NATO Research Articles

Tanzania’s Position on the Ukraine Crisis: Neutrality with a Stance or Just Sitting on the Fence?

Abstract The Ukraine crisis has morphed into a political minefield for countries far removed from the war zone. While some states have been vociferous in supporting sanctions against Moscow or denouncing Kyiv’s ambition to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), others have ‘played it safe’ by maintaining a neutral position. Tanzania abstained in most of the voting rounds at the United General Assembly (UNGA) on the crisis. The Russia-Ukraine conflict has had significant economic effects on the country, but its diplomatic relations with these belligerent parties have remained unscathed. But what has been Tanzania’s position on the Ukraine crisis since 2014? What has been the voting trend at the UNGA by the country and other East African Community (EAC) partner states on the Ukraine crisis? These are some of the questions that the current article seeks to answer.

Analysis of Trends in Defence Funding in the Member States of the North Atlantic Alliance

Analysis of Trends in Defence Funding in the Member States of the North Atlantic Alliance

Multi-Level Approach for Critical Discourse Analysis

This study addresses methodological issues of critical discourse analysis and shows how an analytical multi-level approach we developed can be useful in adding theoretical resources and systematization to its methods. The analytical approach is grounded on the macrostructure of human activity (activity, actions, operations) and appropriates resources from text linguistics and sociolinguistics. We crossed this approach with historical and positioning discourses to identify ways of talking, foregrounded, and concealed meanings and ideologies in the statement of the ex-Prime Minister of the United Kingdom Boris Johnson as delivered to the House of Commons on Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Our results point out he established an agreement with the House through an explanatory statement with the predominance of the use of informing discursive procedures, which corresponded for almost half of his procedures. Most of the time Johnson spoke in the future tense through the intense use of the modal auxiliary verb “will”. These, among other linguistic choices, collaborated to conceal the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s roles in the invasion of Ukraine, framing responsibility solely on the president of Russia. In conclusion, we comment on the contributions and limitations of the analytical approach.

Dietary reference intake for military operations: a scoping review.

Reports that collect and organize dietary reference intake (DRI) data for military operations in different countries and regions worldwide are limited.This scoping review aimed to collect and organize information on the status of formulating a DRI for military operations in each country. For the information search, we queried PubMed and Google for literature and reports on the DRI for military operations and summarized the content of the adopted literature and reports. The content and rationale for DRI for military operations in Australia, the United Kingdom (UK), the United States of America (USA), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) can be summarized as follows: (1) Energy requirements: Four reports formulated physical activity levels (PALs) and corresponding energy requirements that differed from those for the civilian public. The PAL range for the military was set as high as 1.50-3.20, as opposed to the standard civilian upper PAL set at 1.20-2.20. (2) Protein: Three military reports outside of the UK had different standards than those for the civilian public with an increased intake in accordance with the high PAL while simultaneously preventing excessive intake.In the military, values were formulated 1.2-4.8 times higher than the standards for civilians (45-65 g/day to 55-307 g/day). (3) Macronutrient energy distribution: Four military reports established macronutrient energy distributions that differed from those for the civilian public. The DRI for the Australian and UK militaries was formulated such that as PAL increased, protein decreased, fat decreased or remained unchanged, and carbohydrate increased. (4) Sodium: Considering that military personnel sweat more due to high physical activity and their environment, two Australian and NATO reports were established with sodium levels that were twice as high as that of the civilian public (460-2,300 mg/day to 920-3,200 mg/day). Increasing sodium intake to <4,800 mg/day is recommended for individuals who sweat a lot or are not accustomed to hot environments. The DRI in Australia, the UK, USA, and NATO consider the physical activity and operating environment of military personnel, differing from those of the civilian population in terms of (1) energy requirements, (2) protein, (3) macronutrient energy distribution, and (4) sodium.

The middle tier of states and the Russia–Ukraine war

Abstract This article examines the concept of the ‘middle tier of states’ proposed by Halford Mackinder in 1919, its failure to prevent German–Soviet Union rapprochement in the interwar years, its recent revival and its geopolitical implications. Mackinder's ‘heartland thesis’ comprises two interrelated parts: the geopolitical significance of the heartland, and the middle tier of states, which he suggested could counteract the pernicious impact of the heartland. Although the middle tier of states paralleled the 1919 Versailles settlement in east-central Europe, its failure to play the role that Mackinder suggested has never been properly investigated. Over the past decade, the middle tier of states has been revived by a range of regional cooperation projects in east-central Europe, while the Russia–Ukraine war attests to its necessity and viability in the current context. The Russia–Ukraine war has shown that a strengthened middle tier of NATO and European Union states will not just reshape the geopolitical landscape of Europe but will have significant implications for world politics.

Geopolitics of the national security of the Republic of Moldova: between the neutrality status and NATO member state

The need to build and consolidate a new geopolitical paradigm to ensure the national security of the Republic of Moldova is determined by the Russian Federation’s triggering of the conventional active phase of the hybrid war against Ukraine, which has boosted the reconstitution processes of the geopolitical spheres of influence in the Eastern European region. The evolution of the regional geopolitical situation influenced the resize of the global geopolitical architecture of international security and the reconfiguration of the geopolitical conjuncture of the regional security environment, having a major impact on the reconceptualization of the geopolitical dimension of national security, the assurance of which is clearly geopolitical and depends on the role and place that the Republic of Moldova will occupy in the new regional geopolitical architecture in the Eastern Europe, which will underpin the construction of a new European security system. We consider that the new approach of ensuring national security from the geopolitical reflection perspective, in the context of the military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to strengthen its geopolitical status of permanent neutrality, thus preserving its geopolitical position of buffer state and satellite state of the Russian Federation in the field of national security by accepting its geopolitical sphere of influence or changing the geopolitical status of permanent neutrality, abandoning the buffer zone, joining the North-Atlantic Alliance and integrating into the Western geopolitical sphere of influence, is an important one for the future of the Republic of Moldova.

Geopolitical Security Concerns: A Catalyst for Russia’s Reengagement of Africa in Relations

Russia, also in the garb of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, had a record of a long-standing relations with Africa, the relationship that incidentally took a cold turn at the instance of the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, as Russia prioritized stabilizing its domestic issues as the successor of the Soviet’s legacy. The emergence of the 21st century came with the post-Cold War security threat to Russian geopolitical space especially from its cold war rivals and hostile bordering states thus, prompting the conscientious efforts by Russia to review its foreign policy towards African alignment. The new Russia-Africa relations have generated a lot of interest by researchers, who have addressed the issue from a wide range of views, some of which included political, ideology, technical and economic. Cognizant of the geopolitical security concerns, which is observed as the primary basis for its new African relations, this research aims to examine Russian reengagement of Africa in relations adopting geostrategic theory. Data are gathered from secondary sources. The research is qualitative and framed within the scope of Russia-Africa security relations from 2014, following its annexation of Crimea, which marked a new phase of hostility between Russia and some North Atlantic Treaty Organisation allied countries. To achieve its strategic goal in Africa, Russia needs to pursue a comprehensive cooperation in other areas of direct investment that could offer African countries reciprocal paybacks that meet their national interests farther than concentrating on military aspect to achieving a personal goal.

Disinformation challenges facing the Three Seas Initiative – frame analysis of the key narratives

By exploiting the potential of social media, disinformation has become an important element of warfare. The region of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is particularly vulnerable to disinformation, primarily from Russia. One of the reasons for Russia’s activities in this region’s infosphere is that most CEE countries are members of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). In this context, Russian disinformation activities aimed at the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) are particularly interesting. The image of the 3SI created in the media is crucial, for it translates into how the public understands, perceives and recalls this format of cooperation. The article aims to reconstruct the image of the 3SI in cases of Russian disinformation identified by the European External Action Service within the EUvsDisinfo project. The article’s methodology is based on a qualitative content analysis of disinformation cases identified by EUvsDisinfo. The article identifies four main frames of disinformation targeting the 3SI, showing that Russian disinformation is focused on undermining the credibility and integrity of this cooperation, both among Initiative countries and between them and their international partners.

Reflections on the Timely Application of the Civil Law in the Heritage Matter

After 1989, in the context of Romania’s return to representative democracy, the transition to the market economy, the start of the Euro-Atlantic integration process and Romania’s accession to the European Union, an extensive resistematization of the legislative corpus was imposed, with the Civil Code finally being adopted, which under art. 220 para. (1) from Law no. 71/2011 for the implementation of Law no. 287/2009 regarding the Civil Code, published in the Official Monitor of Romania, Part I, no. 409 of June 10, 2011, entered into force on October 1, 2011. In essence, the Civil Code from 2009 ensures the inheritance in general and the unworthiness of the successor in particular, a modern, flexible and coherent regulation, at the same time capitalising on the solutions proposed in the civil codification projects from 1940 and 1971, as well as those from foreign codifications, with mainly from France, Italy and Québec. The entry into force of the Civil Code from 2009, however, has generated a difficult challenge for practitioners of the law regarding the method of time applications of the civil law on inheritance, with especially in terms of the opening of the inheritance, its transmission and devolution, the report successions can stretch even over decades. In this context, the present approach aims to provide a coherent interpretation regarding the civil law applicable to the legal acts or facts found in closely related to the relationship of succession law.

Constructivism and Euro-Atlantic integration perspectives: the case of Montenegro's accession to NATO and the EU. Journal of Law and Politics

Constructivism and Euro-Atlantic integration perspectives: the case of Montenegro's accession to NATO and the EU. Journal of Law and Politics

EU–UK relations after the war in Ukraine: options to re-engage post Brexit

The article examines the relationship between the UK and the EU after Russia’s aggression of Ukraine, discussing options to deepen cooperation post-Brexit. The article outlines the current framework of EU–UK relations, emphasising the limited partnership in place today under the Trade & Cooperation Agreement (TCA). It then highlights the possibilities offered by the TCA review, mandated in 2026, to expand bilateral relations. Moreover, this study maps broader developments occurring in the European institutional landscape following the war in Ukraine, including the establishment of the European Political Community and the renewal of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the Council of Europe, and discusses how they create new opportunities for the UK to reconnect with the EU. Finally, the article considers how transformations in the EU constitutional framework, and the process of enlargement to Ukraine, impact on European integration, with possible consequences for the position of the UK.

Joining NATO: a national end or a strategic means for Georgia?

Georgia’s pursuit of NATO membership faces significant challenges due to Russia’s strong opposition, placing the country at a critical geopolitical crossroads. This article examines whether NATO membership is a national end or a strategic means for enhancing Georgia’s security. It explores the historical context, strategic dilemmas, and complexities of Georgia’s situation, highlighting the impact of Russia’s opposition, particularly in light of its 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The article argues that NATO membership should be a means to enhance security rather than a precursor to armed conflict. It recommends that Georgia adopt a strategy of strategic patience and diplomacy, recognizing that Euro-Atlantic integration is a long-term endeavour; prioritize dialogue with both NATO and Russia; pursue regional cooperation; and explore alternative pathways to security as well. Ultimately, the article calls for a comprehensive approach to national security that aligns with Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations while addressing immediate security challenges

Formation of the international legal framework in ensuring economic security: the contribution of international organisations

Introduction: The article offers a concise overview of international organisations as collaborative partnerships among states with defined objectives while also analysing the underlying motivations for their establishment.Objective: This article explores the roles and distinctive characteristics of major global institutions, including the United Nations (UN), European Union (EU), Council of Europe (CoE), Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and World Trade Organization (WTO).Methods: The study employs diverse investigative methodologies, including thorough literature reviews and statistical analyses, to examine core concepts such as "legal order", "international legal order", "international security", and "global security".Results: It takes a historical perspective to trace the evolution of international organisations and utilises generalisation and diagnostic techniques to offer practical recommendations and reach conclusions. The article differentiates between "international security?" and "global security", underscoring the latter’s broader scope. Furthermore, it underscores the pivotal role of the United Nations (UN) in safeguarding global peace, fostering amicable ties among nations, advancing international collaboration, and acting as a forum for coordinating various national endeavours.Conclusions: International organisations, spearheaded by the United Nations (UN), are pivotal in upholding the international legal framework and safeguarding global security in the face of ever-evolving challenges and threats

Jak skutecznie dzielić się wiedzą na temat zwalczania terroryzmu? Wnioski, dobre praktyki i zalecenia NATO DEEP eAcademy

Experience in recent years, including intense technological development and the COVID-19 pandemic, has led to an increased interest in web-based training. E-learning allows learners to absorb knowledge at a pace that is tailored to their abilities and teachers to be more flexible in their delivery. The same circumstances that have created new forms of learning and working in a technologically developed society have triggered the rise of hybrid threats and given terrorists modern tools. In response to this trend the North Atlantic Alliance established, among others, NATO DEEP eAcademy – an entity from the sphere of education and training, whose task is to develop optimal solutions for implementing the assumptions of NATO Defence Education Enhancement Programme, i.e. a programme supporting the transformation of the military education systems of NATO partner countries. The director of this institution, Prof. Piotr Gawliczek, talks about what NATO DEEP eAcademy offers these countries and the Polish contribution to this project.

How to efficiently share counterterrorism knowledge? Lessons learned, best practices and NATO DEEP eAcademy recommendations

Experience in recent years, including intense technological development and the COVID-19 pandemic, has led to an increased interest in web-based training. E-learning allows learners to absorb knowledge at a pace that is tailored to their abilities and teachers to be more flexible in their delivery. The same circumstances that have created new forms of learning and working in a technologically developed society have triggered the rise of hybrid threats and given terrorists modern tools. In response to this trend the North Atlantic Alliance established, among others, NATO DEEP eAcademy – an entity from the sphere of education and training, whose task is to develop optimal solutions for implementing the assumptions of NATO Defence Education Enhancement Programme, i.e. a programme supporting the transformation of the military education systems of NATO partner countries. The director of this institution, Prof. Piotr Gawliczek, talks about what NATO DEEP eAcademy offers these countries and the Polish contribution to this project.

Deterrence and Missed Opportunities: Insights from the Russian Invasion of Ukraine

The paper critiques the expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as a nuclear-armed alliance, exploring whether enlargement provoked Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and the role of deterrence in conflict escalation. Despite NATO's efforts to bolster Ukraine’s defenses without direct intervention, questions remain about the effectiveness of its deterrence strategy. Public opinion shifts in Sweden and Finland toward NATO membership after Russia’s actions highlight broader implications for European security. The paper also assesses the non-implementation of the Minsk agreements, exploring missed opportunities for conflict resolution and peacebuilding. By examining these dynamics, it contributes to debates on NATO's future, the efficacy of nuclear deterrence, and the prospects for cooperative security amidst escalating global tensions.

Why emerging and disruptive capabilities are a mixed blessing for NATO as a nuclear alliance

ABSTRACT Over the past decade, the world has entered the third nuclear age. One of the most important characteristics of this new nuclear age is the rise of emerging and disruptive capabilities that could influence and have implications for the credibility of nuclear deterrence, next to renewed major power competition and an emerging nuclear multipolarity. These capabilities create both benefits and challenges for the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). This was recognised in the new Strategic Concept of the Alliance adopted at the 2022 Madrid Summit. This article reviews the existing literature on emerging and disruptive capabilities and discusses the implications of these capabilities for NATO as a nuclear alliance. As these capabilities will be further developed and deployed by both allies and potential adversaries, they are likely to prove a mixed blessing for the alliance as a whole.

Gaza War: New Opportunities and Challenges for Iran

The Iranian decision not to immediately retaliate against Israel for the assassination of Hamas political leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran on July 31, 2024, in part reflects a concerted effort by regional, Chinese, Russian, and Western diplomats to convince Iran that de-escalation and diplomacy was the wiser course. It also reflects recognition by the new administration of President Masoud Pezeshkian –whose inauguration preceded the Haniyeh killing by only a few hours– that such a military retaliation would likely provoke a massive Israeli response backed by the U.S. and other Western allies that would doom Iran’s chances of re-engaging with the West and relieving onerous economic sanctions. A wider conflict between Israel and Hezbollah across the Israel-Lebanon border does not appear to have changed this calculus for Iran, which is confronting severe domestic economic problems and a growing gap between the regime and society. Still, any progress in improving U.S.-Iran relations will have to await the results of U.S. presidential elections.

The Latvian Lost Cause: Veterans of the Waffen-SS Latvian Legion and Post-war Mythogenesis

During World War II, tens of thousands of Latvians served in German-led military formations, primarily in the Waffen-SS Latvian Legion. After the war, around 25,000 former Legionnaires transitioned from prisoner of war camps run by the Western Allies to civilian life in a variety of Western countries. They created veterans’ organisations — such as Daugavas Vanagi (‘Hawks of the Daugava’) — which also functioned as political advocacy groups and heritage organisations for the Latvian diaspora. These post-war organisations and platforms then allowed former Latvian Legionnaires to shape public memory of the war. In writings after 1945, a cohort of veterans crafted a narrative of the war that (1) presents their military service as representing a righteous cause defeated either by forms of betrayal or by the overwhelming might of the Soviet Union, (2) develops a cult of the fallen soldier, and (3) mystifies German war aims and the relationship of Latvian Legionnaires to them. Through analysis of memoirs and periodical publications by veterans along with forms of public commemoration, I argue that these materials and practices collectively constitute a ‘Lost Cause’ narrative, which, similar to the Lost Cause of the Confederacy — developed in the U.S. South after the American Civil War — became predominant among the Latvian diaspora before spreading to Latvia itself. This framework allows for productive comparisons with other European countries that experienced traumatic military defeats, representing a new approach to this controversial subject with potential application to similar cases in Ukraine and Estonia.

FUTURE OF THE EUROPEAN AND EURO-ATLANTIC INTEGRATION OF UKRAINE

The study’s purpose was to examine the objectives of European and Euro-Atlantic integration defined in Ukraine’s strategic documents and Annual National Programs under the auspices of the NATO-Ukraine Commission and to demonstrate the impact of the Russian military invasion of Ukraine on European and Euro-Atlantic integration policy. The article uses the method of document analysis to identify phrases and terms that characterise tasks of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine in the strategic documents since the beginning of 2020.This article delves into the strategic documents of Ukraine, which serve as the guiding principles for its European and Euro-Atlantic integration. The EU and NATO documents defining their relations with third countries and Ukraine are studied in particular. The impact of the Russian military invasion of Ukraine launched in February 2022 on European and Euro-Atlantic integration policies is analysed. Due to the methods of synthesis, the processed material is summarised and the final conclusions of the article regarding the future of European and Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine are drawn. It was concluded that the success of European integration will depend on the determination of the Ukrainian government to carry out the necessary reforms. Regarding Euro-Atlantic integration, the prospects for NATO membership will be considered solely upon the conclusion of the Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine. The paper aspires to be a part of the effort to fill the existing void in the scientific output on the realism of the tasks set by the Ukrainian authorities in the field of European and Euro-Atlantic integration before the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, as well as the assessment of Ukrainian prospects for membership in the EU and NATO after 2022.