Nature Of Political Power Research Articles

К проблеме эффективности карательной функции права

The article is devoted to the features of the implementation of the punitive function of law in modern conditions. The analysis of the development of domestic criminal legislation and law enforcement practice indicates that this development is based on the criminalization of all new forms of socially dangerous behavior and the tightening of legal regulation. The direction of criminal policy, its compliance with the objective interests of the development of society and ensuring the security of the individual, are largely determined by the nature of political power and the type of political regime. The punitive function of law, implemented primarily through criminal repression, must be accompanied by measures aimed at resolving contradictions that give rise to social conflicts.

Unpacking authoritarian governance in electricity policy: Understanding progress, inconsistency and stagnation in Tanzania

In Africa, the 21st century has seen increased policy focus on the electricity sector, with targets for providing reliable, affordable power and achieving universal electricity access. But how to understand the policymaking affecting these goals? Recent academic and policy literature has tended to focus on factors like ‘political will’ and on the positive impacts of democratic and liberal-market institutional reform. However, given the predominance of authoritarianism in Africa, we also need to unpack countries ruled by dominant political elites. This article, using insights from the political settlements framework, addresses this by using the case study of Tanzania. Whilst under consistent de-facto 1-party rule, it experienced two markedly different periods of electricity policymaking in electricity generation, first under President Kikwete (2005–2015) and second President Magufuli (2015–2021). Meanwhile consistent, substantive increases were achieved in electricity access. Using insights from the ‘political settlements framework, the article explains these contrasts through shifts in the nature of political power. The article demonstrates that centralised, fragmented regimes contain weaknesses in their ability to implement policy and pursue long-term development, whilst centralised dominant regimes have a weakness from supressing critique. Overall, this reinforces the importance of analysing the manifestation of political power within the ruling elite, and the way this shapes key political pressures and policymaking horizons.

Discreet Signs of the Supreme Idea: On Certain Transcendent Categories in Russian and Soviet Constitutional Law

The purpose of this article is to analyse world-view and mythological expressions in Russian and Soviet Constitutional acts that implicitly or explicitly refer to any kind of idea legitimising the shape of the state, its political system or the nature of political power. The object of the argument will be exclusively such provisions of fundamental laws which: (1) having neither a purely regulatory nor a purely programmatic character, model mental representations of the world of the legal text by reference to ‘situationally transcendent’ ideas in Mannheim’s sense (i.e. ideas which refer to a reality different from the perceived one; those that sketch visions alternative to it); (2) justify the content of the legal provision by means of such imagery, without being part of the preamble or any different integral part of the Constitution, characterised by a different ontology of the text; (3) justify the content of provisions linked to political power and/or the nature of the state. The materials of the analysis are: Fundamental Laws of the Russian Empire of 1906, the Constitutional texts of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of 1924, 1936 and 1977, and the current Constitution of the Russian Federation. Consecutive Constitutions of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic are also referred to. The analysed formulations, legally irrelevant in a conventional reading of a legal text, participate in the semiosis of both the provisions that contain them and the entire texts of the fundamental laws. In this way, the Constitutions incorporate into their complex of meanings either religious expressions, mythologised ideological figures or figures of historical memory associated with collective identity.

On the throne and atop the Mausoleum: women and power in new Russian TV-series

This essay explores issues of gender and power in three recent Russian TV series: the first two, “Catherine” (2014–2019) and “The Great” (2015) feature the empress Catherine the Second as a protagonist, while a third, “Fourtseva. The Legend of Catherine” (2011) tells the story of the high-level Soviet official Ekaterina Fourtseva. The producers of these shows have a contradictory task: they seek to strengthen patriarchal stereotypes of femininity through the character of a female monarch while at the same time keeping intact the concept of strong imperial power. Thus, they ‘divide’ their heroine into Catherine-the-female, who had to sacrifice her feminine maternal essence, and Catherine the Great, the empress and the conqueror. The series about ‘Catherine the Third’, as Fourtseva was sometime called, treats the issue of gender and power in a more straightforward way, suggesting that a woman in high power is out of place: doomed to marginality and ‘secondary’ roles, she, at the same time, has no chance of finding happiness as a woman. Differences between the series notwithstanding, none of them question the masculine nature of political power, to which a woman can accede only on the basis of luck or as a sad exception.

Power and force: Rethinking Kojève, Arendt and Camus in the populist era


 
 
 In the presented essay, I would like to focus on the relationship between force and power. The idea that power, without resorting to forceful, even violent solutions, is less problematic, is both deceitful and dangerous. Once accepted, it can cause an oversight of violence‐free but possibly harmful forms of power. My focus in the article will be on the two reinterpretations of Master‐Slave dialectics, as presented by Alexandre Kojève and Albert Camus. This will be presented with reference to the position of Hannah Arendt and her remarks on power and force. In conclusion, I will be abstemious: my goal is rather to diagnose and bind the existentialist judgement with the contemporary situation and suggest that thinking outside the force‐power relationship may be continuously fruitful and an important part of reflection on the nature of political power.
 
 

To the issue of the nature of political power

It is emphasized by the author that the difficulties of the protracted transition period and the modern external and internal challengesfor Ukraine’s statehood, which more than ever require an effective and efficient public power, pressingly actualize the problemsof the nature of political power. The purpose of the article is to study the nature of political power and to clarify its structure and sources.Analyzing various definitions of power, the author draws attention to the consideration of power as a social phenomenon, as theability to subordinate the behavior and activities of people to the will of the whole society. This approach distinguishes the concept ofpower among other sociological categories. It is stressed that power is a volitional public relation, however, the will of the subject isalmost always determined by his or her interests.The essence of power is single, it is expressed by the dependence between the need to realize the interests of the subjects and thepossibility of their realization, controlled by the bearers of the dominant interests and expressing their dominant will. Structurally,power includes three essential elements: the dominant interest, the dominant will, expressing it, and the means of securing this dominance.Coercion as a means of securing the dominant interest and the dominant will, expressing it, is an indispensable indication ofpower. The degree of coercion can be different, from direct violence and suppression to the mere availability of the means of coercionand the potential threat of its use.Characterizing the qualities of power, the author considers its content basis, in addition to the essential one. Power manifests itselfnot only in violence, but also in the organization of common work, in social management. Power is the essence of administration. Theimpact of public administration on social processes is determined by the logic of the movement of interests of the corresponding modeof production.The issues of integrity of power, unity of power and separation of powers are considered. It is emphasized that the strength ofthe relationship of interests, power and administration is constantly measured by the outcome of the struggle of interests in the foundationsof civil society.It is proved that public administration is a relationship between the need to form the realization of the interests of members of astate-organized society and the opportunities that the state provides them as an official representative of society.

Queering Black Feminism

This article explores a Black queer feminist frame of reference as a critical response to the cisnormative and heteronormative Black political science literature. The contours of this frame are derived from the political thought of Cathy J. Cohen. Cohen’s political thought provides an exemplary case of how Black queer feminist political science can address the lacuna in which Black queer and trans individuals are marginalized within, if not excluded from, the literature on Black political thought and behavior. Cohen’s work exposes oppressive systems, demystifies the nature of political power, and inspires counter-hegemonic knowledge production that challenges the rigidity of what and who counts as “legitimate” subjects for political science inquiries. Before synthesizing a sample of Cohen’s political thought, this article succinctly reviews Black political science, including Black feminist political science, detailing its history, problems, trends, and how scholars have tended to carry out Black politics work within the discipline. Black political science is critically placed in its activist-scholar context. This article argues that Black political scientists must continue to look inward, not only considering how race and racist knowledge has structured the discipline, but also how power is distributed among (and between) various groups of Black political scientists themselves. It is Black queer feminism that will continue to advance the radical imperative of Black political science.

Theoretical aspects of the social protection of the state

Introduction. In the economy, the social protection system is regarded as an important part of the social policy of the state, but there are some differences between the definitions of the concept of "social protection" and "social security". The article analyzes the modern definitions of social protection, on various grounds, outlines their features. According to the results of the research, the necessity to consider social protection as part of the social policy of the state from the point of view of macro- and microeconomics was proved. Generalization and systematization of theoretical bases on these issues is of practical value and will help to outline the main ways to improve and form an effective system of social protection of the state. The purpose of the paper is to substantiate the theoretical aspects of social protection of the state. Results. The article is devoted of the theoretical aspects of the concept of control over the financial and economic activities of an enterprise. Based on the systematization of the views of most authors, it was found that today there is no universally accepted definition of the concept of control over the financial and economic activities of an enterprise. Most researchers consider the concept of control based on different key features. As a result of a critical analysis of modern researches, the authors identified a set of advantages and disadvantages in the reviewed concepts of control over the financial and economic activities of an enterprise. According to the results of the study, it is determined the need for considering control over the financial and economic activities of an enterprise as a special scientific concept according to the research method of its specific subject. Conclusion. The main parameters of social policy implementation in society are determined by many objective factors: the level of development of productive forces, the structure of the economy, the state of social life, the nature of political power, the spiritual and moral maturity of the population of the country, etc. The maturity of the subjective factor - the ability and willingness of the administrative structures and other entities to ensure the social orientation of the economy, decent working conditions and life of citizens; civilized nature of social relations. Social protection is directly associated with social policy, with the activities of the state and non-state actors aimed at combating social risks and their various manifestations, through the possible prevention of socially adverse events or compensation for their consequences. The market economy is traditionally considered in the coordinates of profit and consumption, and the person in it is human capital, but, and social protection and social security that help the person for the purpose, must be viewed from the point of post-classical studies, where the person is his core, and at the same time and the purpose of development.

Notes sur l’origine du pouvoir politique selon Francisco de Vitoria

Ce texte fait d’une façon générale quelques brèves remarques sur la conception de Dieu comme l’origine du pouvoir politique chez Francisco de Vitoria (1486-1546) au XVIe siècle. Dans la Relectio de potestate civili, § 6 (Conférence sur le pouvoir politique) le dominicain espagnol analyse en effet les causes du pouvoir politique, notamment la cause efficiente du pouvoir politique et dit: Quae enim apud omnes naturalia sunt, a Deo auctore naturae, sine dubio (En effet, ce qui est naturel à tous les hommes vient sans aucun doute de Dieu, l’auteur de la nature). La contribution majeure de la philosophie de Vitoria consiste dans la formulation théologique et philosophico-juridique de Dieu comme cause efficiente du pouvoir politique. Mon objectif dans ce travail est d’analyser et de reconstruire les arguments dont Vitoria fait usage pour élaborer sa doctrine sur l’origine du pouvoir politique. Mon hypothèse est que cette idée s’enracine dans la pensée aristotélicienne et théologique. Ma stratégie pour construire ces brèves remarques s’organise de la façon suivante: I. Introduction; II. L’analyse de la nature du pouvoir politique; III. Thèmes; IV. La théorie du pouvoir politique: à la recherche de la cause efficiente; V. Conclusion.

The spirit of the gift, the price of potency: a Maussian model of the Southeast Asian state of Luwu

AbstractThis rereading of Mauss's The gift shifts the focus of discussion from the Maori hau to another example: tanoana (potency) among the Toraja (To Pamona) of Central Sulawesi. This potency animates an exchange with (human) gods that is at once gift and purchase (maoli). By tracing the intersection of this Maussian literature with that on the animist foundation of the Southeast Asian state, I analyse the nature of potent gifts that serve as a form of social currency in a ‘spiritual economy’ tying centre with (Toraja) periphery in the kingdom of Luwu. This ‘money’, imbued with royal potency, is a medium for the payment of debt only and not a medium of exchange, which gives ‘purchases’ made with it the characteristics of a ‘gift’ and also an opportunity to extract tribute. The Maussian analysis of the blurring of person and thing, and of persons and spirits, thus offers new insight into the nature of political power in the Southeast Asian state.

A FAMILIAL STATE: ELITE FAMILIES, MINISTERIAL OFFICES, AND THE FORMATION OF QAJAR IRAN

AbstractThis article examines the social makeup of the early Qajar administration or chancery (dīvān). Using a wide range of Persian sources, the article focuses on those individuals who held offices in thedīvānand traces their family, social, and geographic backgrounds, highlights their marital ties, and reveals their sources of economic and social prestige. In doing so, the article draws attention to patterns of continuity and change between Safavid, Afsharid, Zand, and Qajar rule, and to the familial and informal nature of political power during the early Qajar period (1785–1834). Ultimately the article suggests that an analysis of the social makeup of thedīvān, and of what political office-holders actually do, offers a more fruitful pathway for understanding the formation of Qajar Iran than a focus on institutions and political structures.

정치권력의 속성과 스포츠 비리: 박근혜 정부의 사례를 중심으로

정치권력의 속성과 스포츠 비리: 박근혜 정부의 사례를 중심으로

The failure of democratisation by elections in Cambodia

ABSTRACTThis article questions the explanatory power of the theory of democratisation by elections. This approach to democratisation argues that elections in authoritarian regimes constitute part of a metagame between ruling elites and opponents, which involves a competition for votes inside a larger competition over the nature of political power. The cumulative effect is that even flawed elections raise the costs of repression and lower the costs of toleration in ways that eventually bring about democracy. When applied to the most likely case of Cambodia, however, electoral democratisation has resoundingly failed to occur. Instead, this article argues that neopatrimonial inhibits the transformative power of elections by preventing the emergence of resolute democratic ideals, reform-minded elites and pro-democratic institutions. In this way, the distribution of party-state patronage constitutes a method of co-optation; and flawed elections represent a mechanism to renew and reinforce the historical roots and structural basis of state authority. Using the case of Cambodia, this article develops an account of neopatrimonialism in authoritarian elections and explores implications of the Cambodian experience for the democratisation by elections theory more broadly.

Турция в свете двойных парламентских выборов 2015 года

The article investigates the main achievements and failures in Turkey’s economic and social development during the period of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in power (since 2002). The major successes of the JDP government are related to attainment of financial and economic stability, which created a base for sustainable economic growth with the help of the increasing inflow of foreign direct investments. At the same time, the social policy of the state has become more active, including noticeable achievements in solving the housing problem. Certain positive developments were attained in the democratization process, particularly in expanding civilian control over the military elites and reducing the likelihood of military involvement in domestic political processes, as well as in terms of ethnic minorities rights recognition (primarily of Kurds). As for negative trends during the JDP period, they refer to the so called majoritarian understanding of democracy with an inevitable emergence of new social strata excluded from the official system of interest groups. This has ultimately led to the restriction of identification possibilities for secular segments of the population, who share classical values of Turkish republicanism and secularism. Such understanding of democracy has inavoidably resulted in establishing of control over media, restrictions on the freedom of speech, growth of intolerance towards the opposition, politicization of the judicial system, etc. The article also discusses tactical moves, to which the JDP elite and the President of Turkey R.T. Erdogan (who has close ties with the ruling party) have resorted in order to ensure the party's victory in the early parliamentary elections of November 2015. They took place once, prior to the June elections where JDP failed to win the majority required for forming a single-party government. Essentially, a hostage to the JDP's victory was the Kurdish problem, on which JDP had to radicalize its positions in order to get back the voices of nationalist-minded voters and, at the same time, to reduce popularity of the Pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party – another competitor for electorate. But, as a result, the split between political groups in the country over disagreements on the question of democratic freedoms was supplemented by the rift between national groups. The economic situation in Turkey is also not stable enough, because its economic prosperity relied heavily on active use of external financing. The decrease in its availability due to changes in the international financial market actualizes the threat of falling into a so called middle income trap with long period of low economic growth. Therefore, although JDP had managed to re-obtain the status of a ruling party, the price of victory is high: the country and its government will have to face a number of challenges and serious problems in the economy, internal and foreign policy. The lack of capability to find a constructive response to them can lead to radicalization in the nature of political power in Turkey.

Plus ça change: trade unions, the military and politics in Burkina Faso, 1966 and 2014

This article examines the first and the most recent coups d’état in Burkina Faso, focusing on the pivotal role played by trade unions in both January 1966 and October 2014. Both events reveal the potency of trade unionism in the country, and both illustrate the political bind in which the country finds itself. The political history of Burkina Faso represents an ever-shifting, intractable passion play between a political elite with a strong tendency towards authoritarian rule, a military that sees itself as the bulwark of political stability and a powerful trade union movement capable of toppling governments but incapable of redeeming the nation’s political life. The similarities between the two coups d’état are remarkable and demonstrate the extent to which the politics of the country are locked in a cycle from which it apparently cannot escape. Through its role as the vanguard of civil society, trade unionism has rid the country of political ogres, but it has failed to fundamentally alter the nature of political power. As a result, Burkina Faso remains mired in crushing poverty, riven by high levels of corruption and economic inequality, and under the thrall of neoliberal structural adjustment that has proven unable to promote meaningful growth. Both coups therefore reveal the surprising strength of trade unionism as well as its limitations.

The Politics of Promoting Gender Equity in Contemporary Uganda: Cases of the Domestic Violence Law and the Policy on Universal Primary Education

The paper looks at the ways in which power and politics shape the realisation of women’s rights and gender equity in Ugandan state policy adoption and implementation. The key question explored is around the nature of political power and its influence on gender policy incentives in terms of adoption and implementation. The argument is structured around the politics of recognition – recognition referring to what has been made possible in the form of gender-sensitive policy outcomes, the incentives for the different courses of action, and what influences the ability of the political system to channel women’s interests and representation into effective policy formulation and implementation. This question is explored by investigating the progress of two policy agendas, namely the Domestic Violence Act of 2010 and the promotion of girls’ education within the Universal Primary Education (UPE) policy instituted in 1997.

Cities and politic power in al-Andalus. A hypothesis about the origin of the urban riots in Murcia in the 13th century

Throughout the 13th century a succession of urban revolts took place in al-Andalus, which caused the withdrawal of the Almohad Empire and the establishment of the third taifas, initially led by Muhammad b. Yūsuf b. Hūd al-Mutawakkil. The inability of this emir to hold together this newly-built state, and the continuous insurrections inside and utside of Murcia have led historians to investigate the nature of political power during this period. This article examines each one of these proposals and, on the basis of an analysis of some socio-economic aspects relating to Murcia (being a representative city of al-Andalus and capital of the hūdi movement during the first half of the thirteenth century), proposes a hypothesis on the nature of its power.

Mongolian Sexuality: A Short History of the Flirtation of Power with Sex

This paper describes a brief history of sexuality in Mongolian society as related to the various types of political regime that dominated the course of the last century. Based on the assertion that sexuality is subject to change, the central argument of the paper is that, by looking at the nature of sexual practices and values, it is possible to describe the very nature of political power that is one of the important drivers to bring about such changes.

“Kingdom of God” and Potentia Dei. An Interpretation of Divine Omnipotence in Hobbes’s Thought

The relationships between politics and religion have always been the focus of Hobbesian literature, which generally privileges the theme of the Christian State, i.e. the union of temporal and spiritual power in a sovereign-representative person. This essay presents other perspectives of interpretation, which analyze the relationships between politics and religion in Hobbes’ works by using specifically metaphysical and theological categories – liberty/necessity, causality, kingdom of God, divine prescience, potentia Dei etc. – which allow us to reconsider the nature of political power (and the relevance of modern technology for the contemporary politics). The core of Hobbes’ argumentation concerns the theoretical status of determinism (i.e. the relationships between liberty and necessity) with regard to the reduction of «potentia» to «potestas» not only in political philosophy, but also in metaphysics and theology. In many passages of Hobbes’ works, then, it is possible to understand the role of God’s idea in the natural and political philosophy: God’s idea as first cause or as omnipotence is only a reassuring word useful to describe the necessary, mechanical and eternal movement of the bodies and useful to justify the materialistic determinism in anthropology and politics. Body and movement are the necessary fundaments of the universe which find in itself - without reference to the category of «possibility» in politics and in physics - the motives and the reasons of his own structure and function (from causes to effects).

Political Theology in the Book of Daniel: An Internal Debate

Because the book of Daniel developed over a period of nearly four hundred years, it is not surprising that it contains some divergent perspectives. Historical and redaction criticism have allowed scholars to identify different layers of the text and their historical contexts. This critical work, however, has exposed theological differences in the book and presented readers with hermeneutical challenges. In particular, the theological perspectives on the nature of gentile kingship vary significantly. In several narratives in the book of Daniel, the king humbly confesses the sovereignty of the God of the Jews, acknowledging that he rules by the will of God. Other parts of the book depict the gentile king as being part of God's plan, but a part that will ultimately be destroyed as incompatible with divine sovereignty. The final chapters of the book contain the most negative view of gentile kingship, finding it to be monstrous and utterly evil. Although one can understand the different perspectives based on particular historical circumstances, a more fruitful hermeneutical approach is to read the different perspectives in Daniel as a never-fully-resolved conversation about the good or evil nature of political power, a conversation that continues to this day.