관계성들이 갖는 폭력성들을 비 판적으로 읽어내고 전혀 다른 상호적 관계성을 꿈꾸고 실천하도록 이끄는 동인으로서 설교를 공동체적 실천으로 이해하고자 한다. 캠벨은 설교 행위가 갖는 윤리적 의미를 비폭력적 저항으로서 강조한다면, 부르그만은 기존 사회의 지배적 해석을 넘어서는 하나의 대안적 해석으로서 설교의 내용에 관심한다. 캠벨은 설교가 행해지는 컨텍스 트로서 친구들의 사귐의 공동체를 중시하면서, 서로 정의를 탐구하는 동등한 관계성 을 공동체의 특징으로 삼는다. 이 공동체의 상호적 관계성 가운데서 설교자는 권위를 부여받게 된다. 부르그만은 설교자와 회중이 텍스트를 중심으로 대립할 것이 아니라, 텍스트에 대하여 설교자와 회중이 함께 공동체의 실천의 방향과 의미를 탐구해야 한 다고 강조한다. 세상 권세의 지배체제에 대한 비폭력적 저항과 대안적 해석을 바탕으 로 전혀 다른 삶의 방식을 강조하는 실천은 사회의 소외되고 억눌린 이들의 삶에 초 점을 맞추고 그들의 목소리를 대변한다는 지점에서 만나게 된다. 이와 같은 설교 이해에 대하여 기독교윤리학적 관점에서 비판적으로 이해할 때, 1) 비폭력적 저항으로서의 설교는 폭력적 지배구조의 비도덕성을 드러내는데 매우 효과 적이다. 하지만 비폭력적 저항은 결국에는 폭력적 상대와의 연합까지 지향해야 한다. 2) 비폭력적 저항으로서의 설교는 설교자와 공동체가 폭력의 구조와 공모할 수 있음 을 인정하고 자기 비판력을 확보해야 한다. 3) 설교자는 공동체와 함께 텍스트에 참 여하고, 이를 바탕으로 대안적 삶의 관계성을 꿈꾼다. 공동체를 통한 동등한 상호적 관계성의 추구는 지배적 사회구조에 저항하는 분명한 방식이다. 4) 지배적 현실 해석 에 저항하는 설교는 가시적 사회적 변화에 평가될 수 없고, 공동체의 지속적인 실천 을 이어가는 힘으로서 평가된다. 5) 설교는 소외되고 눌린 자들에게 힘을 부여하는 윤리적 실천이어야 한다.

Ethnic Conflict and the Limits of Nonviolent Resistance

Recent research shows that campaigns of nonviolent resistance are much more successful in producing radical political change than armed rebellion. I argue that the study of nonviolent resistance has paid insufficient attention to a key condition for success—a shared ethnic identity between challengers and government. When challengers and incumbent belong to different ethnic groups, the prospects of campaign success are drastically curtailed, as this situation of “ethnic conflict” inhibits the mechanisms through which nonviolent resistance enables success: emergence of a critical mass of challengers, defection of segments of the security apparatus and the regime inner circle, and development of feelings of sympathy for the opposition cause among key government decision makers. Statistical analysis of all nonviolent campaigns from 1945 to 2006 supports my argument. Nonviolent ethnic campaigns are significantly and substantially less likely to succeed and draw both fewer participants and government defectors than their nonethnic counterparts.

Non‐violencing: Imagining Non‐violence Pedagogy with Laozi and Deleuze

Non‐violencing: Imagining Non‐violence Pedagogy with Laozi and Deleuze

“Tough Love”: The Political Theology of Civil Disobedience

Love is a key concept in the theory and history of civil disobedience yet it has been purposefully neglected in recent debates in political theory. Through an examination of Martin Luther King, Jr.’s paradoxical notion of “aggressive love,” I offer a critical interpretation of love as a key concept in a vernacular black political theology, and the consequences of love’s displacement by law in liberal theories of civil disobedience. The first section locates the origins of aggressive love in an earlier generation of black theologians who looked to India’s anticolonial struggle to reimagine the dignity of the oppressed as “creative survival.” The second contextualizes King’s early sermons on moral injury and self-respect within this tradition to reinterpretStride toward Freedom’s account of the dignity-enhancing effects of nonviolent resistance as the triumph of love over fear. The third considers the implications of these arguments for conceptualizing the moral psychology of the white citizen and its consequences for contemporary debates over the ideological uses of Civil Rights history. The call to respond to oppression with aggressive love illustrates the paradoxical character of civil disobedience obscured by legal accounts as well as by criticisms of the very idea of “civil” disobedience. This is the paradox of affirming civility while enacting disobedience in order to bind political confrontation with political pedagogy.