Nazi Party Research Articles

Review: Secrecy: Silence, Power, and Religion, by Hugh B. Urban

Review: <i>Secrecy: Silence, Power, and Religion</i>, by Hugh B. Urban

German, Jew, Muslim, Gay: The Life and Times of Hugo Marcus by Marc David Baer (review)

Reviewed by: German, Jew, Muslim, Gay: The Life and Times of Hugo Marcus by Marc David Baer Geoffrey J. Giles Marc David Baer. German, Jew, Muslim, Gay: The Life and Times of Hugo Marcus. New York: Columbia University Press, 2020. xii + 300 pp. doi:10.1017/S0364009421000350 Gay may be the last of the cognomens in the title of this biography, but it is the feature that looms largest in the book. Three of the five chapters have "gay" or "queer" in their title. Yet Hugo Marcus (1880–1966) did not lead an especially active gay love life. Rather, he was prominent in the fight for homosexual emancipation in the early twentieth century, and a close associate of Magnus Hirschfeld and his circle. And he did write a large amount of erotic gay fiction. He never succeeded in winning a life partner, and, as Gerdien Jonker has recently commented, in his final years his letters show that he was lonely. During the last ten years of his life, Marcus was in touch with few people and took refuge instead in the fictional gay character, Heinrich, he created.1 [End Page 487] One gains the impression from Baer's many-sided exploration of this unusual life that Hugo Marcus never entirely fitted in. His passions were intellectual ones rather than personal. His best and closest companion was his pen. He was naïve about the dangers of the real world. Despite a brief incarceration in Sachsenhausen after Kristallnacht in 1938, and a Nazi demand to leave the country, he remained in Berlin in order to finish his work on a German edition of the Qur'an. He used his entry visa for Switzerland only one week before the German invasion of Poland. In some ways, he seems a rather uncongenial character. Indeed, the author notes that, in a portrait painted of him in 1925, he seems, with his wrinkled face and mussed hair, to be scowling. He looks rather grumpy in surviving photographs as well. Since Baer describes these in detail, it is a shame that this book includes no illustrations. The one attractive photo of Marcus as a twenty-one-year-old (and rather stunning he looks, too) graces the cover of the book, but, beauty being in the eye of the beholder, Baer inexplicably dismisses it as "not flattering" in its profile of his "large right ear, bony right cheek, and large sharp nose" (22). There is not so much in this book about Marcus as a Jew, because the remarkable fact about him was his conversion to Islam, with the Ahmadi community giving him a lifetime appointment as the editor of all their German publications. They regarded Marcus as "the most valued prize of our Mission in Berlin" (68). Yet he did not renounce his Jewish faith, and praised Islam for not requiring that or even a public affirmation of conversion. He saw it as more tolerant of others, including gay men like himself. And in rejecting violence, it seemed the perfect religion to heal the nations after World War I: "A religion that precedes each conversation with the greeting 'peace be with you' cannot be blood-thirsty." But was Islam really that liberal, even about other religions? Baer has to admit that Marcus was being a bit starry-eyed: "Marcus seems to have forgotten that, normatively speaking, the first pillar of Islam is the Shahadah, the proclamation of faith: 'there is only one God and Muhammad is his Prophet'" (139). The Berlin imam was instrumental in obtaining Marcus's exit visa from Nazi Germany. However, Baer cannot entirely gloss over the fact that Nazi ideology infiltrated some German Muslims and "helped contribute to the antiSemitic atmosphere in Berlin," even leading some to join the Nazi Party. But to add that "they ultimately frustrated the Nazi attempt to annihilate the Jews of Europe, if only by saving one life" (namely Hugo Marcus), smacks of a bucket of whitewash (115). Of course, the Nazis had stamped him as a Jew, adding the name Israel to his passport, which the Swiss authorities cruelly maintained in their identity papers when he went into exile. And Marcus insisted on his Jewish faith...

The Kaiser's lost African empire and the Alternative für Deutschland: Colonial guilt-denial and authoritarian populism in Germany

This article examines the role which the "imaginary" of the empire that Germany lost in 1919 plays in the contemporary German extreme right, and especially its leading expression, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). It focuses on the symbolic importance of the former colonies in South West Africa / Namibia and East Africa / Tanzania and of the less emotionally charged, although also significant, German 'informal empire' connections to South Africa. The article highlights that the AfD draws on a considerable legacy of political activism concerning Africa stretching back through the colonial revanchist nationalism of the Weimar era, the global network of the Nazi Party's "Foreign Organisation", and the post-war populism of Franz Josef Strauß. AfD ideologues glorify the achievements of the Kaiserreich, and emphasise that Germany has nothing to be ashamed of, in relation to its record in the colonial era. With the recent demands from Namibia for the payment of German reparations for the 1904-7 genocide in that country, this past has become a very live issue in German politics, and the AfD has made much of its opposition to any admission of German culpability. The article also shows how the AfD portrays itself as the defender of the German minority in Namibia and of white South Africans, whose position is represented as a warning of what happens when white people allow racial "others" to attain political power. The analysis seeks to avoid simple "culturalist" /historicist explanations of the presence of these issues in contemporary politics, embedding its account in the continuities of significant social, economic and strategic relationships between southern Africa and Germany.

Political pragmatist or man of conviction? Heinrich Bredt (1906–1989) and his involvement in the Third Reich

Heinrich Bredt (1906–1989) has to be considered one of the most prominent German pathologists of the past century. While his scientific oeuvre – especially his research on pathology of the cardiovascular system – received widespread attention, his actual connection to National Socialism remains largely concealed.This paper takes this need for clarification as an occasion for a detailed investigation of Bredt’s political role in the Third Reich, based on source material from Federal, State and University Archives.The analysis shows that Heinrich Bredt had already joined the anti-Semitic and anti-democratic Association of German Students in the 1920s, and from 1933 onward he entered various Nazi organizations – including the Nazi Party. Unlike in later statements, Bredt was not just a nominal member of the Party, he held various offices in National Socialist organizations and was accordingly classified as loyal to the regime by the Nazi authorities.In contrast, during his time in the socialist dictatorship of East Germany, Bredt remained aloof from the ruling Socialist Unity Party of Germany and its political organizations – unlike many former Nazi Party members who behaved in a political opportune manner in East Germany as well. Bredt demonstrated a distance from the socialist system which suggests that his political actions were guided not by pragmatic but by ideological considerations.

Eating Up the Enemy: Teaching Richard Coer de Lyon and the Misrepresentation of Crusader Ideology in White Nationalist Agendas

American white nationalist groups, such as the Klu Klux Klan, the American Freedom Party, and the American Nazi Party, capitalize on the fantasy of a white, heteronormative medieval Europe in their anti-Islam agendas, misrepresenting both the history of the Crusades and the “Pork-Eating Crusader” image associated with it. Now a product available for purchase at certain online retail shops, the image of a crusader eating “pork” appears in the popular medieval romance Richard Coer de Lyon (RCL) when an ailing King Richard unwittingly eats a Saracen captive instead of the pork he requested. This article examines how working with students to trace the history of this image through RCL gives needed context to the racial and religious identities represented in Crusader texts. When properly contextualized, the episodes of Richard cannibalizing his Saracen enemies demonstrate that the infamous king is a figure for modern audiences to question rather than to emulate. By teaching students that medieval racial and religious identities were in flux, they are better able to see how the modern fantasy of the medieval period is used by white nationalist activists and how to combat their agendas. Such lessons further articulate how certain positions, like race, gender, and religion are constructed over time, and, more importantly, how they continue to be constructed and changed.

Unsettling Realities of Nazism and the Legacy of the German Neurological Society.

On behalf of the German Neurological Society (DGN), a study was conducted into how far former chairmen, honorary chairmen, and honorary members could be regarded as incriminated from the National Socialist period. While an online supplement of this journal presents seven individual biographies (in six papers) by way of example, this paper offers an overview summarizing the project results and introducing the biographies. The first part and the methodological section discuss the difficulties of retrospectively identifying neurologists involved in the Nazi movement. Formal characteristics (eg, membership of the Nazi Party (NSDAP) or other Nazi organizations or participation in Nazi crimes) and content-related clues (eg, statements reflecting Nazi ideology, personal contacts with Nazi officials or active support of the system) can be helpful. The second part summarizes the principal results of a study of 28 German and Austrian neuroscientists with regard to their involvement and their post-war careers. Six of the seven "founding fathers" of the DGN were former NSDAP members; 10 of the 13 presidents in office until 1976 had belonged to Nazi organizations-the NSDAP, the SA ("Brownshirts") or the SS ("Blackshirts"). Moreover, seven out of 10 honorary presidents had formal or substantive links to National Socialism. Of the German and Austrian honorary members appointed up to 1985, two-thirds had leanings to Nazi ideology or the National Socialist system. This paper concludes by outlining how the DGN and its members are currently addressing this historical legacy in order to establish a responsible culture of remembrance. ANN NEUROL 2021;90:546-557.

Kim był Eduard Pernkopf i jaka jest prawda o jego atlasie anatomicznym?

Eduard Pernkopf (1888-1955) was an Austrian professor of anatomy who later served as a dean of the medical school and rector of the University of Vienna. Pernkopf himself joined the Nazi Party’s foreign organization in 1933. He is best known for his seven-volume anatomical atlas Topographical Anatomy of Man (“Topographische Anatomie des Menschen, Lehrbuch und Atlas der regionar-stratigraphischen Praparation”) often colloquially known as the Pernkopf atlas or just “Pernkopf”. It is considered a scientific and artistic masterpiece. It has been in recent years found that Pernkopf and the artists working for him: Erich Lepier, Ludwig Schrott, Karl Endtresser and Franz Batke used executed political prisoners as their subjects. Using a special treatment of the paper used for watercolor they created the images that look like living tissue in print. But they also used the Nazi symbols in their work for the atlas. In 1995 Pernkopf and his atlas came into the focus of a controversy in scientific ethics following the publication of a paper by Professor Edzard Ernst revealed that the subject bodies may have in some cases been those of executed prisoners and children killed in a Viennese hospital. A year later Dr. Howard Israel discovered many of the Nazi symbols in the artists’ signatures. Since then physicians have discussed whether it is ethical to use the atlas. This resulted in the establishment of the Senatorial Project of the University of Vienna in 1997. As a result, the atlas’ publisher directed that an insert noting this possibility be mailed to all libraries holding the atlas, and stopped printing new copies.

The pathologist Hans Klein (1912-1984) : Autopsy of his role in the "Third Reich"

The role of pathologist Hans Klein during the National Socialist era and his career in post-war Germany have hardly received systematic attention. During World WarII, Hans Klein worked in two medical institutions, where he collaborated with individuals who were significantly involved in Nazi crimes. Klein's participation initially extended mainly to his work as an employed pathologist at the Rudolf Virchow Hospital in Berlin. There he was introduced to autopsy practices in the context of the children's euthanasia programme and autopsies of victims of medical experiments. Later, ashift in his activities is noticeable at the Hohenlychen Sanatorium. Klein's activities there increasingly involved independent research or voluntary collaboration in the projects of other scientists that were closely connected to the SS and experiments on human beings in concentration camps. He never had to face justice. His role was not further investigated by the Allies - probably due to his non-existent Nazi party and SS membership.

Hitler’s True Believers: How Ordinary People Became Nazis

The widespread enthusiasm in Germany for the Nazi regime, which sustained the government of Adolf Hitler in peacetime and into the last year of a war that was turning against the country, has long interested observers. Gellately, the author of several prior books that engaged Nazi Germany, presents in this one an analysis that takes the nationalist, socialist, and antisemitic views of the Nazi movement seriously, showing how they fit with many concepts and policy preferences already held by many Germans.Disappointment and rage about the loss of World War I and the peace treaty of 1919, combined with the convulsions of the Great Depression, made the appeal of Hitler and his political party ever-stronger in the early 1930s. Gellately both carefully and cleverly utilizes a variety of local examples to illustrate the way in which more and more Germans turned to voting for the Nazi Party until it became the country’s largest in free elections.As Gellately shows, by the time German President Paul von Hindenburg had designated him as chancellor, Hitler had already recruited a substantial number of those who would hold leading positions in the regime. A slow but real economic recovery, stimulated by re-armament and public works, consolidated domestic support while publicity about the establishment of concentration camps discouraged the voicing of dissent. Throughout the account, Gellately interjects local examples from a wide variety of contemporary and later sources that illuminate the realities of the time.The regime introduced its euthanasia program so carefully that practically no one among the mass of people was aware that by the fall of 1944, the crippled veterans of World War I had all been killed and that the regime was starting to kill the disabled veterans of World War II. Yet Gellately makes clear that the systematic killing of Jews was not the secret that some people pretended it to be afterward but had proceeded with wide knowledge and wide participation.The years of peace brought the regime a cohesion that the victories in the first years of World War II further consolidated. Gellately might have accorded more attention to the large number of slave laborers Germany imported during the conflict, since many of them worked alongside and under Germans. Benjamin Carter Hett, Burning the Reichstag (New York, 2014), showed that the burning of the Reichstag in 1933 could not have justified the decree abolishing civil liberties and the list of arrests that followed it, as the Germans claimed, because both the decree and the list predated it. Gellately could also have mentioned that Hitler always considered his reluctance to start the war in 1938 his worst mistake; he made sure that no one could cheat him of war in 1939. In view of Gellately’s noted use of local examples from all over Germany, a folded map of the country would have offered the reader a helpful guide.These minor points aside, this work is worthy of serious attention. The way in which the nationalist, socialist, and antisemitic view of Hitler and his political party fit with the preferences of so many Germans surely deserves the exposure that this book affords them. Furthermore, they reveal a level of dedication to Hitler’s regime that is truly extraordinary.

Books, bones and bodies: The relevance of the history of anatomy in Nazi Germany for medical education today.

The history of anatomy in Nazi Germany highlights the consequences to humanity when the destructive potentials immanent to all science and medicine are enabled by an anti-democratic, totalitarian regime. Anatomy presents an example of ethical transgressions by scientists and health care professionals that were amplified in the criminal political climate of the Nazi regime. This can happen anywhere, as science is never apolitical. This article gives a short account of anatomy in Nazi Germany, which is followed by an outline of the tangible and intangible legacies from this history, to then discuss implications for anatomy education today. While Jewish and politically dissident anatomists were forced out of their positions and country by the Nazi regime, the majority of the remaining anatomists joined the Nazi party and used bodies of Nazi victims for education and research. Some anatomists even performed deadly human experiments. Patterns and legacies that emerge from this history can be traced into the present and concern research ethics in general and anatomical body procurement specifically. They shed light on current practices and controversies in the anatomical sciences, including anthropology. It will be argued here that the history of anatomy in Nazi Germany can inform current anatomy education in a concept of anatomy as the first "clinical discipline." By integrating insights from the history of anatomy into the learning process, anatomy education can model an approach to medicine that includes a full appreciation of the shared humanity of medical practitioners and patients.

Political continuity or a new beginning? The re-foundation of the “German Society for Pathology” and its politics in postwar Germany

In 1948, about 70 pathologists decided to reconstitute the “Deutsche Pathologische Gesellschaft” (German Pathological Society). With Arnold Lauche, a new president was elected; at the same time, the organization was renamed the “Deutsche Gesellschaft für Pathologie” (German Society of Pathology).But did these two obvious changes really mark a new beginning, a conscious turning away from the Nazi ideology that had significantly shaped the policies of the professional associations until 1945?The present paper pursues this very question. It examines the personnel and political course set by the German Society of Pathology, and takes a close look its first representatives – Arnold Lauche, Georg B. Gruber und Edmund Randerath – and their professional activities. Special attention is paid to their positions during the Third Reich, their denazification processes and their dealings with the past in the early postwar period. This also includes the Society’s policy towards Jewish colleagues marginalized in the Third Reich.The article is based on archival material from the Federal Archives in Berlin, various university archives, and Gruber’s estate. In addition, a critical analysis of the relevant secondary literature was conducted.During the Third Reich, Lauche, Gruber, and Randerath were involved in National Socialism to varying degrees. Their board activities in the postwar period stood for personal and political continuity which also included the Society’s policy towards former members of the Nazi Party and Jewish colleagues.The article concludes that there was no clean break with the Nazi past; Gruber in particular, who had already played a leading role in the Society in the Third Reich, continued to exert considerable influence. The German Society for Pathology also failed to bring persecuted Jewish colleagues into its midst – former members of the Nazi Party were given preference both in board positions and in the awarding of honors.

The Nazi Party Rally Grounds in Nuremberg

The former Nazi Party Rally Grounds in Nuremberg reflect politics and public debates in Germany between suppression, non-observance and direct reference to the National Socialist Past since 1945. Within this debate, various ways of dealing with the architectural heritage of the National Socialism exist. Those approaches are often contradictory. Since 1945 (and until today), the former Nazi Party Rally Grounds have been perceived as an important heritage. However, despite innumerable tourists visiting the area, parts of the buildings were removed and through ignoring the historic past of the Nazi Party Rally Grounds, an everyday usage of the area was established. As of the public representation of the city, Nuremberg’s Nazi Past was played down and hidden. Simultaneously, considerable efforts were made to maintain and renovate areas of the Party Rally Grounds, partly out of a pragmatic manner as well as to document and educate about history. The special role Nuremberg played under National Socialism, led to a particularly prominent culture of remembrance (Erinnerungskultur). However, this isn’t the outcome of a simple success story coming from initial public suppression to a conscious examination of the National Socialist Past. It has been a rather contradictory non – linear process, continuing until today.

A lesson from history? Worsening mortality and the rise of the Nazi Party in 1930s Germany

ObjectivesThe aim of the study was to test the hypothesis that worsening mortality rates in the early 1930s were associated with increasing votes for the Nazi Party. Study designThe study consist of panel data with fixed effects. MethodsWe used district- and city-level regression models of Nazi vote shares on changes in all-cause mortality rates in 866 districts and 214 cities during federal elections from 1930 to 1933, adjusting for election and district/city-level fixed effects and sociodemographic factors. As a falsification test, we used a subset of deaths less susceptible to sociopolitical factors. ResultsHistorical downward trends in mortality rates reversed in the early 1930s in Germany. At the district/city level, these increases were positively associated with a rising Nazi vote share. Each increase of 10 deaths per 1000 population was associated with a 6.51-percentage-point increase in Nazi vote share (95% confidence interval = 1.17–11.8). The strongest associations were with deaths due to infectious and communicable diseases, suicides, and alcohol-related deaths. Worsening mortality had no association with votes for the Communist Party or for other contemporary political parties. Greater welfare payments were associated with smaller increases in both mortality and Nazi vote share, and adjusting for welfare generosity mitigated the association by approximately one-third. ConclusionsWorsening mortality rates were positively associated with the rise of the Nazi Party in 1930s Germany. Social security mitigated the association between mortality and Nazi vote share. Our findings add to the growing evidence that population health declines can be a ‘canary in the coal mine’ for the health of democracies.

Die Gauwirtschaftsberater der NSDAP

Abstract At least 129 Gau economic advisers of the NSDAP worked at the intersection of politics and economics, wielding a considerable amount of power. At the regional level, they were able to have a say in the success and existence of corporations. The article examines this group’s organization and remit, as well as resources in power and capital. Along the lines of collective biographies, it covers the aspects of generation, origin, socioeconomic status, fluctuation, and entry into the Nazi party. While no homogenous type of Gau economic adviser or a pattern of action could be identified, the final part of the article outlines common aspects and presents five ideal types of Gau economic advisers.

Wie kam das Bauhaus zu seinem Namen?

Abstract It has always been assumed that the name Bauhaus was invented in 1919 by Walter Gropius, the institution’s founder and first director. However, the name had been in use since 1915 by the conservative Berlin architect Albert Gessner for his practice. Gessner had become famous for large, ingeniously designed apartment house complexes. Gropius and Gessner knew each other from the German Werkbund and Gropius probably saw the name in this context and adopted it. Gessner’s private practice had little success at the time, he closed his Bauhaus in 1920 and the competing use of the name in Weimar probably did little damage. But Gessner was fiercely opposed to the modern movement in architecture and enthusiastically joined the Nazi party in 1932, which ultimately determined its demise.

Cross-partisanship and the vulnerability democracy: how civility and nonpartisanship undermined civil society in interwar Germany

ABSTRACT Exclusionary nationalist movements’ rise in recent years challenges liberal democracy’s trust in political institutions’ ability to neutralize and incorporate extremism. The crisis of liberal democracy likewise questions liberal civil society's emphasis on associational membership’s intrinsic democratic side-effects. The study proposes a partisanship spectrum integrating attitudes to conflict into civil society theory, suggesting the centrality of cross-partisanship in mediating modern society’s unavoidable conflicts, a question central to civil society theory and modern democracies. Germany’s first school of public affairs serves as a historical case study to better understand how cross-partisanship addressed the extreme political polarization, radicalization of public discourse, and violence challenging interwar Germany’s transition to democracy. While honouring political factionalism, cross-partisanship (Überparteilichkeit) countered extremism through a correct understanding of political facts and a common commitment to republican institutions. Relying on archival sources, I show that when cross-partisanship was equated to nonpartisanship, it favoured the penetration of extremism by emphasizing compromise and equal representation of all political parties, including the Nazi Party. The question of how to build a civil society is as crucial today as it was in interwar Germany.

An Austrian Analysis of the Nazi Economic Recovery (1933-1939)

Hitler came to power in 1933. By that time, the economic situation of Germany was critical: there were almost six million unem-ployed, prices were in a decreasing trend and production had reduced considerably. In other words, Germany was suffering the worst economic crisis of its history. The Nazi Party promised to solve this dramatic situation and the truth was that, after six years, the German economy reached full employment, the in-dustrial output doubled and the Government raised a strong army. This amazing development has always puzzled many historians. How did they achieve this? What was the secret of the Nazis? In opinion of many economists and historians the Nazi Recovery demonstrated the power of the State to overcome economic problems. Thus, according to this view, the State could solve even the worst economic crisis, if it applied the right policies. Is this view correct? Could we learn anything from this historical episode to overcome economic crises? Did the Nazis discover the secret of full employment? In this paper I will study the Nazi growth strategy and I will try to answer these questions. In the first part of this article, I will explain the concrete policies that were undertaken by the Nazi Government, in the second part I will analyze them and finally there will be a section with the main conclusions.&#x0D; The German economy was severely hit by the Great Depression. During the second half of 1920’s there was a massive credit expansion process which brought about a huge boom that ended in a sharp depression.1 After four years of political and economic crisis, Hitler came to power and his main objectives were to solve this critical situation and to restore the national dignity. Beforehand, it is appropriate to look the evolution of the main macroeconomic magnitudes (Table 1).&#x0D; As we can see, unemployment was reduced extremely quickly and at the same time real production increased. If we look in more detail, the industrial production doubled in this period. And what happened to prices? We can say that prices did not increase significantly: just 10% if we take the official prices and 20% if we trust John Klein’s estimations. It is not an exaggeration to say that any Prime Minister would like this economic development for his country. Let’s explain what policies they exactly undertook to achieve these results.

Performance and Promotions in an Autocracy: Evidence from Nazi Germany

Scholars of autocracies increasingly debate whether autocratic regimes promote their subordinates based on achievements, such as economic performance, and further a meritocratic system. This article argues that the extent to which autocratic regimes reward economic performance is not constant over the course of an autocratic regime's lifespan but varies depending on the strategic goals of the regime and the regime's ability to monitor its subordinates' performance. We collect a new dataset on the careers of the regional leaders of the German Nazi Party, the Gauleiters, from 1936 to 1944, and a wealth of historical data sources from the regime. Using this, we show that better regional economic performance increased the chance of receiving a promotion before the outbreak of World War II but not after.

Facts and fiction: The pathologist Gerhard Seifert (1921–2014) and his dealings with National Socialism

Gerhard Seifert is considered one of the leading German pathologists of his time. He was not only an outstanding scientist but also shaped the politics of university pathology like hardly anyone else.In the context of a national research project on the role of German pathologists in the Third Reich, it was recently discovered that Seifert had joined the Nazi Party.The present study takes this hitherto unknown fact as an occasion for a closer analysis of Seifert’s life and work – with a special focus on the Third Reich; the aim is to clarify (1) when and how Seifert’s membership came about and (2) how he dealt with the Nazi era and his own political role in the period after 1945.The present study is based on various archival documents. Furthermore, Seifert’s autobiography “A Saxon in Hamburg – A Doctor’s Life from East to West” was evaluated and cross-referenced with the archival sources. Last not least a systematic re-analysis of the literature on Seifert was conducted, including eulogies and obituaries on his life and work.It can be shown that Gerhard Seifert was an outstanding scientist – with special merits in the fields of oral pathology (including salivary glands), the pathology of the pancreas, endocrine pathology and osteopathology –, an extensive networker and an enigmatic personality.However, it is also demonstrable that Seifert joined the Nazi Party at the age of 17, remained a member until its abolition at the end of the Second World War, and concealed his party membership after 1945. In this respect, he built his career in postwar Germany on a false statement.

Neo-Nazi Violence and Ideology: Changing Attitudes toward Violence in Sweden’s Skinhead and Post-Skinhead Eras

ABSTRACT This study examines how ideology is narrated in the life stories of former and active Swedish neo-Nazis. Employing a social psychological and generational perspective toward the meaning-making process of the neo-Nazi ideology, this study investigates the role ideology plays in both former and active adherents’ narratives of engagement in the neo-Nazi movement. This study also analyzes the differences in how former and active neo-Nazis talk about violence and violent acts in the movement. In doing so, this study shows that there has been a decisive shift between activists from the skinhead era and post-skinhead era in respect to how they address and articulate ideological conviction and violence. Results also indicate that Sweden’s neo-Nazi movement has undergone an intellectualization process over the past few decades, with violence becoming increasingly politicized.