Neuter Forms Research Articles

‘Meteorology’ and ‘meteors’ across centuries: a short history of two problematic terms

Abstract The article is dedicated to meaning variations and transformations in the terms meteorology and meteor from antiquity to the present. It is argued that the use of the word meteor as a noun denoting a specific meteorological phenomenon only became established in the Renaissance, as the Greek adjective μετέωρος ‘raised, aloft’ in the substantivized neuter form was originally used in the plural to denote objects in the high in a very general way and in the singular to denote an area, not an object. In the Middle Ages, in contrast, it was the Latin terms impressio or passio that were generally employed to denote meteorological phenomena. An emphasis is also placed on how the term meteorology was problematic in a way from the very beginning, rather than only today, when the term meteor has become more astronomical than meteorological in its first meaning, and efforts have been made to replace the name of the science with completely different terms.

Verbification of Feminine Forms of Adjectives Można ‘Posible ’, Niemożna ‘Imposible ’ and Niepodobna ‘Imposible ’ – Corpus -Based Aproach

Abstract The article is devoted to the process taking place in the Middle Polish period, which led to the transformation of nominative, singular, feminine forms of three adjectives (można ‘possible’, niemożna ‘impossible’ and niepodobna ‘impossible’) into verbal lexemes (the so-called predicatives). In this respect, the predicative uses of these forms in the texts collected in the Electronic Corpus of 17th- and 18th-century Polish Texts (up to 1772) were investigated. The progressive verbification of adjectival forms was considered to be indicated by three changes in the constructions where these forms played the role of a predicate: supersession of connections with feminine verb forms by connections with neuter forms, limiting the connections with verbs to the auxiliary verb być ‘to be’, and disappearance of connections with the personal form of the verb być in the present tense. The research results show that both forms acquired the two most important features characteristic for predicatives during the 17th century. The third of the analysed properties characterizes the form można/niemożna from the second half of the 19th century, and the process of its acquisition by the form niepodobna has not ended yet.

Resultative Future Tenses in Macedonian

This paper examines new resultative future tenses in Macedonian. Future resultative and Future resultative in the past are formed by the future particle ќе and the auxiliary verb има in present or imperfect tense respectively and the -n/-t participle neuter form. Recently these tenses were considered only as possible elements of the Macedonian verb system. The collected data of examples (over 600 instances) allows us to investigate their semantics and conclude that the forms expand their usage.

On the grammaticalization of past passive participles in Middle Russian

The article analyzes the functioning of past passive participles (PPPs) in the preterit meaning used without auxiliary in seventeenth-century Russian on the data of private letters and the first Russian handwritten newspaper Kuranty. A grammatical interpretation of this use is proposed in the paper. In the course of the evolution of the old temporal system, the PPP started grammaticalizing and became a specialized form with preterit meaning and no obligatory expression of the subject. Different types of constructions with a PPP in this function (the PPP agrees with the subject or appears in the neuter form, the direct object being nominative or accusative) reflect different stages of the grammaticalization process, which was not accomplished in the history of Russian, but didreach the final phase in Polish.

Neutering neuter – grammatical gender and the dehumanisation of women in German

Grammatical gender in German has traditionally been described as a rather arbitrary system (Helbig and Buscha 1988). This is not the case in regard to terms of person reference, where natural gender assignment is the norm: Masculine and feminine grammatical gender largely correlate with the extralinguistic assignment of male and female gender. Neuter gender predominantly denotes inanimate entities (Köpcke and Zubin 1996, 2009). The use of neutral gender in reference to women nevertheless has a long history in German, usually with pejorative connotations (Köpcke and Zubin 1996, 2009). Historically, this can be illustrated in relation to nouns, pronouns and articles: 1 By neuter nouns denoting ‘socially incomplete’ women, e.g. das Weib ‘woman (archaic), hag, n.’, das Luder ‘hussy, n.’ and in the increased use of neuter eliciting diminutives in reference to female individuals, e.g. das Mädchen ‘girl, n.’, das Fräulein ‘miss, n.’ (Nübling 2017). 2 Through the use of neuter pronouns and neuter articles in combination with female names in a number of German dialects, e.g. das Emma, es ‘the (n.) Emma, it’ (Busley and Fritzinger 2018). In contemporary standard German, the use of neuter articles and pronouns instead of feminine ones seems to be used as a discursive tool to denigrate and dehumanise women whose gender performance does not conform with hegemonic concepts of femininity. This paper focuses on the intentional manipulation of grammatical gender in reference to women as a tool of degradation and dehumanisation and outlines the historical development of neuter forms of reference in contexts where feminine would be expected.

Das Anna und ihr Hund.

In numerous German dialects and in Luxembourgish women or girls are referred to in the neuter. This raises the question whether this is also the case for female animals. Based on data from the research project “Das Anna und ihr Hund – Weibliche Rufnamen im Neutrum”, the present article examines the gender of names and pronouns referring to dogs. Dogs today are no longer kept primarily to perform functions (guard dog, herding dog) but rather as pets and companions. This is also reflected in the fact that dogs are given names. In general, these clearly mark the sex of the dog.
 In the dialects we investigated pronouns, which refer to female dogs, are predominantly masculine, not feminine or neuter. Sex-specific appellatives are not used either. In addition, the assignment of the neuter gender to dogs’ names (e. g. s Frida) occurs much less frequently than to first names of women (e. g. s Anna). The functions of the socio-pragmatic neuter when referring to women, such as marking age, status, or gender roles, rarely appear to play a role when referring to dogs. Only in Luxembourgish, where the neuter primarily marks female sex, are female animals referred to more often with neuter forms.

Evaluative Wortbildung und Personenreferenz.

The word formation pattern [ __-i]N mask. in Alemannic mainly derives masculine agent nouns from verbs resulting in output semantics of ‘someone who notoriously acts in the manner of base verb’. I analyse the pattern as an instance of evaluative morphology embedded in a more general output oriented schema and propose a scenario how the pattern may have developed from an OHG hypochoristic pattern primarily used in names. In a qualitative and quantitative analysis of two dialect dictionaries on Zürich German and Bernese German I look into the possible lexical fillings of the pattern and derive areas of stereotypisation. As the products of the pattern are masculine nouns, it is of interest whether the lemmas are flanked with a feminine form or not, and if they are, whether the feminine form follows or precedes the masculine form or is added as a separate lemma without a masculine pendant. The analysis also includes neuter forms ending in -i listed in the dictionaries. As the masculine products of the pattern already reflect stereotyped behaviour, the feminine (and neuter) forms included in the diction­na­ries are expected to sediment gender stereotypes to a high degree.

Personal names in Modern Hebrew: A morphosyntactic and gender analysis

AbstractThe article presents a morphosyntactic analysis of personal names in Modern Hebrew, with emphasis on gender characteristics. In fact, Hebrew uses existing words for personal names, and we would expect grammatical rules to apply to names in the same manner as they apply to other words. Almost all words in the language are gender distinguished, meaning that they must be either masculine or feminine, with no neuter form, and full syntactic agreement for gender is required. While masculine words are unmarked, feminine nouns, adjectives, and participles are marked by the suffixes -

Á mörkum afleiðslu og samsetningar?: Um orðlíka seinni liði í íslensku

In Icelandic, numerous wordforms exist that are in many ways similar to independent words except that they can only occur as second parts of compounds, cf. -meti, -auðgiand -fari in fiskmeti ‘fish food’, hugmyndaauðgi ‘creativity’ and geimfari ‘astronaut’. These are so-called bound wordforms (see e.g. Dalton-Puffer and Plag 2000, Eiríkur Rögnvaldsson 1990, Kristín Bjarnadóttir 2005 and Þorsteinn G. Indriðason 2006). Other types of similar bound forms in Icelandic are -ynja, -kafur and -elda as in for-ynja’monster’, á-kafur’eager’ and al-elda’ablaze’, cf. Kristín Bjarnadóttir (2005:159), and many more exist. In this article, the focus is on discussing forms which have an -i in final position, where the -i can either be an inflectional ending or a derivational suffix. These compositions are sometimes called derivational compounds to distinguish them from regular compounds and other notions have been used (see e.g. Sigurður Konráðsson 1989 and Eiríkur Rögnvaldsson 1990).In this article three types of these word forms are discussed. Firstly, monosyllabic forms of weak male nouns with an -i ending in nominative singular, cf. launa-auki’fringe benefit’, ein-búi’hermit’, ör-eigi’proletarian’, geim-fari’astronaut’, sjálf-sali’slot machine’ and hjarta-þegi’heart recipient’. Secondly, bisyllabic strong neuter nouns with an -i as the second syllable. These forms have an -s ending in genitive singular, cf. til-brigði’variation’, harð-fenni’frozen snow’, ár-ferði’times’, stór-grýti’large rocks’, búr-hveli’sperm whale’, hjól-hýsi’trailer’ and smá-stirni’asteroid’. In these forms, i-umlaut variations occur, as in hvalur – hveli and hús – hýsi. Thirdly, bisyllabic forms of weak female nouns, cf. mann-auðgi’human enrichment’, ein-drægni’harmony’, mein-fýsi’malice’, eigin-girni’selfishness’, sam-heldni’solidarity’, þjóð-rækni’patriotism’ and skað-semi’harmfulness’. As with the neuter forms, i-umlaut variations occur, cf. fús – fýsi and samur – semi.Tests were carried out to determine the wordhood of these wordlike forms. The main result of the tests showed that these forms behave in some ways like words but in other ways like affixes. They were also compared to affixoids but several tests showed that they do not fit into that category. The study shows that these wordlike forms should be placed between compounding and derivation as semi-words.

Il marcamento di genere iperdifferenziato sui numerali e i residui del neutro nei volgari settentrionali antichi

In this paper we sift the evidence for overdifferentiated gender marking on numerals in Medieval Italo-Romance. While the dialects of most of Northern Italy still preserve a masculine vs feminine contrast on 'two' and 'three' to this day, their ancestors in the Middle Ages featured an additional third form of each (doa, trea). These forms, it is argued, are not innovations - as some have claimed - but are rather the legitimate outcome of previously regular neuter agreeing forms which can be traced directly back to (late) Latin. By the time the earliest extant documentation of Northern Italo-Romance emerged, these neuter forms of numerals were quite isolated in their respective systems, as neuter agreement had long been eliminated on other agreement targets. Such isolation made the occurrence of doa (alongside masc. doi and fem. doe) a case of overdifferentiated gender marking.

Reconstructing Balto-Slavic and Indo-European

The history of Indo-European studies shows that the reconstruction of the proto-language is likely to have a bias toward the languages on which it relies primarily. It has always been popular to explain the data of more recently attested languages from a reconstruction on the basis of the oldest known languages. As an offshoot of this methodology, there have been attempts to derive the attested data from a postulated system which is beyond what can be reconstructed by the comparative method, often under the assumption that the original system was more regular than what can actually be reconstructed. It is argued that this methodology is wrong and that reconstructions must always be bottom-up, never top-down. The postulation of an Indo-European gen.pl. ending *‑ōm has given rise to a whole series of additional hypotheses in order to account for the Italic, Celtic, Germanic and Balto-Slavic data. The reconstruction of a short ending *‑om on the basis of Slavic ‑ъ , Lith. ‑ų and Prussian ‑on offers an explanation for the Gothic endings ‑e and ‑o , for the short endings of Celtic and Italic, for the circumflex of Greek ‑ ῶν and the disyllabic ending *‑aHam of Indo-Iranian, and for the pronominal endings of Indo-Iranian and Italo-Celtic, all of which can be derived from old neuter forms in *‑om which were first used as possessives in predicative constructions.

Dėl u kamieno būdvardžių ir jų abstraktų kirčiavimo raidos

ON THE EVOLUTION OF THE ACCENTUATION OF u -STEM ADJECTIVES AND ABSTRACT NOUNS Summary On the basis of the data from Dauksa’s works presented by Skardžius the article considers the causes of the oxytonic process in barytonic u -stem adjectives, cf. dailus -> dailus, skaistus -> skaistus. Of more than two thirds of the old accentuation cases found in Dauksa’s works there remained but a few in Kursaitis’ dictionary and dialects. The barytonic nature of the said adjectives can be recognized by their neuter forms stressed on the root, which are quite plentiful in Kursaitis’ dictionary and are still in use in present-day dialects, cf. baisu, vėsu and others. Stress on the root in u -stem adjectives is partly determined by the variation between u- and o -stem adjectives in East Lithuanian subdialects, cf. rūgstus and rūgstas. This shows that u -stem adjectives could be related to o -stem forms as well. When the said forms changed into the u -stem, the neuter forms of adjectives may have retained the old stress longer, e. g. pigas, -a, piga -> pigus, -i, pigu ->pigus, -i, pigu and pigu. In Dauksa’s works not only u- stem adjectives and their forms receive stress on the root, but also derivatives with the suffix -umas which usually preserve the stress of the basic word, e.g. brangumas: brangus, kantrumas : kantrus and others, with the exception of baisumas, cf. baisus, teisumas, cf. teisus. Both latter cases show that in Dauksa’s times there may have been a tendency towards suffixal accentu­ation in nouns. After de Saussure and Fortunatov’s Law the stressed suffix -umas could have influenced the formation of the old accentuation in u -stem adjectives with stress on the ending, cf. *meilumas → meilumas ↑ ↓ *meilus, meilų → meilų, meilus

Species of Triacanthinella Bychowsky & Nagibina, 1968 (Monogenea: Ancyrocephalidae) from triacanthid teleosts off Peninsular Malaysia, with a generic revision, amended diagnosis and key

One new and four previously described species of Triacanthinella Bychowsky & Nagibina, 1968 (Monogenea) were collected from the tripodfishes Triacanthus biaculeatus and Tripodichthys blochii off Peninsular Malaysia. Triacanthinella lumutensis n. sp. from Tripodichthys blochii off Lumut, Selangor is similar to Triacanthinella principalis Bychowsky & Nagibina, 1968 in having morphologically similar types of haptoral sclerites and copulatory organ, but differs in possessing a longer copulatory tube. Also re-described are T. principalis Bychowsky & Nagibina, 1968, T. gracilis Bychowsky & Nagibina, 1968 and T. aspera Bychowsky & Nagibina, 1968 from both Triacanthus biaculeatus and Tripodichthys blochii, plus Triacanthinella longipenis Bychowsky & Nagibina, 1968 from Tripodichthys blochii and Triacanthinella tripathii Bychowsky & Nagibina, 1968 based on its type-material. In the new species, the filament loop of the anchors is associated with a sheath-like sclerite which envelops the anchor point. Such sclerites were also observed in the present specimens of Triacanthinella principalis, T. aspera, T. longipenis and T. gracilis but were not mentioned in the original descriptions. The generic diagnosis of Triacanthinella is amended and a key to the recognised species is presented. The specific names of two of the previously described species are emended from the neuter form to T. principalis and T. gracilis.

The phonology of coronals By T. Alan Hall (review)

236 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 76, NUMBER 1 (2000) comparison, the author raises and answers the questions why the former follows the definite article and why it appears in the plural neuter form. On a broader scale, he emphasizes the importance of artificial, written languages that can evolve for diachronic studies. This collection is very useful, offering insights into modern investigations of Greek phonology, morphology , and syntax. Nearly every paper deals with a different framework in the given field, thus enriching the reader with different theories and background assumptions yet offering a variety of linguistic phenomena , plenty of data, and stimulating theoretical analyses. [Kleanthes K. Grohmann, University of Maryland.] The phonology of coronals. By T. Alan Hall. (Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science 149.) Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins , 1997. Pp. x, 176. Hall discusses how the various places of articulation deemed 'coronal' are distinguished from one another in feature terms. There are four main chapters. Ch. 1 (The feature [coronal]') offers a phonetic definition of [coronal] that excludes palatals. Ch. 2 ('Feature specifications for coronals') discusses featural distinctions among the various coronal places of articulation . Ch. 3 ('Coronal consonant inventories') discusses why languages use only certain subsets of the places distinguished in Ch. 2. Ch. 4 ('Rhotics') discusses r-type sounds. In an appendix ("The features and their definitions') H surveys the whole phonological feature inventory. H draws on an impressive variety of languages, and his reference list contains over 500 items. His discussion, however, is at best somewhat pedestrian, and at worst illogical. His account of palatals and palatalization illustrates his strengths and weaknesses nicely. Are palatals coronal or not? H shows that the facts cited in favor involve almost exclusively stops, not fricatives. He also cites evidence that 'palatal' stops (IPA [c, j, Ji]) are articulated further forward than palatal fricatives ([ç, ¡]). He therefore argues that [c, j,Ji] should be reclassified as alveolopalatal and suggests that ' "true" palatal noncontinuants are unattested sounds' (14-15). Nevertheless, palatal noncontinuants do need to be recognized, at least in featural terms because the palatalized velar stops [kJ, g>] differ from the palatalized velar fricatives [xJ, vJ] only in respect of [± continuant], and the latter are said to be featurally identical to the 'true' palatals [ç, j] (70-71, 76). H insists that there should be a single 'palatalization feature' (77) and proceeds to inquire what that feature is. His answer is [ — back], which is shared (he says) by all and only front vowels, palatoalveolars, alveolopalatals, palatals, and palatalized segments (83). But [ — back] means 'fronted tongue body', where 'tongue body' includes 'both the predorsal and laminai regions'. Does not this imply that any plain laminai [t] has to be regarded as 'palatalized' too? How then does H distinguish between [t] and [tJ]? H's answer involves his implicational universal 'If [ — anterior, +distributed], then [ — back]', which states that 'alveolopalatals are inherently palatalized' (51-52). On page 98 he claims that this universal entails that [ + anterior] coronals, such as [t], are not [-back], in contrast to [c], But there is a logical error here. H would be right only if the implication were reversed: 'If [ — back], then [ — anterior, + distributed ]'. This formulation cannot be what H wants, however, because it renders [ ± back] inapplicable to dorsals. H compounds the confusion by adding in a footnote that dentals and alveolare can after all be [ — back] (or [ +back]), in which case they are palatalized (or velarized). The feature [±back] thus emerges with three values: [ +back] for [tv], [0 back] for [t], and [ — back] for [tJ]. At the root ofthis trouble is H's notion of 'inherent palatalization'. What is needed is some way of distinguishing primary from secondary articulation, an issue that H never addresses . Phonologists interested in coronals should find this book useful for its thoroughness but will need to approach H's analyses with caution. [Andrew Carstairs -McCarthy, University of Canterbury, New Zealand.] Atomism and binding. Ed. by Hans Bennis, Pierre Pica, and Johan Rooryck . (Linguistic variations 1.) Dordrecht : Foris Publications, 1997. Pp. xx, 412. This collection of papers deals with explorations in the 'distribution and interpretation of definite descriptions , pronouns and reflexives' (i, italics omitted ), i.e. the syntax and semantics ofbinding. Bennis, Pica, and...

The Endings of the Definite Article as Primary Determinants in the Adjectival Phrase

Perhaps the chief frustration of language teachers is the fact that, within the limited parameters of the classroom experience, it is difficult to impart to our students fluency in German except in the rarest of cases. Aside from the general difficulty of achieving proficiency in any language in a classroom setting, the German language presents certain impediments which frequently hinder students' ability to attain even a rudimentary sense of accuracy. Chief among these stumbling blocks are the familiar trouble spots: the verb-last construction, the general unpredictability of and plural, and the system of adjective endings. It is the last of these problems for which I should like to propose a new approach. German adjective endings pose a two-dimensional problem. First, there is the difficulty of comprehending an often bewildering system of endings. Second, there is the difficulty, once the students have mastered the paradigm, of applying the learned rules with even a limited degree of speed and accuracy. The goal of this article is to propose a logically and simply conceived system for the workings of German adjective endings. By simplifying the method of describing and teaching German adjective endings (that is, by facilitating the first aspect of the problem and by presenting students with a less intimidating explanation), we can reduce the number of steps our students must plod through in order to arrive at the correct forms. If this can be achieved, then the latter part of the problem can perhaps be addressed as well, and the students' relative level of fluency can, to a greater or lesser degree, be increased. The problem of adjective endings has been treated a number of times in this journal. I shall take the two most recent such articles as a basis for comparison with my own approach to this issue. First, David B. Dickens proposes the terms form and form as the basis of his adjective ending system.' Standard form refers to the of the definite article learned with each noun and the corresponding derand ein-words,2 that is to say, all of the nominative singular forms and the accusative feminine and neuter forms. Altered is used one of the above [standard] forms is changed for reasons of case and number,3 i.e. in all other situations. Dickens goes on to delineate two rules around which his system revolves: (1) gender must be shown in any adjectival phrase4 containing a standard form, and (2) [a]fter an altered form, add -en to the adjective.5 Dickens' explanation does not comprise unpreceded adjective endings, on the assumption that they are more or less self-explanatory for students. In a slightly later article Evelyn M. Jacobson identifies basic in which adjectives can occur.6 She further proposes that students be taught to identify which of these four situations is present when analyzing the adjectival phrase. Like Dickens, she laudably attempts to formulate a comprehensive approach and to counteract the piecemeal fashion [of introducing adjective endings] found in most textbooks.7 In contrast to Dickens, however, Jacobson introduces no new terminology and does include unpreceded adjectives in her discussion. While the present treatment of German adjective endings is not being proffered in the belief that it is inherently better than earlier approaches, it is my hope that it will nonetheless yield a different perspective and perhaps offer some new insights into the teaching of this thorny point of grammar. In fact, there is some common ground among Dickens's, Jacobson's and my own system. Most importantly, all three argue for a comprehensive, systematic approach to adjective endings, something which many of the best of our textbooks fail to offer. Furthermore, Jacobson lists as rule number one (of her basic situations) what is, in effect, my main premise: that the endings of the definite article are of paramount significance in determining adjective

An Amphora from Rhos-on-Sea, Clwyd

John Peter Wild writes in reply: My initial reaction to this note was relief that its authors are content to leave tutulus as a misapprehension of the past, but one which is a reflection of, and tribute to, the late Sir Ian Richmond's far-reaching influence on Romano-British affairs. They conclude that 'there should be no doubt at all that modern writers on Roman castrametation ought to employ the masculine form titulus'. Yet that confidence may not be shared by a reader who has carefully weighed the scholarly arguments which they have advanced above: the choice between titulus and titulum is more finely balanced than Henderson and Keppie would have us believe. The earliest and principal manuscript of Hyginus' handbook (Arcerianus) reads titulum in Cap. 49, titulus in Cap. 50. Presumably Hyginus himself was consistent, but error crept in before the sixth century. To restore titulus in Cap. 49 we must accept a scribal mis-copying of titulus as titulum, followed by a second scribe's adjustment of the grammar of the clause to fit the neuter form. The titulus of the manuscript in Cap. 50 (emended to titulum in editions after 166o) could then stand. The alternative approach is to accept the manuscript's reading titulum in Cap. 49, and assume with later editors that titulus in Cap. 50 is a slip by a single copyist. It is not, I submit, self-evident which approach the reader should prefer; for there is an element of special pleading in the former, if not the latter.

Death Masks in Tolstoi

Tolstoi made the accurate and poetic description of death a literary problem to be solved: how does a writer use the resources of language to describe the actual sensation of dying, an experience which the living can never fully comprehend? Experimenting with various linguistic means to create and use ambiguity, Tolstoi worked on a solution to this problem over many years in Childhood, Sevastopol Tales, “Three Deaths,” War and Peace, “Notes of a Madman,” and The Death of Ivan ll'ich. There are critics who feel that his achievement in this area is virtually unsurpassed; a recent book on death in world literature devotes more attention and praise to Tolstoi than to any other writer.The most powerful of all death scenes in Tolstoi's fiction is the one that portrays Prince Andrei Bolkonskii in War and Peace. The specter of death that Andrei sees in a dream, a substantiation of his fear of dying, is designated simply by the neuter pronoun ono (it). Konstantin Leont'ev was struck by this ono which he felt was so terrifying and mysterious that it could be identified with death itself. What makes ono so immediately striking is that although it is a neuter form, it is used intentionally (by being underlined) to refer directly to the word smert' (death), which is a feminine noun.

Scandinavian gender agreement revisited

In a recent article published in this journal (Faarlund, 1977), an attempt was made to account for the problem raised by the well-known fact that Scandinavian languages often use the neuter form of the predicative adjective in cases where the non-neuter form would seem to be called for by the ordinary rules of gender agreement.

Sexuality and genetic behavior in the fungusHypomyces (Fusarium) solanif. sp.cucurbitae

The host-specialized pathogen, Fusarium (Hypomyces) solani f. sp. cucurbitae causes rots of the stem, root, and fruit of cucurbits in many places in the world. The fungus is seed-borne, soil-borne, and sometimes air-borne. The individual clone is usually hermaphroditic but has been found in nature in a uni-sexual form. Although the Fusarium is heterothallic, rarely are the two mating types (+ and -) found together. When they are mated, the perithecia may be either red, or white, depending upon the genetic constitution. Races, as distinguished by host response, are not interfertile. Mutations of the normal hermaphrodite may give rise to male, female or neuter forms.