Non-Aligned Movement Research Articles

The Global South: An Emergent Epistemology for Social Psychiatry

This essay introduces the sociopolitical notion of the Global South as a bridge between globalization and the global mental health (GMH) movement that offers an emergent apparatus or conceptual tool for social psychiatry. A brief history of the Global South reveals that it is wider and deeper than economic and geopolitical notions such as the Third World, the developing world, and the nonaligned movement across a broad swathe of history and culture. I then turn to globalization and its critics, examining critiques of economics, human rights, and problems associated with humanitarian services. A feature of GMH, “the health gap,” is contrasted with “the epistemic gap,” a divide between the epistemologies of the North and emergent Southern epistemologies. Three key features of the Global South – conviviality, porosity, and syncretism – are discussed with examples from my practice of social psychiatry with consultations in child psychiatry and family therapy in Haiti and Brazil. Finally, the Global South is affirmed as a conceptual and clinical apparatus for social psychiatry.

Sino-jugoslovenski odnosi u periodu 1949-1977. godine - značaj posete Josipa Broza Tita NR Kini 1977. godine

Although Yugoslavia recognized the PR China immediately after its founding in 1949, Sino-Yugoslavian diplomatic relations were only established in 1955, due to bad relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. In the period 1955-1977, relations between the two countries were marked by numerous ups and downs, primarily due to the relations between the two major powers (the USA and the Soviet Union), their influence on Yugoslavia and China, as well as many other key international events. However, for the results of this research, the most important period is the period after the death of Mao Zedong and the arrest of the so-called Gang of Four in 1976, when the two countries thrived thanks to the drastic changes in their foreign policy appearances and assertive approaches and influences that projected in their region and in the globalized world to make a significant contribution to shaping the global structure. During the research, the author identified which factors positively influenced the strengthening of cooperation between the PR China and Yugoslavia. First, there is a convergence of the attitude about the fight against hegemonism and other global problems, as well as an effort to ensure that differences between them do not interfere with the cooperation. The establishment of the Sino-US relations was also very significant for the restoration of diplomatic and party relations with Yugoslavia. Particularly significant was China's "opening up" policy to the world and the fact that Yugoslavia was not the only example of an alternative model of socialism for the Chinese, but also a significant mediator in China's exit from self-isolation, its opening up to the Third World (Non-Aligned Movement), and developing relations with Eastern European countries and the so-called Eurocommunist parties in Italy, Spain, and France, they gave Yugoslavia and China a sound foundation first. Nevertheless, the author believes that a crucial factor in strengthening the relationship between the two countries was the visionary policies of two leaders, Josip Broz Tito and Deng Xiaoping, who marked the decades-long political and economic development of both states and paved the way for next generations of leaders. That is why Josip Broz Tito's visit to China in 1977 represents a major step forward in the relations between Yugoslavia and China, bearing in mind that it was the first visit of the President of Yugoslavia to China, during which diplomatic and party relations were restored, which contributed to strengthening the cooperation between the two countries at all levels. To prove the basic hypothesis that only after the death of Mao Zedong and the arrest of the so-called Gang of Four (in 1976) gained the conditions to strengthen the Sino-Yugoslav relations, because it outweighed the influence of positive factors versus negative factors, during the research the author will use structural-functional analysis, induction, and deduction.

India-Us Relations: from the Past to the Future

The paper considers the evolution of Indian-American relations from the 1940s to the present. The regional dimension in Indian-American relations is characterized by extreme inconsistency. Thus, New Delhi, the historical leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, despite the change in world order due to the fall of the Iron Curtain, continues to abandon allied relations and, as a rule, pursues a balanced policy in all regions barring its own — South Asia. Being primarily a South Asian regional power, India uncompromisingly defends its national interests in conflicts with Pakistan and does not allow the Pakistan-US dialogue to intervene in the solution of the Kashmir problem. The United States, in turn, reneges its historic course of unequivocal support for Islamabad and multilateral dispute settlement mechanisms in favor of a balanced approach, namely favoring bilateral negotiations between the conflicting parties. An important element of changes in South Asia’s importance is the emergence of nuclear weapons in the region. The nuclear factor significantly complicates the already difficult relationship between New Delhi and Islamabad and reinforces concerns of the globe and Washington in particular. The terrorist threat emanating from Pakistan and neighboring Afghanistan adds instability to the already conflicting relations between the countries of the region. The withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan does not contribute to improving the security architecture as well. In general, South Asia, both historically and today, is not high on the American foreign policy agenda. Accordingly, India and Pakistan are more important for the United States in the broader context of the Indo-Pacific Strategy (India) and the Greater Middle East (Pakistan), or as separate actors in international relations that contribute to solving problems in a bilateral format rather than South Asian countries per se.

International Law and Legal Regimes of Foreign Direct Investment in Selected African Countries

International Law and Legal Regimes of Foreign Direct Investment in Selected African Countries

Existentialism as a World Theory

Existentialism as a World Theory Alex Taek-Gwang Lee (bio) Existentialism and the Third World The Cold War following the traumatic experiences of enduring warfare forced the Korean intellectuals to distort the political implication of the global philosophical movements and emphasize its empirical elements through their translations of Sartre. The ideology of the Cold War distorted Sartre's influence on the Korean intellectuals, and their reception of his philosophy was saturated with the myth of Bildung. For them, existentialism was regarded as a channel through which they could get access to the cosmopolitan ideals of the Enlightenment. Of course, there lied the irony of national identification behind this passion for global intellectualism. Nationalism made an excuse for reading Sartre, even though his philosophy must be classified leftist thought. Existentialism was clearly supportive of the Third World against the political polarization of the Cold War. From the nationalist perspective, existentialism showed a possible way towards the philosophy of the non-European, but at the same time, it seemed pro-communist to those who agreed with the anti-communist world order. The Korean War devastated the public sphere, and the frame of the Cold War severed a nation into two peoples. Each Korea competed to command ideological hegemony in the political conflict. In this way, existentialism served as the alternative prism of intellectualism by which Koreans in the South could critique the Stalinist Koreans in the North. Indeed, Sartre was a symbolic intellectual leading the anti-Stalinist left and as such suggested another perspective contra orthodox Marxist-Leninism. During the colonial period, Keijo Imperial University, now Seoul National University in the capital city of the Korean Peninsula, was a shelter for Japanese Marxists and its academic tradition of Marxism influenced many Korean students and scholars even after the end of the Second World War. In a sense, North Korea was a perfect laboratory for them in which they tried to realize the Marxist theory. Drawing on Lenin's and Stalin's ambition about the "reform in humanity," Koreans taking on North Korea as their republic [End Page 405] were optimistic about the victory of socialism. On the contrary, Koreans in the South had to prove their ideological justification in opposition to the overwhelming popularity of socialist demands. From this historical background, Sartre's critique of Stalinism provided those who railed against North Korea with a compelling logic to validate their anti-communism. This situation in which the intellectuals in South Korea received Sartre was quite the opposite of the one in which existentialism was taken as the theoretical rationale of the non-aligned movement in the Third World. For instance, Sartre was the only European philosopher attracting public attention in the Middle East. Furthermore, his engagement with the political situation of the Third World changed the relationship between the West and the non-West. According to Yoav di-Capua, On both sides of the Mediterranean, Sartre, his intellectual circle, and their new Arab interlocutors were eager to demonstrate that, against the polarizing logic of the Cold War and the sociopolitical stagnation of Europe, decolonization could produce revolutionary societies that were as egalitarian, free, and patriotic as they were anti-imperialist and humanistic. For Europeans of the Left and colonized people of recently liberated domains, that, in a nutshell, was the promise of Third Worldism, and, far from being a provincial African, Asian, or Arab project, it was, in a variation on the old theme of colonial universality, a promising universal counter-project of its own. (di-Capua 2018, 2) Existentialism shaped the new idea of counter-universality, and further paved the way towards "Third Worldism" for both Western and non-Western intellectuals. What is this "Third Worldism"? It is merely the sublimation of the Cold War, the conflict of two ideological poles, the U.S. and the USSR in particular. Many thinkers of decolonization in the Third World, such as Franz Fanon inspired Sartre and his philosophical circle in France. Without the political movements in the former colonial countries, the mapping out of European thought would be unlike what we know today. However, it is undeniable that the non-European reception of existentialism was rooted in a deep longing for the European...

At Least Something: The UN Special Committee on the Problem of Hungary, 1957–1958

Abstract In late 1956, the United Nations (UN) faced a remarkable test, as the Soviet Union invaded and crushed a burgeoning rebellion in Hungary, then a Soviet satellite. After the Soviet Union disregarded repeated UN calls to withdraw, the UN General Assembly established, in January 1957, a Commission of Inquiry (COI) to investigate the crisis. This article explores the forgotten story of the Special Committee on Hungary as a case study for the effects of COIs. This commission is of special interest for several reasons. Namely, it was one of the first mandated by a UN body to investigate a specific conflict, not least a Cold War struggle, in which a superpower was directly involved. Furthermore, it was clear from the beginning that the Committee was not likely to compel, in itself, the Soviet Union to change its behaviour. Moreover, 1956 was a time of global political transformation, as the non-aligned movement emerged as a key player in UN politics and, accordingly, became a target in the Cold War battle for influence. Under such circumstances, the effects of COIs are complex and difficult to gauge. While the Committee did not lead to the Soviet Union’s withdrawal from Hungary, it had many unforeseen and conflicting effects. These are grouped into two categories – effects relating mainly to times of ideological conflict and political transformation and effects that relate to parallel multilateral efforts and institutional dynamics. Among other effects, the article demonstrates how, under such political circumstances, COIs can create new points of contention and cause backlash precisely from those that they seek to influence. Having cascading and conflicting effects, the central conclusion is that COIs do not lend themselves easily to clean and linear theories. Recognition of the field’s inherent complexity is therefore needed in any attempt to study this international phenomenon.

Rendering Armed Struggle: OSPAAAL, Cuban Poster Art, and South-South Solidarity at the United Nations

Este artículo considera el papel de la Organización de Solidaridad con los Pueblos de África, Asia y América Latina (OSPAAAL) en la promoción de una visión latinoamericana, tricontinentalista de la solidaridad interregional del Tercer examina, por un lado Mundo. En el texto se argumenta que Cuba hizo uso de las artes visuales y de la comunicación gráfica para enmarcar y replantear determinados eventos históricos, utilizando a la OSPAAAL como un canal de ideas revolucionarias procubanas, tal como circularon entre las luchas de liberación nacional y en los llamados a la acción por la solidaridad internacionalista. El arte visual producido por la OSPAAAL permitió a Cuba promover una interpretación particular de la Guerra Fría como la continuación del colonialismo en la búsqueda de conseguir el respaldo transnacional para las luchas de liberación nacional en el Medio Oriente y África, así como para promover a la propia revolución cubana. En particular, se, la forma en que se ha utilizado el enfoque visual del equipo gráfico de OSPAAAL en el momento de cruzarse con otras estrategias de activismo solidario transnacional cuyos objetivos eran la promoción entre miembros lejanos de ideales revolucionarios y de puntos en común y, por otro lado, como esta producción gráfica ha influido en los programas de cooperación internacional de las Naciones Unidas y, asimismo, en la representación del perfil Castro en el seno del Movimiento de Países No Alineados.

Before Bandung: Afro-Asian Cross-referencing and Comparative Racialization

Abstract This essay analyzes the rhetorical and political connections between African American and South Asian critiques of race and empire in the century leading up to the Bandung conference in 1955. Specifically, we trace the way “caste” emerges as a key rhetorical term in the mid-to-late nineteenth century for linking the oppressions of race, slavery, and its aftermath in the United States to those of caste and empire in India. Building on work by Nico Slate and Antoinette Burton, we identify a strategic citational practice we call Afro-Asian cross-referencing, which the writers under consideration use to advance anti-racism in sometimes very local contexts. Focusing on the dynamic periodical culture of the period, our study analyzes anti-caste sentiment as an expression of cross-racial solidarity uniting anti-colonial movements in India with racial uplift movements in the United States. Because the concept of “Afro-Asian solidarity” first took hold at the Bandung conference of 1955 and the Non-Aligned Movement that it helped to originate, the phenomenon itself remains most visible in relation to this later period and the Cold War context. By shifting focus to an earlier moment in the history of Afro-Asian solidarity, we illuminate the work that the idea of caste did in defining strategic transnational connections—as well as missed opportunities for connection—later in the century.

Chanakya Kautilya’s philosophy and its influence on current Indian Foreign policy

After the decolonization of the sub-continent, India's behavior in the international community has been quite different and is worth the scholarly exploration in terms of foreign policy analysis. India adopted a Non-aligned movement during the cold war, considered itself a great power, and demanded a permanent seat in the UN. These policies adopted by India entice the scholars to make an in-depth analysis of the discourse adopted by India post-1947 which seems to be greatly influenced by the philosophy of Kautilya. This paper will examine the influence of Chanakya Kautailya's philosophy in the current foreign policy of India. Content Analysis of six foreign policy techniques which are written by Kautilya in his book Arthashastr adopted as a research methodology. The realism theoretical paradigm is an appropriate theory to understand this research phenomenon. Previous studies suggest that there is always an influence of Kautilya's philosophy that has been seen in Indian foreign policy. This paper explores the various philosophies of Kautilya regarding foreign policy and its implementation in the current Foreign Policy of India.

Humanitarian Organizations in International Disaster Relief: Understanding the Linkage Between Donors and Recipient Countries

This study explores how humanitarian organizations (HOs) link donors and recipients in a disaster relief coordination mechanism. Based on an analysis of real data collected from the financial tracking service, our results show that disaster assistance through the HO channel greatly exceeds the funding delivered by the non-HO channel. The severity of the disaster is positively correlated with the involvement of HOs. Disaster-stricken countries that belong to the Non-Aligned Movement receive more assistance through the HO channel. The recipients with less international trade may attract more HO-channel funding, but higher international tourism expenditures also may result in more HO-channel funding. We also found that the determinants of the disaster relief coordination path vary greatly in terms of trade openness, political regime, and geographic factors. Based on the analysis of the primary humanitarian relief supply chain, the results show that some countries prefer to donate through large international HOs (e.g., Japan and Canada), and other countries favor national level organizations (e.g., the UK and the USA). Finally, to improve the efficiency of international disaster relief, the paper suggests a coordination platform that involves the main donors, frequent recipients, HOs, and a Global Information Network that can assist in coordinating disaster relief activities.

Operation “Denver”: The East German Ministry of State Security and the KGB's AIDS Disinformation Campaign, 1985–1986 (Part 1)

There has been much debate in recent years about the role of the East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) in the disinformation campaign launched in the early 1980s by the Soviet State Security Committee (KGB) regarding the origin and nature of acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS). The KGB's operation, codenamed “Denver” by the Stasi (not “Infektion,” as many online sources now erroneously assert), claimed that AIDS was deliberately devised by U.S. biological warfare specialists for the U.S. government to spread in minority communities in the United States. Based on the available evidence, the Stasi's role in the AIDS disinformation campaign was limited in 1985–1986 to (1) keeping watch over Soviet-East German scientist Jakob Segal, who propagated a variant of the KGB's thesis; (2) helping to arrange for the publication and distribution of a brochure with Segal's thesis at the Non-Aligned Movement summit in Harare in 1986; and (3) facilitating Segal's interviews with certain journalists. Just as important for the ongoing formulation and spread of the KGB's AIDS disinformation was a cycle of misinformation and disinformation that arose between U.S.-based conspiracy theorists—especially Lyndon LaRouche and his followers—and authors and publications espousing Moscow's preferred theses regarding AIDS.

비동맹운동(Non-Aligned Movement)의 세계사적 위치와 성격

비동맹운동(Non-Aligned Movement)의 세계사적 위치와 성격

Two Meetings and a Funeral

Book Review| September 03 2019 Two Meetings and a Funeral Two Meetings and a Funeral, directed by Naeem Mohaiemen, 88 min., 2017 Dan S. Wang Dan S. Wang Dan S. Wang is an artist living and working in Los Angeles. Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Dan S. Wang is an artist living and working in Los Angeles. Afterimage (2019) 46 (3): 89–94. https://doi.org/10.1525/aft.2019.463014 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Dan S. Wang; Two Meetings and a Funeral. Afterimage 3 September 2019; 46 (3): 89–94. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/aft.2019.463014 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAfterimage Search At one point in the documentary Two Meetings and a Funeral (2017, directed by Naeem Mohaiemen, Algerian university students amble through the frame, navigating present-day Constantine 1 University, a campus distinguished by a collection of structures designed by Brazilian communist architect Oscar Niemeyer, oblivious to the history that gave rise to them. The publisher and Frantz Fanon scholar Samia Zennadi is asked what remains in Algeria of the halcyon 1970s spirit. She says, “A lot of empty words, speech that sounds fake… it’s as if we missed a turn and are now stuck.” Aging modernist gems serving an apolitical student body borne of a disillusioned society perfectly encapsulate the fate of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Continuing filmmaker Naeem Mohaiemen’s attention to the failures of the global left, the story of the NAM as a two-fold loss—first as political manifestation and second as memory—is the subject of this remarkable three-channel film.... You do not currently have access to this content.

A self-taught method for learning English in the non-aligned movement era

Formerly known as Anglo-Saxon, then as British English, nowadays it has become the lingua franca of the modern world and in deed everyone’s language. However, the so called British version of English has lost its primacy to American and become fairly outdated with its clumsy anachronistic orthography and spelling. Moreover, the Angles (viz. Engles or Ingles) are no more exclusive proprietors of the English language, how much less the authorities to be referred to for the correctness of its spelling, grammar, and lexicology.

Southward and Otherwise

Abstract This project comes out of a conversation between Mohaiemen and Pajović, about the relative absence of Non-Aligned Movement co-founder Josip Broz Tito, from the three-channel film Two Meetings and a Funeral (2017, dir: Mohaiemen). In the film, a series of conversations between Vijay Prashad, Samia Zennadi, Atef Berredjem, Amirul Islam, and Zonayed Saki sketch out the shadow play of warring forces inside the Non-Aligned Movement, especially around the decolonizing nations of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia that found an option to look toward an "Islamic" supra-national identity. Because of that focus, the role of Central and Eastern Europe, especially that of Yugoslavia under Tito, is absent from the film. Pajović's text re-integrates the Yugoslav bloc into Two Meetings and a Funeral. While Pajović's text concludes with a hopeful view of the potential of the Non-Aligned Movement, Mohaiemen's images and superimposed quote from Tito express an ironic doubling back. Indira Gandhi's Indian coalition of 1971, while maneuvering for Bangladesh independence from Pakistan, encountered Tito's confident comment that such problems of “tribalism” were only happening in Asia. Yugoslavia had solved the “Balkan problem”– this was spoken confidently twenty years before Tito's nation would split apart during the Yugoslav Wars. The geopolitical struggles that Tito fails to see in 1971 are harbingers for the blind spots that would cause Non-Alignment's collapse.

Turkey and South Africa: A Relationship of Regional Powers

This is an examination of the political, economic and cultural ties between a member of NATO, sometimes at odds with the Western Alliance (Turkey) and a prominent country in the Non-Aligned Movement (South Africa) from the late 1980s up to the present. Turkey regards South Africa as a key state in the continent in its more recent engagement in Africa, while South Africa sees Turkey as an essential relationship in the Middle East. They share some common concerns regarding the respective regions of sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East, respectively, like peacekeeping and development in Africa and the politics of the Israel–Palestine situation. Turkey has maintained cultural ties with South Africa’s Muslim population, but is concerned about the Gülenist presence in South Africa. While the two countries have cooperated in political endeavors, trade and investment seem most prominent in their relationship. In recent years, there have been several reciprocal visits by leaders of both countries underlining the importance of the relationship.

Institutional collapse and shifting balance of ontological security: role of Malaysia’s dual identity in the decay of ASPAC in the 1960s and 1970s

This article examines the causal process of the institutional collapse of the Asia Pacific Council (ASPAC) in 1973 by focusing on Malaysia’s foreign policy behavior, and highlights implications for today’s ASEAN. Specifically, it argues that the institutional collapse of ASPAC was caused by Malaysia’s withdrawal, which stemmed from a shift in its balance of ontological security from security dependence on the UK and the West to greater political autonomy in Southeast Asia. This occurred after a change in the regional distribution of power caused by the UKs withdrawal from East of Suez, and to a lesser extent, US disengagement from Southeast Asia. In the 1960s and 1970s, Malaysia demonstrated the conflicting duality of ontological security, consisting of strategic and aspirational identities. Malaysia’s strategic identity was its association with the West, particularly the UK, which was nurtured through Malaysia’s routinized strategic interaction with them in the security realm. This identity prevented Malaysia from easily or completely abandoning its security ties with them, even when the strategic benefit was significantly marginal. On the other hand, Malaysia’s aspirational identity was to attain greater political autonomy without external interventions, particularly from great powers, which Malaysia experienced during its colonial period. Such sentiments emerged at the end of World War II and the following decolonization process, and were partly illustrated by Malaysia’s pursuit of the non-aligned movement.

The Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace: an Outdated Concept or Format for the Future?

The article considers the origins and current perspectives of the concept of the “Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace” (IOZOP). It was formed within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement in the 1960s and early 1970s. The concept was supported by the countries of the Indian Ocean Region as the opportunity to avoid the transformation of the Indian Ocean into a zone of conflict between the great powers. Initially formulated very vaguely, in the end the IOZOP concept was reduced mainly to the requirement for non-regional powers to stop testing weapons and deployment of military forces and assets on the islands of the Indian Ocean. Despite the proclamation of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace by UNGA in 1971, the Western powers ignored this decision, refusing to withdraw its militaryforces and bases from the region. The subsequent disagreements between the regional actors, some of which feared increasing India’s power, and the dramatic change in the political situation in the world led lto a decline in interest in this idea. However, in 2014, India, and Sri Lanka expressed their readiness to put this issue on the agenda again. The author analyzes the history of origin and attempts to realize the concept of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, the reasons for its failure, highlights the positions of the main countries concerned, key moments that hinder and contribute to the formation of a zone of peace. He concludes that under current conditions, the IOZOP concept can be implemented in an updated form as part of a potential ocean management structure that could be formed on the basis of regional structures such as IORA and IONS.

Attempting to Assert African Agency: Kenneth Kaunda, the Nixon Administration, and Southern Africa, 1968–1973

After three frustrating years of fruitless efforts to convince the United Kingdom (UK) to end the conflict in Rhodesia, Zambian leader Kenneth Kaunda and his United National Independence Party (UNIP) embarked on a different foreign relations course in late 1968 which lasted through the end of 1973. During this five-year span, Kaunda and his UNIP colleagues attempted to assert African agency in order to build an international alliance which would apply diplomatic and economic pressure for peace and justice in southern Africa. Kaunda felt emboldened to pursue a high-profile diplomatic agenda through active participation in multilateral organisations such as the United Nations (UN), the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). An important aspect of Kaunda’s alliance-building strategy was seeking support from the administration of Richard Nixon in the United States of America (USA). From 1968 to 1973, Kenneth Kaunda launched a diplomatic offensive in hopes of asserting African agency and attaining top-level participation by the USA in a broad alliance to promote peace and racial equality in southern Africa; however, Richard Nixon did not share Kaunda’s priorities regarding southern Africa nor his faith in international organisations and rejected his efforts out of hand.

Oto Bihalji-Merin and the Concept of the “Naïve” in the 1950s. Bridging Socialist Realism and Non-Figurative Art

Yugoslav writer, art critic and curator Oto Bihalji-Merin (1904–1993) lived in Berlin during the 1920s, where he joined the German Communist Party and published literary critique in the left-wing press. Born into a Jewish family, he moved to Czechoslovakia, France, Switzerland, and Spain after the rise of the Nazi regime. In this period, he established close contact with left-wing intellectuals from all over Europe. During the Second World War, he was imprisoned as a Yugoslav soldier by the Germans. After the war, he became the most important cultural theorist and administrator in Tito’s Yugoslavia. After Tito’s break with Stalin, he promoted the concept of naïve folk art as an authentic, primordial expression of proletarian and peasant creativity. His doctrine, destined to bridge the gap between socialist realism and Western non-figurative art, was inspired by Miroslav Krleža’s cultural theory of the Third Way and by the non-aligned movement.