NATO Missions Research Articles

Problematic anger among military personnel after combat deployment: prevalence and risk factors

BackgroundProblematic anger, characterized by excessive frequency, intensity, and duration of anger which causes substantial emotional distress and functional interference, poses a marked challenge in military populations. Despite its importance, research on this topic is limited. This study contributes to the literature by exploring problematic anger in a large sample of Norwegian military personnel who served in NATO missions in Afghanistan.MethodsAll Norwegian military personnel who deployed to Afghanistan between 2001 and 2020 were sent a link to a cross-sectional web-based survey by the Joint Medical Services of the Norwegian Armed Forces in 2020. A total of 6205 individuals (response rate: 67.7%) participated. The cross-sectional survey assessed problematic anger, mental and physical health, war zone stressor exposure, and quality of life.ResultsOverall, 8.4% of participants reported problematic anger. Mental health disorders, deployment-related shame and guilt, chronic pain, and challenges with the military-to-civilian transition were independently associated with problematic anger. Both staying in service and maintaining a part-time connection with the military as a reservist mitigated the risk of problematic anger after deployment, compared to complete separation from military service.ConclusionFindings demonstrate a sizeable prevalence of problematic anger among veterans of combat deployments. Given the associations between problematic anger and mental health disorders, chronic pain, and transition challenges, interventions designed to mitigate problematic anger need to be multi-faceted, including the possibility of maintaining an ongoing connection to military service. By reducing the risk of problematic anger, occupational, interpersonal and health outcomes may be improved for service members. Future research should examine the impact of problematic anger on adjustment over time, prevention strategies, and problematic anger in other high-risk occupations.

Racialising Refugees: The Global Colour Line in US Resettlement

Abstract Following the 2021 Taliban takeover of Afghanistan and the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, there were notable differences in access to resettlement and other pathways of humanitarian migration. Drawing on an analysis of statements by US policymakers, this article considers the global context and implications of the disparate language and approaches used in responses to Afghan and Ukrainian displacement. It shows how racialised and gendered narratives contributed to and were constituted within a broader international hierarchy and global colour line. The positioning of Ukrainians as possessing higher civilisational attributes deserving of solidarity and support, and their portrayal through prisms of strong agency, sovereignty, and kindred Western values, echoed across transnational constructions of collective white identity. In contrast, Afghan resettlement was rendered conditional on extensive security vetting and proof of loyal service to US and NATO missions in Afghanistan. Portrayals of Afghans as less assimilable, as potential terrorist infiltrators, as incapable of self-governance and unable to generate their own progress perpetuated features of the global colour line. Attending to the different logics used to construct refugee and parolee groups and policies broadens our understanding on how multilayered processes of Orientalism and racialisation shape resettlement and disparities in access to protection.

STUDY ON THE THREATS, VULNERABILITIES AND RISKS OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE ROMANIAN ARMY FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF DEFENSE RESOURCE MANAGEMENT

States seeking strategic superiority through technological superiority must go through a substantial organizational transformation that increases adaptability. Today, states move from technological to strategic superiority by achieving organizational superiority. Organizational transformations translate superior technology into superior strategic performance because the organization is itself a form of technology. Moreover, the importance of organizational change increases during periods of technological innovation. In order to face the common challenges in the Euro-Atlantic space, the Romanian Army works persistently to outline its profile in the allied plan, through increasingly active and consistent participation in NATO decisions, measures and missions, with a view to solving conflicts and crises, in different areas of the world, to the fight against international terrorism, and at the same time to the perpetuation of the military transformation process.

Operational Efficiency Through Optimization of Education and Training Processes in NATO Missions

Abstract This article investigates the ways in which education and military training can contribute to enhancing the operational capabilities of armed forces involved in international missions under the auspices of NATO. Through an analytical approach, which combined literature review, analysis of official documents, and mission analysis, the main challenges and opportunities regarding the optimization of education and training processes within NATO have been identified. Additionally, recommendations have been proposed for strengthening partnerships and exchanging best practices among member states and international organizations to improve military personnel readiness and promote a culture of continuous learning within the armed forces. This research provides a critical perspective on the role of military education and training within NATO and proposes solutions for optimizing armed forces preparedness processes in the current context of global security.

Empowering Change: The Evolving Role of Women in NATO-led Stability Operations

The participation of women in peacekeeping and stability operations, particularly within the framework of NATO missions, has evolved significantly over the years. This article explores the changing role of women in NATO-led operations, tracing the historical trajectory from the Revolutionary War to present-day peacekeeping efforts. It examines the integration of women into peacekeeping plans, the significance of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security, and current initiatives aimed at enhancing women's participation in stability operations. Despite progress, persistent challenges and barriers continue to hinder the full realization of gender equality within peacekeeping missions. The article concludes with recommendations for advancing women's roles in peace operations, emphasizing the importance of concerted efforts by international organizations, member states, and civil society to promote gender mainstreaming and women's empowerment in conflict resolution and peacebuilding endeavors.

Force Health Surveillance inthe NATO Does Not Meet the Needs ofIts Users: A Structured Evaluation ofEpiNATO-2.

Disease and non-battle injuries (DNBIs) cause substantial losses among military personnel. NATO has monitored DNBIs among its personnel since 1996 using multiple versions of a tool now called EpiNATO-2, but the surveillance system has never been systematically evaluated. Following a request from NATO to the CDC, the objective of this study was to assess surveillance system attributes of EpiNATO-2 using CDC's updated guidelines for evaluating public health surveillance systems. Between June and October 2022, a literature review and key informant interviews were conducted to assess the following attributes: usefulness, simplicity, flexibility, data quality, acceptability, sensitivity, positive predictive value, representativeness, timeliness, stability, informatics system quality, informatics service quality, and informatics interoperability. Key informant interviews were conducted in Kosovo, Germany, and remotely with EpiNATO-2 users spanning three levels: clinical and data entry personnel (tactical level); regional medical and public health officers (operational level); and senior commanders and other governmental entities (strategic level). Fourteen EpiNATO-2 users participated in interviews, representing 3 of the 5 major NATO missions, 3 partner entities, and 7 nationalities. All users (100%) reported that the system did not meet their needs, with most users noting the following challenges: lack of clearly defined system objectives; poor data quality due to ambiguous case definitions and frequently unsubmitted reports (37% missing during January to June 2022); long delay between the occurrence of health events and the availability of corresponding data (≥2 weeks); and an antiquated and inflexible data management system. Overall, performance was deemed unsatisfactory on 11 of the 13 attributes. This multinational sample of EpiNATO-2 users at all military levels reported that the system is currently not useful with respect to its stated objectives. Opportunities exist to improve the performance and usefulness of EpiNATO-2: improve case definitions, modernize data infrastructure, and regularly evaluate the surveillance system.

Hungarian Army Role 2 Capability

The Fundamental Law of Hungary and the National Military Strategy both state that the Hungarian Defence Forces are responsible for the defence of the independence of the state, and its citizens and enforcement of the state’s interests. Thus, the Hungarian Government decided to extend the capabilities of the Hungarian Defence Forces with a Role 2 field hospital. Being a NATO member country Hungary has decided to join NATO and other joint missions providing both with military force, and logistical and medical support. However, until now, Hungary was not able to support its troops or NATO allied forces with an independent Role 2 level medical facility, which would beable to provide life-saving, limb-saving and function saving surgeries, and short term intensive and postoperative care outside Hungary’s borders as a deployed field hospital. According to the instruction of the Hungarian Government, the planning stage has begun and the first steps of the acquisition process was made. This article guides the reader through the doctrinal and legislative frameworks, the organisational structure, and the facilities and capabilities of the Role 2 field hospital unit.

POLAND TOWARDS THE WAR AND INDEPENDENCE IN KOSOVO

Poland as a member country of the Group has strong economic and military potential in foreign policy and tries to respect the jointly agreed directions of action. Kosovo has become a challenge for Poland of particular importance, because the war starter a few days after country has joined NATO. The research includes analysis of the participation of Poland in the ending of the war in Kosovo, and military involvement through the participation of Polish soldiers in the UN, NATO and EU missions, the participation of Polish politicians in resolving the Kosovo conflict, as well as analysis of the response to the proclaiming of Kosovo's independence. The aim of this article is to develop an evidence-based comprehensive study of the Polish approach to the conflict in Kosovo by showing and analyzing the key features of the conflict as well as the main issues of Polish participation in it. The key pillar of the approaches is a sovereign state acting in accordance with its national interests and important roles played by individual state agencies as well as by non-state, non-governmental and social actors, but also international organizations.

Letter to the Editor

July 27, 2022To the Editor:Back in 1995 and 1999, I authored two articles in The Polish Review on Poland's effort to gain entry into the NATO Alliance, the Polish American Congress’ key role in this endeavor, and my involvement from 1993 to 1999 in this ultimately successful enterprise.1Here is a brief “postscript” on my experience. It comes at a timely moment, in connection with NATO's, and Poland's, response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. In sharing my story with your readers, I am well aware that other ordinary citizens who worked for Poland's entry into NATO likely did far more significant things. Unfortunately, I have not seen any reference to this in print. So here's my story “for the record.”It all began in December 1997 when I got a telephone call from the Polish Consul General in Chicago, Ryszard Sarkowicz. He said he had been in contact with Wisconsin State Senator Richard Grobschmidt, whose district included many Polish Americans. Senator Grobschmidt agreed to submit a resolution supporting Poland's entry into NATO and to get it approved in both houses of the state legislature.In fact, Senator Grobschmidt, a Democrat, and his colleagues, Democrats Roger Breske, Brian Burke, and Kevin Shibilski, and Republicans Gary Drzewiecki and Robert Welch had already authored such a resolution, joined by thirteen concurring sponsors in the State Assembly, Democrats Peter Bock, Barbara Gronemus, Donald Hasenohrl, James Kreuser, Walter Kunicki, Jeff Plale, Rosemary Potter, and John Ryba, and Republicans John Dobyns, John Gard, Joseph Handrick, Alvin Ott, and Scott Walker.The resolution had been referred to the Senate committee on Economic Development, Housing, and Government Operations. It gave six reasons for approval—most notably that Poland, as a free and democratic country, was indeed prepared to be a contributing NATO member, that it was in the U.S's national interest to maintain and expand NATO to ensure the peace, stability, and prosperity of post-communist Central Europe, and that NATO's mission would be enhanced by doing so.The Senate committee scheduled a hearing on the resolution for January 7, 1998, in Madison, Wisconsin's capital. In my chat with the Consul General, he asked that I speak in its favor. At first, I was skeptical—amending the NATO treaty to admit Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic was the responsibility of the U.S. Senate in Washington, DC, not the state legislature in Madison. When the Consul persisted, I agreed to go. I then asked a friend, Terry Witkowski, a Milwaukee City government official and president of the influential Milwaukee Society lodge of the Polish National Alliance fraternal, to accompany me.My testimony took all of about forty seconds! The Committee Chair, Senator Gwen Moore of Milwaukee, stopped me in mid-sentence and said, “Thank you Professor. I believe we are now prepared to vote on this resolution.” It was then approved by a 4–0 vote. Senate passage came days later, on January 15, 1998.But Assembly approval was blocked due to a squabble between the Democrat-controlled Senate and the Republican-controlled Assembly. I learned this from Senator Grobschmidt who was pessimistic about any early settlement of the dispute. But he then encouraged me to call the Republican Speaker of the Assembly on the matter. I did so and reached Rep. Gard (the Speaker's deputy) and asked why the Assembly was refusing to even take up the bill. At this point, Rep. Gard asked me my name and where I lived! I gladly assured him I was a Wisconsin resident. Then I repeated my request, and in the strongest language I could muster.Rep. Gard promised to call me back on the matter and did so just twenty minutes later, saying that the Assembly would indeed bring up the resolution the next week. On March 25, the Assembly did so, approving by a concurring resolution.The joint resolution was then immediately forwarded to the President of the United States, the President pro tem of the U.S. Senate, the two U.S. Senators from Wisconsin, Herbert Kohl and Russell Feingold, and Poland's ambassador to the U.S.On April 30, 1998, the U.S. Senate approved extending NATO membership to Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic by a vote of 80–19. (67 votes were needed to amend the NATO treaty.)2 Both U.S. Senators from Wisconsin voted for NATO expansion.3 Then, and only after all sixteen NATO members had formally approved expansion, the three states joined NATO in April 1999, the fiftieth anniversary of its founding.It had taken six long, tough years of lobbying to achieve this breakthrough; later expansions of NATO in 2004, 2009, 2018, and 2020 have since gone swiftly and smoothly. In 2022, with Finland and Sweden seeking to join NATO in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the alliance was on the verge of including thirty-two member states with over 950 million inhabitants.4Sincerely,

The Turks in the Land of Afghans: History, Politics, and Relationships

The Turks in the Land of Afghans:History, Politics, and Relationships Mohammed Alrmizan (bio) Introduction Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan dates to the changing dynamics in the Ottoman Empire's foreign policy, particularly following the Russian Empire's wars and the support of the British Empire during the middle of the nineteenth century.1 The Ottoman Empire then began communicating with the Durrani and Barakzai dynasties in Afghanistan through different missions from Istanbul and Mumbai to Kabul. Ottoman foreign policy did not establish diplomatic relations, although it had previously had some positive communication with the rulers of Afghanistan. Due to increasing weaknesses in its colonies during the Great War and the rise of the İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti (Committee of Union and Progress, CUP), the Ottoman Empire ended in collapse. Then, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk rose to power and declared the Republic of Turkey in 1923.2 Turkish foreign policy toward Afghanistan developed through different periods: first, in the Kingdom of Afghanistan until the 1950s, then in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in the first two decades of the twenty-first century (2004-2021), [End Page 41] and currently in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan beginning from August 2021 when Taliban forces took over Kabul.3 In parallel, Turkish foreign policy toward Afghanistan, although starting with Atatürk, could not escape the impacts of the country's domestic politics and challenges in previous decades, for instance, the successful coups in 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997. Furthermore, relations were affected by Turkey's socioeconomic and political developments from the 1960s until the 1990s, including anti-Communism and the rise of Islamism. Such political instabilities, which were either caused by changes in power or by the rise of and conflict between different ideologies, significantly impacted the aims and priorities behind Turkey's foreign policy. Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan has seen critical developments following the so-called war on terror, including the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001 and later that of NATO in 2003, and in Turkish politics the rise of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his party, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP).4 The Erdoğan era has seen proactive, far-reaching, and noticeable developments in Turkey's domestic politics and foreign policy in particular. Turkish foreign policy has taken a different path from that followed from the time of Atatürk's predecessors until Turgut Özal. The rise of Erdoğan and his party has undeniably impacted Turkish foreign policy, especially Turkish-Afghan relations. In his era, Turkey has participated in NATO missions in Afghanistan and has initiated different strategies cementing Turkish-Afghan relations with the various regimes in Afghanistan, which dramatically increased Turkey's role in the country. This came to include overseeing hundreds of humanitarian and developmental assistance projects in Kabul, Mazar-i Sharif, Herat, and other cities, which made Turkey one of the most active foreign powers in Afghanistan.5 This becomes even more interesting when considering the end of the U.S. and NATO military missions and the subsequent departure of foreign forces in late 2021, which allowed the Taliban to take power. This once again made Afghanistan an essential topic in international relations and foreign policymaking in many countries, including Turkey. This article, based mainly on secondary resources and qualitative analysis, [End Page 42] aims to explore Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan historically, politically, and operationally and is divided into four sections. The first provides a brief account of the history of Afghanistan. The second sheds light on the earlier developments of Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan, first through the Ottoman Empire and later in the Republic of Turkey through Atatürk and subsequent eras, focusing on the Erdoğan era. Third, the article then investigates the Turkish state and the Taliban from historical, political, and intellectual perspectives, showing the potential similarities and differences between the two entities, and the Turkish foreign policy with a specific focus on the era of Erdoğan in Turkey and the Taliban in Afghanistan. The fourth and final section examines the motivations behind Turkish foreign policy in Afghanistan. A Short History of Afghanistan What is known today as the Islamic...

КОМУНІКАТИВНА ПОЛІТИКА НАТО: БАЗОВІ ТЕОРЕТИКО-ПРАКТИЧНІ ЗАСАДИ

The article examines the communication policy of the Northern Alliance (NATO), the conditions of its formation, the stages of its formation, and the key principles of NATO’s strategic communications system, which is an integral and important component of the internal and external political activities of the defense bloc. The main definitions of the term strategic communications and their components, the concept of hybrid war, etc. are given. It was found that the lack of a comprehensive communication strategy for the coordination of various activities and the formation of messages and narratives during the NATO mission in Afghanistan pushed the Alliance to develop a strategic communication system. Currently, the Alliance is making efforts to comprehensively develop the Organization’s communication policy, increase the level of awareness of the population of NATO member countries regarding the bloc’s values, goals, operations and actions. The article substantiates the influence of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on NATO’s awareness of the need to fight the manifestations of the hybrid war of the Russian Federation, which it is waging in Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, as well as in Central and Eastern Europe. The Alliance recognizes that an effective strategic communications system is extremely important in countering Russian propaganda.

At What Price? Managing the Costs of Tolerating Corrupt or Criminal Partners in Stability Interventions

States or coalitions may conduct intervention operations to stabilise weak or failing states. Intervening powers often use military or police forces to impose security while development agencies rebuild the affected state’s institutions, including the Rule of Law. However, recent experience suggests that interventions may perpetuate criminal conduct. This paper examines the NATO missions in Afghanistan and other interventions to suggest links between partnering with corrupt or criminal actors and subsequent setbacks in stabilisation. It then proposes strategies by which future intervention forces may mitigate the risks of perpetuating criminal conduct. The paper asserts that intervention forces may empower criminal actors inadvertently or deliberately. It suggests that criminal allies may offer apparent security gains, and command popular support; and may be the only allies available. However, it concludes that perpetuating crime and corruption undermines the legitimacy of the affected state’s government and the intervention force, and potentially enables state capture. These outcomes may perpetuate violence. The paper suggests that intervention forces may mitigate these risks by setting clear priorities, planning against all potential threats including organised criminals, linking aid to the achievement of governance objectives, delaying transition until the affected state’s institutions are ready, and conducting deep selection of future leaders.

US Military and Humanitarian Aid to Ukraine in 2014–2020

The article analyzes the military and humanitarian aid of the United States of America to Ukraine in 2014–2020. US policy generally focuses on supporting Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and advancing reform to strengthen democratic institutions, fight corruption, and promote conditional economic growth in competition. It should be noted that the United States does not recognize the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation and continues to work with partner states to find a diplomatic solution to the war in Eastern Ukraine. Since 2014, US military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine has been the largest compared to other countries. Over the years, United States security assistance has played a key role in creating a better-trained, better-equipped, and more experienced Ukrainian military, signaling that America is supporting Ukraine. The most significant was American assistance in the field of non-lethal care in 2014–2018. American military and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine is provided in order to strengthen the defense capabilities of the Armed Forces of Ukraine; for the Armed Forces of Ukraine to meet the military criteria required for NATO membership; to promote the reform and professionalization of the Ukrainian army by implementing the best military standards, practices and procedures; to prevent the spread of an aggression into Europe and to prevent the destabilization of the situation on the continent. These efforts are complemented by enhanced support from key NATO members and security partners. In particular, noting Ukraine's long and significant contribution to NATO operations and missions, as well as its successful progress in reforming the security and defense sector and the Armed Forces of Ukraine, NATO members recognized Ukraine as a partner with enhanced capabilities in June 2020. This status provides a number of benefits to both Ukraine and NATO in areas such as training, regular Alliance engagement programs, operations and missions, and the exchange of information and experience, especially in times of crisis.

Who commits the most to NATO? It depends on how we measure commitment

Studies of NATO rely heavily on military spending as a fraction of GDP as the key indicator of members’ contribution to the alliance, but a growing number of scholars have challenged this approach. We suggest that each member’s public goods provision is a better measure of commitment to the alliance. In the case of post-Cold War NATO, out-of-area troop deployments (adjusted for population) constitute one of the strongest indicators of a state’s contribution to public goods. Providing troops for NATO missions in Afghanistan, Kosovo, and Bosnia-Herzegovina is one of the clearest signals of high commitment to the alliance. Using deployment data from 2004 to 2018, we show that there is evidence of disproportionate burden-sharing within the alliance. Countries like Slovenia, Denmark, the USA and UK contributed far more to NATO deployments than others like Turkey, Spain, Poland, and Portugal. We also use the data to begin examining possible causes of these disparities. We find that wealthier countries, countries that spend more on their militaries, and newer alliance members are more likely to contribute. Our indicator and first-cut model open avenues for further research on why some members demonstrate higher commitment to NATO than others.

Supporting Cadets to Develop Their English Reading Skills during the Covid-19 Pandemic at the “Nicolae Balcescu” Land Forces Academy of Sibiu

The paper analyses the manner in which the developing of reading skills of the second year military students of the “Nicolae Balcescu” Land Forces Academy was done during the second semester of the academic year 2019-2020, when the COVID-19 Pandemic was declared and the cadets had to leave the Academy. We consider that English Language course taught during the second semester, a course meant to help students hone their reading skills and to acquire basic military vocabulary was a success. The Academy provided the laptops, the high quality platform and online support necessary for the online courses. There were also certain qualities of the cadets that played an important role in the very good results they obtained at the end of the online English Language course: their age, their discipline, the good command of technical skills and particularly their motivation; all of them being aware that “since the end of the Cold War, foreign language training—especially the learning of English, the de facto operational language―has become increasingly important within armed forces. This is especially the case at NATO due to an ever-increasing number of peace-support operations, on the one hand, and the Alliance's enlargement and partnership activities, on the other. Language skills—in both Allied and Partner countries—are primarily a national responsibility. However, language training must be of concern to NATO as a whole since linguistic interoperability is as important to ensuring that countries are able to participate effectively in both NATO missions and wider Alliance activities as any other form of interoperability”. [1]

Germany’s Participation in Peacekeeping Operations in Africa at Present

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of Germanys participation in UN, EU and NATO peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the research topic is due to conflicting opinions about the need to preserve and prolong most operations in the region. In this regard, the opinions of experts with optimistic and pessimistic views on this problem are considered, and the stages of the evolution of peacekeeping activities are highlighted. The purpose of the study is to prove the validity of the assumption of the critical theory of the use of peacemaking by countries as a tool for realizing their foreign policy aspirations. Based on the analysis of German efforts to increase its military contingent in UN peacekeeping operations and maintain positions (despite the presence of oppositional representatives of the Parliament) in EU and NATO operations, it is proposed to identify the cause-and-effect relationships of such behavior. To achieve this goal, we used the method of historicism, which helped to identify the problems of the past that Germany is trying to get rid of by participating in the operations of international organizations, as well as the method of comparative analysis, which regulates the comparison of Germanys efforts in missions with its foreign policy tasks. The analysis of the documents of the international organizations under consideration, as well as legislation and foreign policy doctrines of Germany, allows us to assess not only the legality of the country's operations outside its borders, but also to identify foreign policy priorities in order to obtain reliable results when comparing them. In conclusion, we present the following conclusions: the evolution of Germanys efforts in the UN, EU and NATO missions in Africa. The results of the research reflect the postulates of critical theory in the process of studying German peacekeeping activities in Africa.

ПІДГОТОВКА ОФІЦЕРІВ ДЛЯ УЧАСТІ В МІЖНАРОДНИХ ОПЕРАЦІЯХ З ПІДТРИМАННЯ МИРУ ТА БЕЗПЕКИ ПІД ПРИВОДОМ НАТО (НА ПРИКЛАДІ МІСІЙ ISAF ТА RESOLUTE SUPPORT)

Introduction. The article examines main aspects and external factors that directly affect the military personnel and their duties performance. Purpose is to analyse NATO missions in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan ISAF and "Resolute Support". The results of the analysis will form the basis for changes to the training process of personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine for participation in international peacekeeping and security support operations led by NATO.Methods. Analysis personal experience of the UAF servicemen and comparison training methods of the International Military Training Centers.Originality. Based on the information provided in the guidance materials of Allied training centers and the personal experience of the UAF servicemen in the NATO Advisory Support Mission, external factors were identified that directly affect the mission's personnel and performance. Taking these factors into account in the process of training national staff will certainly contribute to the development of skills and abilities of professional orientation that will help to perform tasks, as well as the formation of qualities that will ensure readiness and resistance to environmental stressors.Conclusion. Training of peacekeeping contingents and personnel is one of the most important aspects of the development of the theory and practice of peacekeeping activities of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Therefore, it is necessary to improve the training and take into account the specific factors of the places of the Ministry of Defense of the PMB to ensure the quality of the tasks assigned and to preserve the life and health of servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.Further research should focus on learning from the training of Allied and non-NATO troops for international peacekeeping and security operations.

Foreign policy decision-making in operational overlap: the UK’s policing assistance in Afghanistan through the EU and NATO

ABSTRACT Traditionally seen as an interlocutor between Europe and the US in transatlantic security relations, the UK’s engagement with the training of the Afghan National Police (ANP) through the concurrent EU and NATO missions presents an interesting case of foreign policy decision-making. Although a logic based on broader British orientations about the roles of the two organisations expect that the UK’s primary institution of choice would be NATO, London supported both missions in providing international policing assistance to Afghanistan. Adopting an operational overlap perspective, this article seeks to explain the UK’s strategic behaviour vis-a-vis the EU and NATO training missions that have been simultaneously involved in overlapping tasks, despite the initial intention that the two missions would undertake different and complementary roles. Analysing evidence from the UK Parliament and Government, US diplomatic missions, the EU and NATO, as well as interviews with former UK and NATO officials, this article argues that while providing training to the Afghan police, London focused on these missions’ practical outputs rather than preferring an organisation of choice as such. This strategy is mainly guided by the UK’s concern to uphold counter-narcotics enforcement in Afghanistan and to fulfil transition tasks during the incremental withdrawal of British troops.

The Importance of Support of Newly Independent State at an Early Stage and Development of Strategic Partnership between the U.S. and Georgia

The following paper aims to examine the U.S foreign policy to Georgia carried out by the Democrat Presidents – Bill Clinton, Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Foreign Policy of the United States was changeable across the decades and due to different presidents, sometimes the interest and cooperations’ rank was low, and sometimes was on the high level. At present the cooperation between two countries is developing in various direction and at different levels, including mutual security and counterterrorism interests which aims to provide Georgia with bilateral security assistance. Preliminary studies of the US assistance to Georgia which aimed to promote the democracy in the country carried out during the Democrat presidents have revealed some alterations. The finances invested education and restructuring of state institutions helped Georgia to make rapid advancement in building democracy in the country.Keywords: Bill Clinton and George H.W. Bush, contribution to NATO missions, Georgian presidents, International Republican Institute, NDI in Georgia, Sovereignty of Georgia, strategic partnership, support of Georgia’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, The Open Society Georgia Foundation, USAID operating in Georgia

ТЕОРЕТИКО-МЕТОДИЧНІ ЗАСАДИ ФОРМУВАННЯ СИСТЕМИ ЦИВІЛЬНО-ВІЙСЬКОВОГО СПІВРОБІТНИЦТВА У ФОРМУВАННЯХ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ ГВАРДІЇ УКРАЇНИ

The theoretical and methodological basics of the formation of a system of civil-military cooperation in the formations of the National Guard of Ukraine are considered. Brief conclusions from the analysis of foreign and domestic experience in the organization of civil-military cooperation are provided. The urgency of the development of the existing system of civil-military cooperation in the National Guard of Ukraine was emphasized. The necessity of deployment of the forces and means of civil-military cooperation during special operations (military operations) in carrying out military-service tasks to resolve armed conflicts is substantiated. The possibility of a positive impact of the deployment of a civil-military cooperation system on the effectiveness of the implementation of relevant tasks has been researched. The prospects of finding ways to increase the effectiveness of the relevant tasks execution by the formations and units of the National Guard of Ukraine during the settlement of the armed conflict by optimizing the activities of the units of civil-military cooperation are revealed.The experience of NATO missions and operations and the recent experience of the Armed Forces and the National Guard of Ukraine during execution of the Joint Forces Operation confirm that the civil-military cooperation is a powerful and effective tool in the hands of the military command. It is expedient to use this experience during the planning and implementation of civil-military cooperation activities by forming the National Guard of Ukraine. The analysis of the theoretical and methodological basics of the creation and deployment of the system of civil-military cooperation in the formations of the National Guard of Ukraine and the other military formations and components confirms the relevance of the chosen direction of perspective scientific research.