Neoliberal Policies Research Articles

A historical turn in the study of media governance. A research agenda for Europe in times of democratic crisis

The liberalization of the media stands very much at the forefront in public, policy and academic concerns on how our current model of media governance affects democracy. But the discussion on the effects of media liberalization has obscured the vital question why liberalization was able to become the dominant media governance paradigm in the first place. This research note makes the case for a historical turn to answer this question. It argues that it is essential to contextualize media liberalization in the history of contemporary democracy in Europe rather than see it primarily through the perspective of technological innovation or top-down promotion of neo-liberal policies. It explores how three insights in historiography might form the core of a research agenda for media governance that takes history seriously. These include (a) the study of actors from below that pushed for reform outside the realm of government; (b) the influence of ideas on shaping institutional reform and (c) reading history forward rather than project today’s assumptions and outcomes into the past. Jointly, this historical turn will not only provide an enhanced understanding of how past reforms shaped the present, but also enlighten prospects for future changes of media governance paradigms.

Neither nationalism nor neo-Ottomanism but the winner is neo-liberal consumerism? Arts of the past

ABSTRACT In Turkish cultural history, there is an uninterrupted continuity in the education of the Traditional Turkish Arts (TTA), with clear links to the Ottoman past and Islam. This article discusses how TTA were preserved and incorporated into the educational curriculum in the early Republican era, despite discourses that established a direct disengagement between the Republican nationalist project and the Ottoman past. Turning then to the dissemination of TTA under the AKP’s rule as a reflection of neo-Ottomanism as a multi-faceted strategy, this article reveals their overlap with neo-liberal policies that bring about their commodification.

"Pandemics know no borders," but Responses to Pandemics Do: Global Health, COVID-19, and Latin America.

This article focuses on Brazil and Peru, the Latin American epicenter of the coronavirus pandemic during 2020 and 2021. The pandemic magnified the legacy of years of neoliberal policies, corruption and racism in these countries, the limitations of their poverty-reduction programs, the fragility of their democratic systems, and the insufficient political regard for public health and basic sanitation. I rely on the concepts of negligence and necropolitics. The first refers to the abdication of authorities in providing sufficient basic services to its citizens. The second - coined by Achille Mbembe before the pandemic - is used to explain the banalization by governments of preventable deaths of discriminated social groups. On a global level, the problematic access to medical equipment and vaccines was a failure because of the hoarding of vaccines by rich nations and the blaming of developing countries for their high mortality. The result was that national and international governmental reactions to COVID-19 worsened health asymmetries within countries and between the Global North and South.

ВЛИЯНИЕ НЕОЛИБЕРАЛЬНОЙ ИДЕОЛОГИИ НА СОЦИАЛЬНО-ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЕ РАЗВИТИЕ СЫРЬЕВЫХ РЕГИОНОВ РОССИИ

Neoliberalism, as an ideology, influences various industries and regions in Russia to varying degrees. In industry regions, this influence can be especially pronounced, given the specifics of economic activity and socio-economic conditions. That is why it is important to take into account and measure the positive and negative impact of neoliberal policies in relation to regions with single-industry specialization. This article examines the impact of neoliberal ideology on the socio-economic development of the raw material regions of the Russian Federation. The analysis of the basic principles of neoliberalism and their impact on economic policy, especially in the context of regions dependent on the extraction and export of natural resources, is carried out. To achieve the purpose of the study, qualitative and quantitative methods were used, including the analysis of official statistical data, a literary review and expert assessments. The article examines the changes in the economic structure, standard of living and social sphere of these regions under the influence of neoliberal reforms. Special attention is paid to the growth of social inequalities, the deterioration of working and living conditions of the population. The results of the conducted research can be used for the development and successful implementation of subsequent programs for the development of raw materials regions. The article offers recommendations on adjusting economic policy in order to mitigate the negative effects of neoliberal principles on raw material regions and increase sustainable socio-economic development.

Du système des inégalités aux classes sociales

On the basis of data provided by the public statistics apparatus, a methodical analysis of the inequalities existing between social categories is able to support the thesis of the persistence of the division of French society into social classes. In recent decades neoliberal policies have accentuated these inequalities. In addition, French society, like all others, is crossed by other cleavages. We will return briefly to these elements in the first section (1). We will then recall the theoretical stakes raised by the concept of social classes, in other words the problematic to which this concept intends to respond and the terms in which it meets it (2). Finally, we will draw from this analysis of inequalities some general conclusions: first those concerning their systemic nature; second, the fact that they always result from a conflictuality involving policies, private and public; finally, the fact that these inequalities are confronting collective subjects (3).

Commodification of urban space in the Atlixcáyotl-Lomas de Angelópolis corridor in Puebla, Mexico

ABSTRACT Market-oriented urban development has reconfigured social life in Mexican metropolises in recent decades. The Atlixcáyotl-Lomas de Angelópolis corridor in Puebla illustrates how neoliberal policies stimulate the commodification of urban space, as the current physical, economic, and social arrangements in this corridor result from a state-led planning strategy that has mainly benefited private actors. The extended urban corridor—approximately eight miles long—in the southwest area of the metropolis was enabled by an ambitious regional plan in the 1990s that created a new crucial centrality known as Angelópolis developed over a land reserve of approximately 1,000 ha of expropriated agrarian social land (ejidos). The paper explores the role and impact of urban policies supposedly created for “public interest” to encourage the provision of affordable housing, green areas, public infrastructure, and social facilities, which, in contrast, have fostered elite residential horizontal and private developments, financial capital investments, and private facilities.

Religiosity and entrepreneurship: women entrepreneurs in Turkiye

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to showcase how entrepreneurial opportunities can be contextually formed differently for women entrepreneurs concerning their relationship with religion. This article reveals the multi-level and nuanced relationship between religiosity and entrepreneurship through a contextual lens by studying the interaction in a specific national country, Turkiye.Design/methodology/approachThe study uses the life stories of 10 Turkish women entrepreneurs operating in Turkiye. Data were selected purposefully to conduct an in-depth analysis. Thematic content analysis with a discursive approach and deductive and inductive coding methods were performed.FindingsThe findings suggest that the relationship between religiosity and entrepreneurial opportunities is highly contextual and nuanced. Religiosity brings trust and provides access to religious networks which can lead to entrepreneurial opportunities, while leaving people outside of this network bereft of these benefits. The creation of a closed circle for its beneficiaries is a feature of a social network, yet the results show that contextual forces of politics and gender can lead women entrepreneurs outside of this religious network to limit their possibilities of accessing public funding and facilities based on their perceptions as well as negative experiences. It is also seen that religiosity at a certain level is necessary to operate in conservative settings and traditionally masculine business environments with patriarchal practices and norms, as well as due to the religious affinity of the ruling political party. However, because of perceptions and discursive meanings attached to religion and religiosity in the country, women entrepreneurs need to be cautious in expressing their religiosity and find a balance so that they are not seen as unprofessional, incompetent and unqualified as well as do not jeopardise their business due to a controversial religious affiliation.Originality/valueThis paper is of value as it studies religiosity from a contextual perspective enabling and constraining women entrepreneurs in their entrepreneurship in relation to gendered and political structures. In this way, it displays the multiple ways of limitation and support that religiosity can bring for them concerning entrepreneurial opportunities. Turkiye provides a rich context with its mixed religious and secular societal norms and values and neo-liberal institutions and policies to examine the so-far underexplored issue of religiosity in the field of entrepreneurship.

Trade Unions in Contemporary India: Revitalisation Strategies and Migrant Workers

This article explores diverse strategies adopted by Indian trade unions (TUs) to counteract their decline, with a specific focus on migrant labour in contemporary India. While studies in the past have analysed unionism and strategies at the nation-state level, this article draws from interviews with senior leaders of the three central Indian TUs to underscore the diversity of approaches among the TUs. It first draws on Frege and Kelly’s work on union revitalisation to make sense of the organisational strategies adopted by unions to adapt to globalisation and neoliberal policies in the context of India’s transition from a command to a market economy, characterised by intricate institutional arrangements and a prevalence of informal labour. It then uses Alberti’s framework that distinguishes between universalistic and particularistic approaches, with a focus on intersectionality, to explore whether Indian TUs adopt the former approach rooted in class identity, or the latter approach based on the intersecting and complex dimensions of inequality experienced by migrant workers. The article finds that individual union strategies vary on account of their historical origins, ideological underpinnings and relationship with the state and the market. It argues that the disconnect between TUs and the vast migrant workforce in India holds critical significance due to the substantial number of migrant workers in the country, their vulnerability to exploitation, and the role their exclusion has played in the TUs’ decline. The article suggests a combination of universalistic and particularistic approaches to bridge this disconnect, and in doing so it offers a novel disaggregated perspective of TU strategies at the subnational level, scrutinising the approaches of three central Indian TUs through an intersectionality lens and advocating for necessary course correction.

‘Until the land title is in my hands, the land is not sold!’: land, violence, and Indigenous survivance in Michoacán, Mexico

ABSTRACT In this article, we use a settler capitalism framework that centers racialized gender violence in the pueblo of San Miguel Nocutzepo. We tell a story about how neoliberal policy in Mexico permitted the privatization of formerly collectively held Indigenous ejido land, which resulted in selloffs to outsiders who invested in avocado production and ended up being controlled by organized crime. Specifically, we point to the intersections between the regional agricultural recomposition and the social fabric of life in Nocutzepo as we attribute the land repurposing that the avocado-producing region of Michoacán has undergone with the encroachment of settler capitalism and organized crime. We also, however, highlight narratives of survivance in Nocutzepo that shed light on the various ways people faced violence to protect their family, pueblo, and land. Finally, we focus on a mothers-led struggle for youth and community empowerment and well-being or buen vivir that lobbied for a new Indigenous bilingual intercultural school in Nocutzepo to respond to the decline of subsistence agriculture. Our findings caution that while not all Indigenous struggles result in collective victories, everyday practices of resistance form an essential basis of survival.

Neoliberalism, World-System Position, and Biodiversity Loss

Several studies provide evidence that social, economic, political, and conservation-related factors impact cross-national biodiversity loss. One theoretical argument concerning biodiversity loss that has not been directly assessed involves the relationship between species loss and neoliberalism. Generally, neoliberalism promotes free markets. This has become a dominant philosophy across nations (though the strength of neoliberalism varies cross-nationally) and affects how nations interact with one another as resource users and providers. Given how neoliberal policies work to integrate nations into a single global capitalist economy, we assess neoliberalism’s effects on threatened species alongside a nation’s position in the global world-system. The current study examines nine sets of negative binomial regression models analyzing the effect of neoliberalism, world-system position, and a set of control variables on species biodiversity loss across a sample of 104 countries for which all relevant data were available. We find some support that neoliberalism increases biodiversity loss in fully assessed species (birds and amphibians). We also find support for the hypothesis that there is more biodiversity loss in the periphery and semi-periphery of the world-system (compared with core countries) in fully assessed threatened species. We argue that the results support previous research showing the sociological drivers of biodiversity loss.

Megaprojects in austerity times: Populism, politicisation, and the breaking of the neoliberal consensus

Drawing on the literature on neoliberalism and populism this paper examines the potential of contentious politics that target iconic megaprojects for promoting societal politicisation and effectively challenge the neoliberal consensus over the necessity of sustained growth and competitiveness, in a context of enduring austerity. Using the case of Valencia as an entry point, it looks at how, just as decision makers and global architects alike had mobilised iconic megaprojects and events to generate consent for the city’s neoliberal urban policy, opposition movements, with less economic resources but in innovative ways, provided an alternative narrative to interpret the urban policy and its social consequences. Empirically, this paper draws upon 35 semi-structured research interviews and a press coverage analysis of national and regional newspapers. Interviews were conducted with urban environment professionals, members of business associations, members of political parties, elected politicians, journalists, community representatives and members of the social movements involved. From both theoretical and empirical perspectives, the case of Valencia raises important questions regarding the potential of populist strategies to foster politicisation and challenge the neoliberal post-political consensus.

‘Development Has Gone Crazy’: The Gujarat Model of ‘Unequal’ Development through Neoliberalism and Hindutva

Since the mid 1990s, the western Indian state of Gujarat has been continuously led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a Right-wing Hindu nationalist political party. The BJP has aggressively pursued Right-wing religious ideologies, while, on the economic front, it has taken on board neoliberal policies. The outcome of this mix came to be referred to as the ‘Gujarat model of development’, as the state delivered impressive figures in the economy, although at the cost of human development indices. The article shows that the intensified adoption of Hindutva and neoliberalism has resulted in unequal development across regions, sectors of the economy and industries, as well as across the axes of class, caste and religion. As unequal development is inherent in both the ideologies of neoliberalism and Hindutva, each of them further exacerbates societal inequalities across multiple spheres without addressing these.

Urban communist politics of the everyday in Graz, Austria

The everyday communist politics of local politicians in Graz offers a potential way forward for the left more broadly In September 2021, the Communist Party of Austria (KPÖ) won the municipal elections in Austria’s second-largest city, Graz, and Elke Kahr became the city’s mayor. Kahr has governed in a coalition with the Green Party and the Social Democrats, replacing the former conservative and far-right coalition that had lasted for eighteen years. A different kind of local politics has since then proved possible, even in conservative Austria. Graz local communists practise a politics that is sensitive to class injustice and engaged in the local community. Its slogan for the last thirty years has been ‘A party for everyday life’. The party’s success is based on its focus on everyday concerns such as housing, tenants’ rights, public health, education and mobility issues, as well as its battles against austerity and neoliberal privatisation. Its community-oriented approach, strongly committed to social infrastructure at the scale of people’s everyday experiences is explicitly critical of top-down state solutions ‐ and thus stands in stark contrast both to the previous neoliberal and profit-oriented policies in Graz, and to the centralist ways of governing of the socialist states. KPÖ politicians voluntarily cap their salaries at the level of the average worker, with the surplus going into a social fund for emergency help for those on low incomes. This has been criticised by some as a charity commitment rather structural change, but it can also be read as an attempt at lived solidarity. Drawing from local media coverage as well as interviews with politicians and local residents, the article discusses the everyday politics of Graz communists through the lens of relational care ethics, and discusses the potential international movements that could be built on this approach to communist municipal politics. The focus is on alternative social norms in urban cultures of care: solidarity among all members of society, and a recognition of people’s everyday practices and needs.

AN ASSESSMENT OF SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY PROJECTS IN THE CONTEXT OF SOCIAL STATE

This study aimed to provide an account of the transformation of the social state following the enactment of neoliberal policies and the reflection of this transformation on social responsibility projects in Turkey. Employing the document analysis method, the present study examined the education-related social responsibility projects of the six companies about the cooperation in the projects, in attempts to explore whether these projects complied with the 10 high-priority targets related to education designated by Article 4 of SDGs (SDG4), which was enacted in the realm of education under the leadership of the United Nations (UN). In these projects, public institutions were the most common partners (n=13), followed by NGOs (n=5), private sector (n=3), and international institutions (n=1), respectively, whereas there was no cooperation with any institution in the four projects. The results indicated that although the projects provided a social benefit in terms of social development and integration, they remained inadequate in ensuring inclusiveness for all citizens and replacing the services carried out by the social state for the continuity and welfare of the society.

Points of Incompatibility Between the Turkish Education System and Human Resources Management

This study aims to explain the reasons for the difficulties in the implementation of Human Resources Management (HRM) in the Turkish education system by revealing the incompatibilities between them. A literature review and document analysis on official statistics, laws, and newspapers were conducted. First, we reviewed the implementation of HRM functions in Turkey. After that, we tried to reveal its basic features by examining the factors that led to the emergence of HRM in the historical process and the new forms it took over time. In addition, we examined the effects of neoliberal policies on the working conditions of teachers in public and private schools. We discussed the working conditions of teachers in public and private schools in Turkey separately. As a result of the review, we argue that acting in line with the efficiency/success target and the contradictions between Industrial Relations and HRM are among the main reasons for the incompatibility between the education system and HRM in Turkey.

Continuing to critically engage with DAP to foster democratic teaching and teacher education in neoliberal early education contexts

ABSTRACT As the fields of early childhood teaching and teacher education continue to evolve and diversify, policymakers’ neoliberal reforms further standardise and restrict these programmes of practice. Many have documented the impact of these policies on early childhood teaching and teacher education, and in this article, we add to these conversations by investigating how the National Association for the Education of Young Children’s (NAEYC) fourth edition of Developmentally Appropriate Practice (DAP) might assist early childhood stakeholders in countering policymakers continued push towards neoliberal systems of early education and teacher education. Drawing from over 15 years of investigations in the United States, we highlight how preservice and in-service early educators in public school contexts have and continue to struggle with two primary issues: having to align their teaching with policymakers’ reforms and seeking professional knowledge and opportunities for change. We illuminate these challenges to identify opportunities for teacher educators to use DAP to support preservice and practicing teachers across the globe in speaking back to and moving beyond policymakers’ neoliberal policies. We also offer suggestions for NAEYC to continue to improve DAP so that the early childhood stakeholders can promote a policy and practical agenda that places democratic practices at the forefront.

Does Economic Growth and Development Differ? Exploring the Theoretical Divide Between Economic Growth and Development

This paper delves into the nuanced distinction between economic growth and economic development, unravelling their theoretical underpinnings and divergent implications. Employing a comprehensive review of relevant literature, the study navigates through traditional definitions and contemporary perspectives to establish a theoretical framework that differentiates these two concepts. Drawing from prominent theorists like Hirschman, Wallerstein, and Tvaronaviciené, the analysis scrutinizes indicators such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Gross National Product (GNP), and Human Development Index (HDI). The theoretical exposition dissects the historical context, exploring how economic growth often masks disparities and inefficiencies inherent in economic development. Furthermore, the paper investigates the impact of globalization, neo-liberal policies, and participatory approaches on shaping these paradigms. In conclusion, the study advocates for a nuanced understanding of economic progress, emphasizing the need for an inclusive, adaptive, and context-specific approach to foster genuine economic development.

The Legacy of President Lázaro Cárdenas for Health Care Reform in Today's Mexico.

Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador's historic election victory in 2018 marked a sharp break from past decades of neoliberal socioeconomic policies. López Obrador campaigned on the promise of deep reform, with health care high on his agenda. The public health care sector had been decimated by decades of budget cuts, eroding workers' morale and patients' confidence, and crippling all aspects of the system. This article looks back to the creation of the nation's public health care system in the early twentieth century during the administration of President Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-1940). This "universal" system was designed to implement a central social justice goal of the Mexican Revolution of health care for all. The program rested on two pillars: providing care to the nation's vast, impoverished rural population and actively engaging communities in their own health care. Our objective is to critically assess the two presidents' health care initiatives within the distinct historical contexts of their administrations.

American management strategy in the British civil service: the post-1968 office work measurement crusade and the rise of managerialism

ABSTRACT The restructuring of Britain’s civil service is understood mainly as a Thatcher- and Blair-era event rooted in neoliberal economic policies. Yet its roots reach back to the late 1960s and early 1970s. During that time, senior civil servants turned to American management strategy to advance the government’s efforts to scale back the size of the service. This article explores these efforts via the activities of the Treasury’s Management Services Division and its Head, John N. Archer. In 1969, Archer made a month-long visit to the United States to study American management techniques. Over the next few years, he and his colleagues attempted to implement one of these techniques in particular—Office Work Measurement—throughout the service. Derived from scientific management, OWM would, they believed, help cut the number of positions in the service. In tracing these efforts, the discussion sheds light on an under-analysed episode in Britain’s civil service reform history. In turn, it argues that the OWM quest of the early 1970s played a heretofore under-emphasised role in the government’s embrace of ‘managerialism’ and the implementation of civil service reforms.

Radical social work in South Africa: a rapid systematic review

The social work profession defines itself as one that promotes social change and the liberation of people. In social work practice, there is often a controversy between solving problems and engaging social issues within political, economic and historical realities. The aim of this article is to determine the current landscape of radical social work within the South African context. Findings indicate that radical efforts and responses towards decolonial social work focus on locating social work in social movements, responding to the status quo and confronting neoliberal policies. A radical stance on various issues of gross human rights violations in current affairs must be considered as a critical component of reimagining social work identity in South Africa.