Neocolonial Relations Research Articles

‘Beneficiary-Ownership’? Redemptive Knowledge and Policy-Making on Migration in West Africa

ABSTRACT West Africa sees major activity in the development of migration policies, promoted by international organisations, funded by governments mainly of Europe. Policy development is couched in terms of ‘beneficiary-ownership’, stressing the participation of West African governments. This is problematised as playing down the influence of European and international organisations. We argue that policy-making on migration in West Africa is better understood through the lens of ‘subjectional diplomacy’, a one-sided yet complex relationship between national and international actors that consolidates particular discourses of the ‘problem’ of migration. We find interview and documentary evidence from NGOs and governmental actors across Senegal, The Gambia and Guinea as well as ECOWAS Headquarters and international governmental organisations in Abuja that the logic of beneficiary-ownership is not symmetric. We show how the IOM holds ‘redemptive’ knowledge that turns the civilising mission of old into a professionalising mission embedding neo-colonial relations.

From just transitions to reparative transformations

This article reflects on one aspect of the rapidly growing body of research on just transitions that we think has not been robustly enough explored: the difference that more explicitly reparative approaches to historical injustice rooted in racial capitalism might make to how these transitions are conceptualized and enacted. To advance this argument, we turn to recent scholarship on reparations, and particularly reparations for slavery, colonization and Indigenous genocide, to draw out critical insights that might helpfully expand and redirect just transitions work to more fully address the ongoing legacies of what Olufemi Taiwo has recently called, ‘global racial empire.’ Specifically, we examine the reparative demands embedded in the Cochabamba People's Declaration in Bolivia (2010) and the Black Hive's Black Climate Mandate in the US (2022). Through close analysis of these two documents, we draw out and expand four principles that we see as critical to the development of more reparative policy options for just transitions at both national and international scales. Specifically, we draw attention to the need for just transitions work to 1) draw on broader temporalities that foreground the long afterlives of colonial genocide and slavery; 2) more thoroughly recognize geographical interconnectedness across nation-state boundaries, including the powerful persistence of neo-colonial relationships of exploitation and expropriation; 3) redirect processes of highly racialized global (mal)distribution; and 4) attend to more ‘pluriversal’ possibilities for rectifying these inequalities.

The “Greening” of Empire: The European Green Deal as the EU first agenda

The recent past has seen the proposal of multiple ‘Green New Deals’ across geographies as a means to fight against the climate crisis and ecological breakdown. Of these, the European Green Deal- EGD represents the world's first public commitment to reduce greenhouse gas emissions of at least 55% by 2030 compared to 1990 levels. Because the EGD plans to “transform the EU,” in this paper we examine how it fits within a historical continuum of colonial and neo-colonial relations. We argue that the EGD is the latest discursive strategy for the ‘greening' of empire through four registers: (1) turning ecological crises into profitable opportunities; (2) portraying the EU as a ‘moral’ intervener; (3) building on a ‘green' “will to improve”; and (4) securitizing and consolidating the empire. We find how the EU acts in key policy arenas of diplomacy, trade and investment leading to the ‘greening' of the empire that ensures its continued economic and political leadership while fundamentally maintaining a status quo. We conclude with some reflections on the role of the EU to cede place to other possibilities of building anti-colonial ecologies.

In defence of ideological struggle against neocolonial self-justifications: Revisiting Asad's Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter amid the decolonial turn

Over the past decade-plus, there has been a surge in anthropological writing on decolonisation. Yet, whereas mid-twentieth century anticolonial revolutionaries fought to uproot imperialism's extractive political economy, certain contemporary decolonial tendencies give primacy, instead, to asserting cultural/epistemological difference. This shift has motivated pertinent critiques, such as that of Nigerian philosopher Olúfẹ́mi Táíwò, of atavistic conceptions of decolonisation. Táíwò's dismissal, however, of the neocolonialism thesis and his conceptual uncoupling of imperialism's material and symbolic dimensions results in a one-dimensional polemic. What gets lost is the much-needed role of decolonisation as an ideological struggle in mobilising populations against an entrenched neocolonial political economy. With this debate as framing, I propose revisiting Talal Asad's 1973 volume, Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter, published at the height of anthropology's disciplinary anti-imperialism. The book's contributors detail how, amid intensifying anticolonial agitation, interwar anthropologists anxious about cultural change among colonised populations advocated a shift to indirect colonial rule through native elites, rather than an abolition of imperialism per se. While spurning colonialism's earlier assimilationist agenda, anthropological calls to institutionalise cultural differences among colonised populations resonated with an imperialist project of incorporating while subverting anticolonial demands. Amid present-day anthropological discussions around decolonisation, these insights remain relevant. This is because contemporary neocolonial relations operate in a manner akin to indirect colonial rule.

The Blue Beret

The Blue Beret

“Thank you … . Facebook”: neocolonial practices of translation as self-Seduction

ABSTRACT This article examines the diverging translations of an unnamed protester photographed several times throughout the early days of the 2011 Egyptian uprisings. Using iconographic tracking, the paper argues that self-seductive translation is an important concept for critical cultural studies. Self-seductive translation targets neocolonial audiences with an identification chain that obscures the asymmetry of the neocolonial relationship. In the case of the unnamed protester, self-seductive translation encouraged US English speakers to identify themselves as equals with the imaged protester, where the now-equal relationship is delivered by tools and technology of the West.

Restitution of looted artefacts: a politico-economic issue

ABSTRACT Current debates around restitution of looted art from Africa mostly ignore politico-economic aspects of neocolonialism, reflecting the trend in academia as well as the wider public to separate cultural from economic issues. This article first aims to show the importance of the plunder and looting of material belongings in the establishment of European colonial rule over the African continent. Building on this, the author then highlights the role that restitutions play in current international neocolonial relations and in the political economy of ethnological museums. The paper calls for a broader analysis of the political economy of postcolonial restitution to realise its anticolonial potential.

Stratified Entry into Illegality: How Immigration Policy Shapes Being Undocumented

Abstract Research shows that legal status is a critical axis of stratification in the United States but is less clear about the variably permeable boundaries around illegality and the systematic ways in which migrants are channeled into and out of the liminal states of illegality. Drawing on analysis of 105 interviews with a diverse group of undocumented or formerly undocumented immigrant young adults in New York City collected in 2018–19, we introduce the concept of stratified entry into illegality to illustrate how migrants’ nationality, race, and socioeconomic status shape their mode of entry which, in turn, shapes opportunities to adjust legal status. Our comparison of migrants who entered the United States without inspection and those who overstayed visas reveals key differences in experience of illegality, including fear of deportation and future plans. We discuss the role of mandatory re-entry bans and hardship waivers on immigrants’ relationships, the “fix” of advance parole for the more privileged Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) recipients, and the gendered and racialized risks and pressures faced by visa overstayers seeking to adjust their status through marriage. Our comparison of undocumented young adults with and without DACA across mode of entry demonstrates how DACA serves as a class- and race-based filtering mechanism. We embed analysis of stratified entry into illegality within the US immigration regime and a global regime of racialized criminalization of migrants rooted in colonial and neocolonial relations of power and extraction.

The geostrategy of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AFCFTA) and third parties: a focus on China

The primary objective of this article is to interrogate Sino-Africa Relations and questions if Africa a passive receiver of both Chinese and Western influence? This paper is divided into four sections. The first section of the paper outlines the African Continental Free Trade Agreement. It is followed by a discussion of the political factors, driving Africa's desire for greater integration. The second section explains the potential trade impacts of the AfCFTA on African states and illustrates the rationale and appetite for the AfCFTA. Section three examines bilateral relations with third-parties, with a focus on China, speculating about the future of Sino-African trade relations and the AfCFTA. Finally, section four concludes the study. The discussion and findings suggest the following. Firstly, that African officials perceive the role of China in a positive light, and China is seen as a fellow developing country. Secondly, African leaders laud China for its contribution to the growth of African nations. Thirdly, however, China is criticized for poor working conditions, China is seen to negotiate unfair deals and for some scholars China perpetuates the neo-colonial relationship and, in some countries, there have been violent protests against China. This study encompassed a qualitative, exploratory approach, which relied heavily on both primary and secondary sources of data.

Intersections of identity and status in international students’ perceptions of culturally engaging campus environments

Higher education institutions have been criticised as neo-colonial entities that subjugate, other or silence international students. With a goal towards creating a more equitable and inclusive campus environment, this study aims to center the voices of international students and illuminate the heterogeneity of their perceptions of the campus environment. To this end, we investigated differences in 1681 international students’ perceptions of culturally engaging campus environments by intersections of identity and status. Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) examined identity variables (age, race, region, social class, first generation, and disability) and status variables (degree level, field of study, living situation, and visa status) on perceptions of culturally engaging campus environments. Findings indicate that region, visa status, and social class had a significant relationship with perceptions of cultural relevance and responsiveness. The results indicate two-way interactions between living situations and gender identification, as well as degree level and race. The discussion explores the need to understand the intersectional voices of students facing multiple discriminations to begin to equalize power differentials embedded within the neo-colonial relationship between higher education institutions and international students.

“We Shall Be Telling our own Stories”: Bernie Grant, the Africa Reparations Movement, and the Restitution of the Benin Bronzes

Au cours des années 1990, le député du parti travailliste Bernie Grant et l’Africa Reparations Movement (ARM-UK) ont mis en débat le sort d’une collection d’artefacts conservés dans les musées britanniques et qui avaient été pillés au Royaume de Benin en 1897 par les forces britanniques. Cette collection a constitué un prisme à travers lequel penser l’articulation entre le droit à disposer du patrimoine culturel, la construction des identités nationales et les revendications mémorielles. Cet article retrace les efforts de Grant et de ses collègues travaillant avec l’ARM-UK pour mettre en lumière les formes de pouvoir culturel et politique que les bronzes de Benin ont véhiculées dans un contexte postcolonial. En contestant la propriété de ces objets, les partis se sont emparés de la signification des bronzes pour afficher leurs engagements idéologiques, politiques et moraux. Aux côtés d’activistes politiques transnationaux, Grant et ses collègues ont plaidé pour le rapatriement des bronzes et généré un nouveau discours sur le caractère néocolonial des relations entre la Grande-Bretagne et le Nigeria.

Apple and Ireland, 1980–2020

Abstract This article places the recent tax case concerning Apple Inc., Ireland, and the European Commission within its historical framework to reveal the very particular structural dynamics that exist between the Irish state and transnational capital. It proposes that these dynamics result not entirely from an industrial strategy adopted in the 1950s but instead from a deeper neocolonial economic relationship, itself part of a comprador capitalist system that is firmly embedded in key public and private institutions of the Irish state and socially reproduced through them. An understanding of this comprador dynamic and its ideological framework is essential to understanding why the Irish state protects tax avoidance above the interests of wider Irish society.

Neo-colonial hierarchies of knowledge in marketing: Toxic field and illusio

We explore the knowledge production experiences of marketing academics who currently work in countries that have previously colonized their home countries. Building on Bourdieu’s concepts of illusio and the field, we first demonstrate that participants are drawn to the appeal of the academic game which perpetuates itself as a toxic field of neo-colonial relations. Second, we illustrate that two dominant exploitative academic practices sustain this toxic field. Third, we demonstrate that there is a toxic illusio which prevents academics from developing a healthy sense of colonial relations in their knowledge production.

The Unsturdy Foundations of ‘Security for Oil’ Policies

Robert Vitalis’ latest book, Oilcraft, is a valuable addition to the new wave of critical studies on the history of oil and “energy policy” that have appeared in recent years. Tim Mitchell, Katayoun Shafiee, Touraj Atabaki, and Peyman Jafari, among others, have challenged some basic, long held notions about the role of oil in Middle East history and diplomatic relations. Oilcraft takes on the most fundamental guiding principles behind scholarship and policy-making: namely that the United States’ need to secure the free flow of cheap oil has driven some of its most unsavory foreign policy positions. This, he says, is a myth. Oilcraft is a follow-up to America’s Kingdom in which Vitalis traced the U.S. “special relationship” with Saudi Arabia as a cover for a neo-colonial relationship between a patron and client. Now he turns the focus back on American academics, think tanks, and policy circles to trace the origins of this pervasive myth about the need, or even the mere ability, to secure access to, and the affordability of, oil.

The Use of Irony as a Feministic Device to Deter Gender-Nationalistic Duo in Meatless Days

The analogy of critical representation of the feminine issues prohibits the sustained continuation of the ideological manuscript of gender division in Pakistan. The Postcolonial nativity, the charisma of nationalism, the rigid concentration of aristocratic Westernization create a hard line between the social, cultural, and political identification of regional/national roles after the establishment of Pakistan. Bhabha (1994) reminds us that ‘postcoloniality is a salutary reminder of the persistent neo-colonial relations within new world order’(p.06). The structure of crucial gender boundaries is drawn in Pakistani society to promote the collective nationalistic consciousness in the wake of political achievements. Whereas, ‘the recesses of the domestic space become sites for history’s most intricate invasions’ (1994, p.09).This invasion confuses the ‘borders between home and world’ and combines the public and private to a more disorienting vision of life. This paper tries to recollect the gist of deformed gender rhetoric in the nationalistic restructuring of Pakistani society in Meatless Days by Sara Suleri. The paper concentrates on the artistic development in the course of the memoir to identify the irony of people as a dichotomy between the real and the fictional re-appropriation of Postcolonial Pakistan.
 Key Words: Feminism, Nationalistic consciousness, Gender-boundaries, 
 Memoir, Irony, Postcolonial Pakistan.

The Borders of Black Power

The Borders of Black Power

(Un)Just transitions and Black dispossession: The disposability of Caribbean ‘refugees’ and the political economy of climate justice

Caribbean populations face increased displacement, dispossession and debt burdens due to shocks related to climate change. As the major neighbouring power that is the most significant historical contributor to global warming, the United States has persistently deflected from this responsibility. Instead, its climate plans are weaponized to target potential climate refugees who constitute a ‘national security threat’ and are faced with risks of premature death. These policies also aim to create green capitalist peripheries following racial capitalist logics. The paper contends that US climate interventions and policies increase the likelihood of Black dispossession within Caribbean societies. These policies commit to supporting so-called ‘left-behind’ white communities in need of a ‘just transition’, while Caribbean racialized subjects are not as equally deserving. To explain this, the paper examines major climate policies, in particular the recent Congressional Climate Action Plan of the US House of Representatives and President Biden’s climate proposals. It juxtaposes policy claims against political actions and racial capitalist historiography of the United States, especially its past treatment of climate refugees from the Caribbean. This analysis shows the persistent ways in which US climate policies advance organized abandonment and a neocolonial relationship predicated on an unjust system of racial capitalism.

A qualitative examination of othering processes within international nursing placements

BackgroundInternational placements represent a popular choice to develop cultural competency and safety in nursing. The question as to whether study abroad programs enable the development of cultural competency and safety skills or provide exotic travel experiences needs further clarifications. ObjectiveThe study explores the usefulness of international placements in developing cultural safety among undergraduate nursing students. DesignAn exploratory qualitative design was used to answer these research questions: 1) How do undergraduate students make sense of their study abroad experiences? And 2) How international placements facilitate the acquisition of cultural safety and consciousness-raising about racial and social privileges? ParticipantsA sample of 7 participants who completed a 4th-year community and acute care stages in Global South countries were recruited. MethodsA postcolonial feminist theoretical approach was used to guide the study. Data collectionSemi-structured interviews explored participants' perceptions of cultural differences, ways of adapting to cultural diversity, and the benefits and challenges of their global experiences. Thematic content analysis was used to analyze the data. ResultsThematic analysis revealed three themes: 1) Self-knowledge, 2) othering, and 3) consciousness of neocolonialism. DiscussionResults raise some concerns about the usefulness of international stages in developing cultural competency and cultural safety in undergraduate nursing students. Results indicate that international placements can be useful to raise consciousness about racial and social privileges. Yet, international placements involve some risks to the receiving Global South countries. This study unmasks Othering's processes, where participants reproduce harmful neocolonial relations. ConclusionsInternational placements involve cultural risks that translate into Othering processes where Global South nurses and students are represented as powerless. Postcolonial feminist theories are relevant to study international placements as they enable the critical examination of race, gender, and social class and how they play out in international placements in Global South countries.

Cold War Refugees: South Korea’s Entry into the International Refugee Regime, 1950–1992

Abstract When and how does a state become a part of the international refugee regime, and how does a state’s role within the regime change over time? Using South Korea as a case study, this article highlights the significance of Cold War politics as a main cause of the expansion of the international refugee regime. South Korea was first entered into the international refugee regime during the US-led Korean War. And it was due to the neocolonial relationship between South Korea and the US that South Korea participated in the Vietnam War, and consequently, South Korea received its first internationally recognized refugees. Pressure from the US largely explains the burden-sharing role that South Korea played during the Indochinese refugee crisis. However, repositioning itself as a subempire in Asia and seeking enhanced international stature, South Korea signed the 1951 UN Refugee Convention, finally becoming an official member of the international refugee regime.

(Re)locating photojournalism within a transmedia economy: a case study on the meaning-making process with stories of female Boko Haram survivors

This study explores the representations of female captives and survivors of Boko Haram in what the authors define as a transmedia project formed by an ensemble of interconnected multi-modal/media productions circulated through off- and online spaces, and merging photojournalism and humanitarian markets. The authors draw on semiotic analytical tools in unravelling the process of meaning-making and point to a trend of spectacle renewal in which recycled textual and visual elements function as forms of (self) promotion within the transmedia project. In its response to neoliberal logics of production and circulation of culture, this transmedia project ends up reproducing reductionist portrayals of Boko Horam (ex-)captives and empowering Western producers and consumers through representations that fortify a gendered, neocolonial relationship. This research problematizes the moralistic narratives that support this transmedia economy and proposes alternative modes of sharing and consuming photojournalism stories in order to encourage more critical engagement.