Nonviolent Conflict Research Articles

Threat assessments and heritage in the age of hybrid warfare

ABSTRACT In Sweden, civil and military defence is scaling up in response to a perceived increased threat caused by a deteriorated security and geopolitical situation in Europe over the last decade. This defence includes the planning for how to protect heritage in case of conflict on Swedish territory. Part of this planning is based on assessments of the types of threat that heritage in Sweden could face. By combining methods from intelligence studies with heritage studies, we demonstrate that although some threats remain, other threats have changed over time. In particular, threats associated with hybrid warfare do not belong to the risk analysis traditionally carried out within the sector. The findings presented here are based on Swedish sources and suggest that the heritage sector needs to rethink how to respond to threats against heritage in war and non-violent conflict. Historically, the heritage sector has planned for protection against wartime destruction and against crime in peacetime but in recent years, hybrid threats, including cyber attacks, influence, and subversion, have become more pronounced, demanding other responses and increased awareness of media and opinions. This also raises questions as to how we value heritage – what is considered important and to whom?

The Relevance of Gandhi for Social Work Education and Practice

Mahatma Gandhi’s philosophies of nonviolence (Ahimsa) and truth force (Satyagraha) offer profound insights for social work education and practice. This article explores the alignment between Gandhi’s core principles and the ethical frameworks, values, and methods in social work. It examines Gandhi’s emphasis on ethical living, community engagement, empowerment, nonviolent conflict resolution, and advocacy for social justice, highlighting their relevance to contemporary social work. By integrating Gandhi’s teachings into social work education, practitioners can enhance their ability to promote social justice, serve marginalized populations, and foster community resilience. The discussion includes practical applications and case studies, demonstrating the enduring impact of Gandhi’s legacy on social work.

On ‘the Politics of Repair Beyond Repair’: Radical Democracy and the Right to Repair Movement

AbstractThis paper analyses the right to repair (R2R) movement through the lens of radical democracy, elucidating the opportunities and limitations for advancing a democratic repair ethics against a backdrop of power imbalances and vested interests. We commence our analysis by exploring broader political-economic trends, demonstrating that Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) are increasingly shifting towards asset-based repair strategies. In this landscape, hegemony is preserved not solely through deterrence tactics like planned obsolescence but also by conceding repairability while monopolizing repair and maintenance services. We further argue that the R2R serves as an ‘empty signifier’, whose content is shaped by four counter-hegemonic frames used by the R2R movement: consumer advocacy, environmental sustainability, communitarian values, and creative tinkering. These frames, when viewed through Laclau and Mouffe’s theory of radical democracy, reveal different potentials for sustaining dissent and confronting OEMs' hegemony in the field of repair. Analysed in this way, an emerging business ethics of repair can be understood as driven by the politics of repair beyond repair. This notion foregrounds the centrality of non-violent conflict and antagonism for bringing radical democratic principles to repair debates, looking beyond narrow instrumentalist conversations, where repairability is treated as an apolitical arena solely defined by concerns for eco-efficiency and resource productivity.

Edge of a Precipice: Multi-Party electoral violence in Jirapa Municipal in Ghana before and after the 2020 national elections

Countries in Africa experience both violent and non-violent conflicts during elections. Ghana, specifically Jirapa Municipality, has experienced this challenge in eight national elections since 1992. The Theory of Social Identity was used to establish the theoretical framework. The mixed research design for data collection and analyses was adopted. The study administered household questionnaires with a sample size of 400, and interviewed 15 key informants. The questionnaires were analyzed descriptively using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences version 22 while the interviews were analyzed using the thematic analysis. The results showed that the major multiple causal factors responsible for the periodic violence were youth unemployment, political parties/politicians seeking re-election, clientelism and inadequate political education. These have had an effect on the social structure of the community relative to weakened communal cohesion, reduced loyalty to traditional leaders, voter apathy, weak public institutions, slowed down economic activities and general distortion of democratic development. The study recommends that the dictates of chapter nine of the 1992 Fourth Republican Constitution of Ghana should be strictly followed by public institutions in charge of electoral governance without biases.

Navigating the theories in the nexus between war and peace

This research examines the relationship between war and peace within the realm of international relations, drawing from a diverse array of theories. It investigates conflict, ranging from power dynamics to ideological disputes, while also evaluating the ethical dimensions of the Just War theory. Through the application of the Just War theory to the dynamic interplay between war and peace as a theoretical framework, this study underscores the vital significance of fostering peaceful dispute resolution, upholding ethical standards in warfare, and undertaking comprehensive post-conflict reconstruction efforts. Employing a historical research design, the study gathers data from secondary sources including journals, books, and ancient encyclopedias, ensuring the credibility of its analysis. Utilizing a descriptive method of data analysis, the research employs deductive logic to maintain a coherent framework and ensure balanced interpretation. Despite disagreements among theories, the study prioritizes accuracy to draw appropriate conclusions. The findings of this study reveal the profound interconnectedness between war and peace, highlighting how conflict arises from a myriad of factors including power struggles, ideological differences, and diplomatic failures. Furthermore, the ethical evaluation of war through the Just War theory provides valuable insights into the moral complexities surrounding armed conflict and its implications for peace-building efforts. Considering these findings, several recommendations are proposed to address the persistent challenge of achieving lasting peace amidst armed conflicts. Emphasizing diplomacy as a primary approach to conflict resolution, prioritizing ethical standards in warfare, and fostering peace education to cultivate values of tolerance and non-violent conflict resolution from an early age are key strategies identified for promoting sustainable peace. By offering recommendations for proactive conflict prevention and strategies in international cooperation, this research aims to contribute to the global pursuit of a more equitable, harmonious, and peaceful world order. Through its rigorous analysis and actionable insights, the study seeks to inform policymaking and advocacy efforts aimed at fostering sustainable peace on a global scale.

The conflict potential of sand: Illegal sand mining on the African continent

Sand is mined illegally in numerous countries globally—with devastating consequences for the environment and the people living in the sand mining areas. In our contribution, we highlight the conflict potential of illegal sand mining. We collected data from different online sources and found that between 1990 and 2021, (a) sand has been mined illegally in 35 African countries and (b) 21 of them saw nonviolent conflicts, such as complaints, threats, or peaceful protest, while six of them, namely Algeria, Ghana, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, and The Gambia, saw violent conflicts, such as targeted killings, violent and deadly protest, or violent clashes. Our data indicate that violent conflict was by far the most escalated in Kenya, in particular, in Makueni County. We argue that an overview of the prevalence of illegal sand mining and an awareness of its link to nonviolent and in particular violent conflicts is crucial, considering the ever-growing demand for sand. Taking sand governance seriously now can prevent not only environmental damage but also ensure that sand does not become a resource that is linked to violence more broadly than it already is. It has the potential to prevent conflicts.

Negovanje inkluzije - merenje bezbednosti u indonezijskim sredinama za obrazovanje u ranom detinjstvu za svako dete

Introduction. Safety holds paramount importance in inclusive school environments that accommodate all students. The UNICEF report emphasizes that, regrettably, both peer sand teachers may engage in physical abuse against children in early childhood education (ECE). Objective. This paper aims to assess early childhood education teachers' perspectives on school safety, their strategies to ensure a safe environment, and the supporting rules for school environmental safety. Method. This research employed a quantitative descriptive approach, gathering numerical data through a survey questionnaire. The study included 52 ECE teachers who had undergone anti-violence education training in Banjarmasin and Banjarbaru, two inclusive cities in South Kalimantan, Indonesia. Results. Findings reveal that teachers reported instances of physical aggression, cyberbullying, verbal insults, and sexual harassment as infrequent occurrences. However, addressing social manipulation and physical aggression through corrective measures is recognized as necessary. Teachers implemented diverse strategies to maintain a safe and respectful classroom atmosphere, including reinforcing norms, promoting civility, teaching non-violent conflict resolution, and acknowledging students who intervened to protect victims. Importantly, teachers affirmed their commitment to transparency by refusing to conceal unethical behaviors by staff or students, thereby strengthening school safety protocols. Nevertheless, the evaluation of school environmental safety activities and regulations identified significant opportunities for improvement. Conclusion. The majority of ECE institutions lack clear protocols for conflict resolution, diversity promotion, bullying prevention, parental involvement, teacher training, and safety assessment. Addressing these shortcomings is crucial to establishing a more secure and inclusive learning environment that meets the needs of all children.

Ethics of Conflict, Violence and Peace – Just War and a Feminist Ethic of Care

This paper critically examines Just War Theory and its philosophical foundations, which are conventionally positioned in opposition to pacifism and nonviolent conflict. This paper, however, takes the view that both, Just War Theory as well as pacifism and nonviolent conflict, are equally necessary and complementary approaches to living with the possibilities and tragedies of the human condition. Its approach is grounded in feminist theory and methodology and their connections with Galtung’s models of violence and peace. The paper argues that the weaknesses of Just War Theory are intrinsic to the concept and its intent. The inherent contradiction of Just War Theory being that it intended to translate universal moral principles into reality, which makes them context dependent. Fundamentally, Just War Theory is derived from an ethic of justice ultimately centred on the right to use violence and kill. The right is conditional but means that a path to peace inevitably starts from death. An ethic of care is a philosophy where feminist thought meets pacifism and nonviolent conflict. It starts from the creation of life and charts paths to positive peace through the nurture of the conditions for lives in dignity. If we seek to contain the destructive and give space to the creative aspects of the human condition and understand its two extremes, life and death, in their relation to human agency, better we need to complement the traditional ethic of justice (of war and violence) with an ethic of care.

The Climate Change and Its Effects on Conflicts

Over the last 50 years, scientists studied the Earth’s warming temperatures and the resulting effects. Although climate change is not a new concept in current events, the consequences it has on exacerbating growing tensions and sustaining violent and nonviolent situations are less widely discussed. Of course, conflicts, internal or international, and their causes are multifaceted and cannot just be explained by one factor alone. However, climate change has a definite role in creating tensions that lead to violent or nonviolent conflict, including famine and displacement, as well as war. Although this rapid climate change is relatively recent in human history, climate trends and the environment have had an effect on conflicts throughout human history. Sustained trends caused by climate change can exacerbate tense situations leading up to the conditions for conflict, only needing a trigger for the spark of conflict. Currently, the world faces heightened tensions in many states, where climate change has only made these situations worse, and a greater focus on climate trends can give a better understanding of instability in states as they creep toward conflict.

History of the diplomatic negotiation in the International court of justice narrative, a review of the ICJ jurisprudence

Diplomatic negotiation serves as a fundamental prerequisite to both arbitration and judicial settlement, a dynamic that unfolds alongside the evolution of conventional international law. Negotiation stands as an essential and integral precursor to the arbitral resolution. In this comprehensive review, we delve into the jurisprudence of the Permanent Court of International Justice (P.C.I.J.) and the International Court of Justice (I.C.J.), shedding light on the critical role of negotiation in achieving agreements and peaceful dispute resolutions. The prevailing customary foundation mirrors an era in international law marked by the "quasi-legislative role" of traditional sources. The obligation to negotiate may seemingly encroach on State sovereignty while endeavoring to establish a framework for nonviolent conflict resolution. Thus, it becomes imperative to initially address the juxtaposition between the sovereignty principle and the obligation to negotiate. Considering these realities, sovereignties are compelled to find common ground, underscoring the pivotal role of diplomatic negotiation in binding what is commonly referred to as the community of nations, evolving towards a higher level of political awareness ensure sustainable commitments between Nations and international stakeholders.

Doing business and contributing to conflict prevention and development in Ghana

While some scholars argue that companies implement corporate social responsibility (CSR) for altruistic reasons, to gain an advantage over rivals in the industry, to enhance corporate reputation, and to be seen as ethical for addressing environmental and socio-economic difficulties, other scholars view CSR as unnecessary. These scholars argue that CSR initiatives adversely affect corporate profits. The understanding of this phenomenon remains incomplete, especially with the lack of empirical understanding about why corporate bodies execute CSR in spite of their primary goal of maximizing profits. To better understand this gap in knowledge, this case study of the Newmont Ghana Gold Limited (NGGL) ascertains why the company implements CSR in the mining communities they operate. This study contributes to the debates on CSR and the global call for businesses to address societal problems. Navigating the qualitative research approach and human-needs conflict theory, this study discovered that despite its voluntary application, failing to implement CSR would have prevented NGGL to have the social license to operate, and violent and nonviolent conflicts would have occurred. The study also found that CSR was implemented to address the fundamental needs of host communities adversely affected by mining. Together, these results suggest that CSR is treated as a conflict prevention and development initiative. Therefore, the study recommends that CSR be made mandatory.

Drivers of the dynamics of the spread of cholera in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 2000-2018: An eco-epidemiological study.

The dynamics of the spread of cholera epidemics in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), from east to west and within western DRC, have been extensively studied. However, the drivers of these spread processes remain unclear. We therefore sought to better understand the factors associated with these spread dynamics and their potential underlying mechanisms. In this eco-epidemiological study, we focused on the spread processes of cholera epidemics originating from the shores of Lake Kivu, involving the areas bordering Lake Kivu, the areas surrounding the lake areas, and the areas out of endemic eastern DRC (eastern and western non-endemic provinces). Over the period 2000-2018, we collected data on suspected cholera cases, and a set of several variables including types of conflicts, the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs), population density, transportation network density, and accessibility indicators. Using multivariate ordinal logistic regression models, we identified factors associated with the spread of cholera outside the endemic eastern DRC. We performed multivariate Vector Auto Regressive models to analyze potential underlying mechanisms involving the factors associated with these spread dynamics. Finally, we classified the affected health zones using hierarchical ascendant classification based on principal component analysis (PCA). The increase in the number of suspected cholera cases, the exacerbation of conflict events, and the number of IDPs in eastern endemic areas were associated with an increased risk of cholera spreading outside the endemic eastern provinces. We found that the increase in suspected cholera cases was influenced by the increase in battles at lag of 4 weeks, which were influenced by the violence against civilians with a 1-week lag. The violent conflict events influenced the increase in the number of IDPs 4 to 6 weeks later. Other influences and uni- or bidirectional causal links were observed between violent and non-violent conflicts, and between conflicts and IDPs. Hierarchical clustering on PCA identified three categories of affected health zones: densely populated urban areas with few but large and longer epidemics; moderately and accessible areas with more but small epidemics; less populated and less accessible areas with more and larger epidemics. Our findings argue for monitoring conflict dynamics to predict the risk of geographic expansion of cholera in the DRC. They also suggest areas where interventions should be appropriately focused to build their resilience to the disease.

Integrating Peace Education into Senior Secondary School Science and Technological Curriculum for Sustainable National Unity and Development

The paper presents an overview of peace education and the need for its integration into the senior secondary science and technology curriculum for sustainable national unity and development. It argues that many changes in the society coupled with the increasing scientific and technological innovations have brought a lot of unimaginable challenges such as intergroup tensions, civil unrest, ethnic agitations, insecurity, cultism, kidnapping, arm robbery, cybercrimes, banditry, child trafficking etc. all of which have greatly threatened the corporate existence of our nation Nigeria. The paper therefore posits that integration of Peace Education into the secondary school science and technology curriculum could help senior secondary school students gain effective and relevant skills required the resolution of non-violent conflicts. These skills are also expected to be reinforced to facilitate the growth and development of peaceful values in the society.

Decline in success of nonviolent conflicts

This paper investigates the decline in success of nonviolent conflicts. While nonviolent conflicts are known to have higher efficacy compared to violent conflicts, this disparity has decreased since the 1990s. Previous scholars have divided the causes behind the success of nonviolent conflict into three categories: (1) mobilization; (2) resilience; and (3) leverage. The hypothesis is that one or more of these factors have changed and is the cause behind the decline. The research uses a large-N quantitative method, comparing the two time periods of 1945 – 1999 with 2000 – 2013. The resulting descriptive statistics, regression analysis, and likelihood ratio tests show that mobilization has dropped alongside a decrease in how successfully nonviolent campaigns utilize leverage over their opponents. These findings invite further investigation into why this decline in efficacy of nonviolent conflicts has occurred.

Choosing tactics: Horizontal inequalities and the risk of violent and nonviolent conflict

Do disadvantaged ethnic groups favor violent over nonviolent conflict tactics? To understand when and why civil war breaks out, we need to study violent and nonviolent forms of conflict together, using analytical tools that can account for the choice between them. Yet, most large-N analyses of the causes of civil war do not account for nonviolent conflict, and vice versa. Because the mechanisms held to link horizontal inequalities to civil war closely resemble those used to explain largely nonviolent social movements, this article studies group disadvantages, political violence and nonviolent resistance together. To reduce concerns about selection bias in horizontal inequality research, it extends the analysis to socially as well as politically relevant groups around the world. A consensus is emerging that politically disadvantaged ethnic groups shun nonviolent tactics, because they lack ties to people close to the regime and its institutions. This article challenges the consensus, by showing that political group disadvantages predict nonviolent as well as violent forms of conflict. Groups’ economic status helps explain tactical choices. Among economically advantaged groups, political disadvantages increase the risk of nonviolent conflict. Among the economically disadvantaged, they facilitate violence. This pattern is strongest in situations where no policies are in place to remedy group disadvantages, in authoritarian and less economically open societies, and in analyses that account for conflicts of low intensity, to capture onsets early. The results point to the importance of economic and other forms of leverage, which have been largely overlooked in the econometric literature.

Divided We Fall: Ethnic Cleavages, Movement Cohesion, and the Risk of Escalation to Civil War in Non-Violent Uprisings

ABSTRACT Why do some non-violent uprisings escalate into armed violence while others do not? We suggest that horizontal polarisation contributes to the escalation of non-violent campaigns. We examine the effect of ethnic cleavages between the campaign and its opponent and movement cohesion as explanatory factors for escalation into civil war and non-state violence. Statistical analysis of all major non-violent campaigns (1970–2014) shows that non-violent conflicts with ethnic cleavages have a higher risk of escalating into armed violence in particular, when the conflict takes place over governmental aims. The results also indicate that movement cohesion alleviates the risk of armed escalation.

“Street facilitation” as a non-violent conflict transformation technology: a practical strategy

“Street facilitation” as a non-violent conflict transformation technology: a practical strategy

KONSTRUKCIJA I VALIDACIJA SKALE ZA PROCJENU SOCIO-KOMUNIKACIJSKIH KOMPETENCIJA ODGAJATELJA

This paper was based on the fact that educators’ social communicative competences are insufficiently discussed in professional literature, and that there is no research instrument testing them. Therefore, the goal of this paper was to develop and then empirically validate the Scale for the Assessment of Educators’ Social Communicative Competences. The first version of the instrument consisted of the following subscales: Nonviolent Communication, Self-Awareness, Awareness of Others, Self-Management-Emotion Regulation, Self-Esteem, Nonviolent Conflict Resolution. The initial version of the scale contained 70 items. The instrument was applied to a sample of 243 respondents, educators from all over Bosnia and Herzegovina, and psychometric validation was carried out, which included an item analysis, a factor analysis to check the validity and reliability of the measuring instrument. Eventually, an instrument consisting of 32 items was obtained. The following 6 factors were confirmed: Nonviolent Communication, Self-Awareness, Awareness of Others, Self-Management-Emotion Regulation, Self-esteem and Nonviolent Conflict Resolution. The reliability of all the subscales except for the Self-Awareness subscale was found to be satisfactory: Non-violent Communication (5 items; α=.697), Self-Awareness (6 items; α=.487), Awareness of Others (4 items; α=.804), Self-Management-Regulation of Emotions (5 items; α=.817), Self-Esteem (7 items; α=.701), Nonviolent Conflict Resolution (5 items; α=.771). It was concluded that the developed research instrument intended for the assessment of educators’ social communicative competences has satisfactory characteristics.

‘Illiberal Peace’: Oxymoron, Political Necessity, or Old Wine in a New Bottle

Abstract With growing multipolarity and geopolitical polarization, the role of international organizations as third-party actors within the framework of liberal peace, has been steadily declining over the past two decades. The most recent spike in armed conflict since 2014 has not been accompanied by an associated increase in peace agreements and negotiated settlements, as was the case in the 1990s. Considering the undersupply of conflict management by international organizations, the role of state actors in third-party roles has grown, often with weak normative support and commitment to nonviolent conflict management. This has often legitimized the use of violence as a strategy of coercive kinetic diplomacy. Drawing from historical analyses of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, this article examines the question as to whether the current period of growing illiberalism in peacebuilding is historically anachronistic. It introduces a framework of analysis and engages in concept development to understand and operationalize “illiberality of peacebuilding.”

Horizontal inequalities, political violence, and nonviolent conflict mobilization: A review of the literature

AbstractThe association between horizontal inequalities (HIs) and civil war is well established. Yet, studies of HIs and civil war rarely specify why HIs should lead to conflict that is violent, organized, and large‐scale, such as civil war. Collective mobilization outside conventional political channels could take many other forms, such as demonstrations, strikes, riots or communal conflicts. Recently, researchers have begun to investigate whether HIs increase the risk of nonviolent, less organized, and smaller‐scale conflict. This article provides the first systematic review of the emerging quantitative literature on the impact of HIs on both violent and nonviolent conflict mobilization. We ask: Do HIs increase all mobilization outside conventional political channels, or do they shape what form of conflict breaks out? We supplement previous reviews of the literature on HIs and political violence with a systematic update for scholarly articles published in 2017–2022. This yielded 22 new articles. Furthermore, we identify 20 articles on HIs and nonviolent conflict published in 1996–2022. The review reveals that while there is robust evidence on the relationship between HIs and violent mobilization, the emerging evidence on nonviolent conflict is inconsistent. We conclude by discussing potential reasons for this inconsistency.