Abstract
Throughout the 13th century a succession of urban revolts took place in al-Andalus, which caused the withdrawal of the Almohad Empire and the establishment of the third taifas, initially led by Muhammad b. Yūsuf b. Hūd al-Mutawakkil. The inability of this emir to hold together this newly-built state, and the continuous insurrections inside and utside of Murcia have led historians to investigate the nature of political power during this period. This article examines each one of these proposals and, on the basis of an analysis of some socio-economic aspects relating to Murcia (being a representative city of al-Andalus and capital of the hūdi movement during the first half of the thirteenth century), proposes a hypothesis on the nature of its power.
Highlights
Throughout the 13th century a succession of urban revolts took place in al-Andalus, which caused the withdrawal of the Almohad Empire and the establishment of the third taifas, initially led by Muhammad b
The inability of this emir to hold together this newly-built state, and the continuous insurrections inside and outside of Murcia have led historians to investigate the nature of political power during this period
This article examines each one of these proposals and, on the basis of an analysis of some socio-economic aspects relating to Murcia, proposes a hypothesis on the nature of its power
Summary
I. de las Cagigas, Los mudéjares; P. Este último movimiento y el almohade, ambos de fuertes connotaciones mesiánicas, habrían impregnado el imaginario colectivo de tal forma que hizo que sus sucesores estuvieran sólidamente convencidos de su papel exclusivo; y ello terminaría por dar una explicación coherente y lógica a la frenética búsqueda, por parte de cada sublevado, del reconocimiento público –la denominada bayca– y político, a través de las embajadas a ‘abbāsíes o a ḥafṣíes. Este movimiento y los demás surgidos en al-Andalus a partir de 1228 invitan a preguntarnos por el estado de las condiciones materiales de los habitantes de al-Andalus, centrándonos sobre todo en Murcia y a cuestionarnos, en definitiva, la integridad de aquella estructura institucional del poder político y social andalusí, fuertemente organizada, que distribuía y sostenía a la clase dirigente a través de una extendida red fiscal, como indirectamente apuntan, entre otros, Ibn ‘Iḏārī, Ibn Sacīd, al-Murābiṭ o la Primera Crónica General, y como también indican numerosos registros arqueológicos
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