Non-Aligned Movement Research Articles

The Birth and Revival of North Korea’s Denuclearization Policy for the Korean Peninsula1

To North Korea, the denuclearization plan of the Korean Peninsula is the first of its reactions to the American nuclear issue, and a regional ban on nuclear weapons that the country concerned can propose in order to deal with the regional nuclear issue. North Korea had already shown an interest in the establishment of a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (NWFZ) in 1954; however, it began to assert the establishment of a NWFZ in the Korean Peninsula by applying the concept to their security environment in 1976, in which it started its activities as a member of the Non-Aligned Movement. The implementation of North Korea’s denuclearization policy on the Korean Peninsula unfolded in 1986, as North Korea authorized its plan for the denuclearization of the Peninsula as an immediate objective of its diplomatic activities. That is, North Korea pursued the establishment of a denuclearized zone on the Peninsula with the goal of managing its relationship with the Soviet Union and strengthening diplomacy of the Non-Aligned in 1986. Even though North Korea’s traditional claim for denuclearization of the Peninsula no longer served as an immediate task after 1994, when the first North Korean nuclear crisis was resolved, it re-emerged at the policy-level due to the 9.19 Joint Statement in 2005. Such re-authorization as party discourses was influenced by the engagement of the United States and South Korea, and active persuasion by China. It is noted that the denuclearization policy for the Korean Peninsula was re-authorized as party discourses of North Korea even after their declaration of nuclear-state status. Though this assertion towards denuclearization of the Peninsula remained as party discourses even after the suspension of the Six-Party Talks, it is yet unclear whether their willingness to pursue this policy has once again been reinforced at the higher levels amid the recent situation of the inter-Korean and U.S.-North Korea dialogues. It is inevitable that the diplomatic solution for the North Korean nuclear issue shall begin by reinforcing the denuclearization argument in North Korea. It is time to draw the international community’s coordinated engagement to make North Korea choose denuclearization more clearly.

История отношений Югославии и Советского Союза в документах сербских и российских архивов

The review characterizes two collections of archival documents published in Belgrade and Moscow. They contain materials on the history of Yugoslavo-Soviet relations in 1964-1980s from the Archive of Yugoslavia and the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History. The reviewed collections continue the series of publications of the Archive of Yugoslavia (‘Documents on Yugoslavia Foreign Policy’) and of the International Fund ‘Democracy’ (‘Russia: The 20th century’). The collections contain over 100 documents, most of which are published for the first time. They address problems of international relations and domestic policy of the two countries. These problems were discussed by the leaders of Yugoslavia and the USSR at their one-on-one meetings. These discussions allow to trace the process of establishment of mutually beneficial relations. There are materials on general problems of international relations, as well as regional issues: estimation of the role of the USA in the international affaires; impact of the Non-Aligned Movement; European problems; political situation in the Near, Middle, and Far East, and in the Southeast Asia; etc. The chronological framework include events of the Second Indo-Chinese War. The 2-volume collection includes I. B. Tito’s and L. I. Brezhnev’s assessments of the operations in Vietnam and their characterization of the American policy in the region. Its name index and glossary of abbreviations simplify working with documents. The materials of these collections may be of interest to professional historians, Master Program students specializing in history and international relations, who may use them as an educational resource, and post-graduate students researching issues of World and East-European history.

On understanding the non-alignment in Yugoslav theorisation of international relations

The paper contributes to the historiography of the domestic science of International Relations, observed through its processing of the nonalignment in the socialist Yugoslavia period. The author has analysed the relevant academic literature that deals with the nonalignment as a concept, a movement and an interplay of social relations. Initially, the paper presents a short sketch of the development of the science of International Relation within Yugoslav social sciences, and then the development of the part of the IR science that had nonalignment as its object. The author has shown the strong threads of the Marxist approach to the International Relations in the analyses of the nonaligned movement and its genesis, but also flexibility and eclecticism in the analyses of various related topics. The author has also displayed a wide focus of such a science on the analysis of the role of internal factors in defining the foreign policy and of the importance given to the historical experience and subjectivity in action, which are characteristics of more contemporary theories like constructivism and liberalism. In that sense, the author concludes the theoretical production of that era should be evaluated in more detail, in light of the actual state of play in the science of International Relations.

JAT—More Than Flying: Constructing Yugoslav Identity in the Air

This article revisits the history of Yugoslavia to trace the unique ways in which the national airline Yugoslav Airlines (JAT) served as a powerful tool of Yugoslav, and then post-Yugoslav, Serbian state identity construction from 1975 to 2013, when JAT ceased to exist. I analyze the complete archives of the JAT Review to trace the stunning reconstruction of Yugoslav state identity over time: from the height of the Yugoslav “brand” in the 1970s as the country served a pivotal role in the Non-Aligned Movement, to the slow decline in pan-Yugoslav identity and the rise of sub-Yugoslav nationalisms throughout the 1980s, to the final dissolution of the country and collapse of Yugoslav identity in the 1990s. Building on insights from the nation-branding literature, I conduct a textual and visual analysis of articles, photographs, and ads that appeared on the pages of the JAT Review. The analysis points to the complex and often contradictory ways in which Yugoslavia constructed its multiple identities to project power and status in the international sphere, while simultaneously maintaining citizen loyalty at home.

LOCAL REFLECTION OF GLOBAL STREAMS: SYRIA AND LEBANON ON THE IDEOLOGICAL FRONTIER (THE BEGINNING OF THE 60TH OF THE 20TH CENTURY)

Social and political processes in Syria and Lebanon analyzes on the material of archival documents through the prism of global and regional ideological confrontation. On the background of the world bipolar system in the first half of the 1960s the most powerful ideological currents, combining Arab nationalism and socialist ideas, were most clearly manifested in the Middle East. On a broader scale, these ideological currents have found their short-term expression within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement. By the end of the 1960s, the ideas of Arab socialism had ceased to be perceived as competitive in a system of bipolar global confrontation. Nevertheless, the important historical processes of the early 1960s cannot be analyzed without taking into account that powerful factor in the Middle East development.

Performing solidarity: whiteness and status-seeking in the non-aligned world

The 1955 Afro-Asian Summit at Bandung is regarded as a pivot in the formation of Third Worldism and of coloured solidarity against Western colonialism and global white supremacy. But while this anti-imperialist spirit was no doubt present at Bandung, so were many other spirits, including those of Cold War realpolitik. We consider the different meanings of Bandung by examining the critical role Yugoslavia played in the rise of the Non-Aligned Movement in years that followed the summit. Drawing on primary historical documents, we show that Yugoslav leaders consistently failed to appreciate the racism of the international society and their own racialised privilege in it. They did appreciate, however, that performing solidarity with the decolonised and decolonising nations would bring major status rewards to Yugoslavia in the context of the East–West showdown. That self-consciously anti-imperialist and anti-colonial positions can be thickly enveloped in white ignorance suggests the need for more critical International Relations analyses of race, racism and racialised international hierarchies.

Science and technology diplomacy: a framework at the national level

PurposeScience and technology diplomacy (STD) is an emerging area in the field of public policy and technology management. The purpose of this study is to overview the concept of STD based on the two approaches “Science and Technology” and “Diplomacy” to explain its necessity for Non-Aligned Movement member countries.Design/methodology/approachTo design the work, principal domains and sub-domains of STD are identified based on the thematic analysis. By using MAXQDA software, the initial codes are analyzed and validated for the case study. Then, six areas and 29 sub-areas are identified based on the fuzzy Delphi and the framework is designed.FindingsSTD is defined from six scopes, including political, economics, law and legal issues, social sciences, philosophy and science and technology. Each scope has its own mechanism that is discussed in the article.Originality/valueThis work is one of the first in the literature of science and technology policy making.

From the Concept of the Communist ‘New Man’ to Nationalist Hooliganism: Research Perspectives on Sport in Socialist Yugoslavia

The article offers an introduction into the myriad of social functions sport and physical culture had during the Yugoslav socialist project. It illustrates how sport was central to the establishment of the federation’s physical and leisure culture in the early post-Second World War period, an international promotional tool for Yugoslav communists championing the ideological superiority of ‘Brotherhood and Unity’ and the Non-Aligned Movement, as well as a social field in which the ideological contradictions of Yugoslav socialism became increasingly apparent. It argues that throughout the country’s existence, sport was one of the most popular and engaging cultural phenomena of social life emblematising the social dynamics of the socialist period, as well as questions of the everyday lives of the Yugoslav people. The article furthermore addresses some of the central issues that are chronic for sport-related research in socialist Yugoslavia. These include fundamental questions of the very nature of sport and its role in different political systems, but also more practical issues researchers face, such as the questions of relevant historical sources and the available scholarly and non-scholarly literature. It thus aims to expand the existing knowledge of the processes which defined Yugoslav sport during socialism and thereby contribute to a more nuanced understanding of socialist Yugoslavia’s society.

Energoprojekt in Nigeria

The foundation of the Non-aligned Movement in Belgrade, Yugoslavia in September 1961 represented a new opening, not only for a joint political representation of the countries trying to challenge the bipolar division of the world and imperialism during the Cold War, but also for the establishment of the direct economic relations. In the first decades of the movement, Yugoslavia was trying to match political with economic cooperation, an important part of which was involvement of the construction companies in the large infrastructural projects being constructed in countries gaining their independence. This study focuses on the work of “Energoprojekt” construction enterprise from Belgrade, one of the most successful Yugoslav construction companies on the international markets, whose portfolio of projects beside infrastructural included also architectural projects. Closely examining the sequence of Energoprojekt’s project in Nigeria in the 1970s, the paper will look into the economic, political, and architectural conditions that enabled their construction, as well as how they influenced the design and construction process. The paper introduces some of the most important protagonists, architects and directors, who shaped Energoprojekt’s approach to architecture, and an overview of organizational formats used to support economic relationship between Yugoslav and the Non-aligned government and enterprises.

Indian Art and the Bangladesh War

In the visual realm, the Bangladesh war of 1971 is bound up with images of communal violence and mass migration that recall the trauma of 1947 when Bengal was divided between West and East Bengal, India and Pakistan. As in the case of the 1940s famines and the Partition of India and Pakistan, the birth of Bangladesh churned out a large number of what Jacques Rancière calls ‘naked images’. Yet, contrary to Partition, the body of works that resulted from this war, whether in documentary photography or in formally experimental painting and print, is seldom examined, and that despite considerable artistic mobilisation. By analysing the responses of Indian artists, including that of Bhupen Khakhar and K G Subramanyan, this article asks crucial questions on the enduring role of partitions within South Asian artistic production. The article also probes India's changing role within the hierarchies of the international system and considers Indian artists' position vis-à-vis the politics of the Non-Aligned Movement and Third-Worldism.

Between the Cold War and the Global South: Argentina and Third World Solidarity in the Falklands/Malvinas Crisis

Abstract This article looks at Argentine attempts to mobilize the Third World support by framing the Falklands/Malvinas War as a North-South conflict. Despite fundamental ideological divisions, the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Non-Aligned Movement offered support to Argentina, while the NATO powers - the European Economic Community (EEC) and the United States − backed Great Britain. The Falklands/Malvinas was thus a conflict where nationalist agendas linked up with global narratives of decolonization and the Global South.

India and the BRICS A Cautious and Limited Engagement

This article seeks to explore the core interests of India at the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). It argues that India joined this organization as a part of its broad strategy to engage with all the major powers. It foresaw significant geopolitical and economic dividends from its association with other emerging states in a multilateral forum. New Delhi actively participated in the BRICS summits and has contributed significantly to its agenda setting and institutionalization. The article also shows how the BRICS has departed from the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and India’s traditional policy towards the Global South. By entering into a privileged club, India seeks to upgrade its rank and status. Finally, the article discusses the way preponderance of China in this organization and its border conflicts with India have impacted the potential of the BRICS.

The End of Non-Alignment?

The lack of interest in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) today is symptomatic of the larger demise of the non-alignment as a political ideology in global politics. And India's case is the best exemplar of this global shift. India's rising global profile is reshaping New Delhi's approach to its major partnerships in the changing global order. Though sections of the Indian establishment still remain wedded to non-alignment, New Delhi is showing signs of pursuing strategic autonomy separately from non-alignment under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This separation is overdue in India's foreign policy, and the country stands to benefit from leveraging partnerships rather than shunning them. India today is charting new territory in its foreign policy, predicated on the belief that rather than proclaiming non-alignment as an end in itself, India needs deeper engagement with its friends and partners if it is to develop leverage in its dealings with its adversaries and competitors. Much like India, other countries are recognizing the diminishing returns to being part of the non-alignment movement in an age when the binaries of East and West, North and South are losing salience.

Celebrating the Life of Clovis Maksoud (1926–2016)

On 15 May 2016, the Arab-American community lost one of its most prominent and admired members, the renowned diplomat, academic, journalist, and intellectual, Clovis Maksoud. In addition to his distinguished service as Arab League ambassador at the United Nations, to the United States, and to India and Southeast Asia, Maksoud was a lifelong advocate of the Non-Aligned Movement, Arab nationalist, and champion of the Palestinian cause. In this remembrance, colleague and Arab-American activist Khalil Jahshan eulogizes Maksoud with both warmth and humor.

Reshaping the Non-Aligned Movement: challenges and vision

With the end of the Cold War, the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has lost its relevance and significance. Many believed that the international system was moving towards a permanent unipolar new world order. The last decade, however, witnessed the emergence of new power-centers with the ability to restructure the world into several blocs. Now, some believe in a Second Cold War. Despite these changes, several common challenges faced by societies of the Global South remain and new challenges have emerged. The Global South does not have to reinvent the wheel to effectively deal with the new global realities and challenges. The institutional framework, the NAM is still functioning. It, however, needs to be reshaped and reenergized. This paper is written with secondary data. First, the paper surveys the theoretical and practical problems faced by NAM. Second, it explores the possibility of reshaping and transforming NAM into a robust, unifying institution.

The Non-Aligned Movement and the Cold War, 1961–1973

The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) tried to transcend the Cold War, but the NAM ended up as one of the Cold War's chief victims. During the movement's first dozen years (1961–1973), four Cold War developments shaped its agenda and political orientation. East Germany's attempt to manipulate it started with the so-called construction of the Berlin Wall less than a month before the first NAM conference in Belgrade. Nuclear disarmament issues imposed themselves the day before that conference, with Nikita Khrushchev's sudden announcement that the USSR would resume nuclear testing. The war in the Middle East in June 1967 brought the NAM close to an association with the Soviet bloc—at least until the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia the following year. Finally, the overthrow of Cambodia's Prince Sihanouk in 1970 split the movement over the question of that country's standing. The NAM again moved closer to the Soviet camp once the movement decided in 1972 to award representation both to the exiled Sihanouk, who lived in Communist China and was allied to Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge, and to the Communist insurgents in South Vietnam.

On the Road to Belgrade: Yugoslavia, Third World Neutrals, and the Evolution of Global Non-Alignment, 1954–1961

Attempts by Yugoslav leaders to redirect their country's foreign policy orientation and redefine their priorities came to the fore in 1954. Yugoslav officials explicitly affirmed a long-term foreign policy goal of strengthening and developing relations with Arab countries, India, and other Asian and African countries that had no ties to existing political blocs. The idea of creating a wide movement deprived of hierarchical relations and centers of decision-making was much more acceptable for the Third World. The movement promoted peace and stability, opposed tensions and conflicts, and sought mutual cooperation and development. All these efforts demanded putting together a much broader international coalition than in just Asia and Africa. This is how the Non-Aligned Movement arose and took a more definitive shape after the Cairo Conference in 1964 and the Lusaka Summit in 1970.

The Legacy of the Games of the New Emerging Forces and Indonesia’s Relationship with the International Olympic Committee

The Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO) often serve as an example of the entanglement of sport, Cold War politics and the Non-Aligned Movement in the 1960s. Indonesia as the initiator plays a salient role in the research on this challenge for the International Olympic Committee (IOC). The legacy of GANEFO and Indonesia’s further relationship with the IOC, however, has not yet drawn proper academic attention. This paper analyzes Indonesia’s interactions with the IOC until the present time, with a focus on the country’s involvement in sporting events under the patronage of the IOC (such as the Asian and Southeast Asian Games). In addition, two case studies demonstrate the variable relationship between the two actors. First, Indonesia only narrowly escaped sanctions over a dispute on the use of the Olympic logo in 2015. Yet, the country is named as host of the 2018 Asian Games, hence showing high ambitions to re-enter the international sports arena. These incidents illustrate the significance of conformity of local agencies towards the IOC with regard to political positions and power structures. The study opens the field to local – Asian – perspectives on interactions with the IOC.

Studying the Bandung conference from a Global IR perspective

ABSTRACTMainstream international relations scholarship has ignored or disparaged the significance and legacies of the Bandung conference. The author argues in favour of its importance, not only for any serious investigation into the evolution of the post-war international order, but also for the development of Global IR as a truly universal discipline: a global international relations. Few events offer more fertile ground for rethinking the established boundaries of international relations. After introducing the concept of a global international relations, the author then considers ways in which the conference’s key legacies challenge conventional accounts and attest to the ‘agency’ of the newly independent states in the making of the post-war international order. The legacies this section focuses on include frustration at Western attempts to ‘sabotage’ the conference; the delegitimisation of collective defence pacts and the development of the Non-Aligned Movement; the emergence of a South-East Asian regionalism; the strengthening of emergent global norms affirming decolonisation, human rights, universalism and the United Nations; and support for the ‘comity’, over the ‘clash’, of civilisations. The author also canvasses negative legacies of the conference, including the polarisation of Asia and the encouragement of authoritarian tendencies and regional interventionist impulses. The author concludes by drawing implications of the conference for the study of global international relations.

From Bandung to Brasilia: IBSA and the political lineage of South–South cooperation

This article aims to trace South–South cooperation political lineages connecting the Non-Aligned Movement and the IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa) Forum. In order to determine whether IBSA could be considered the ‘heir’ to Bandung's principles, we analyse the concepts of ‘Third World’ and ‘Global South’ as well as their current applicability, the interpretations provided by existing literature on the IBSA grouping, and its member countries' shared views on different issues of the international agenda. The article also considers the historical evolution of ‘Southern’ diplomatic thought and actions. IBSA's actions and history, as well as its members, are studied to grasp how they are related to the Third World movement in the Cold War.