NATO Forces Research Articles

Analysing the Resurgence of Terrorism in Pakistan: Causes and Remedies

This research article explores the ‘Resurgence of Terrorism in Pakistan’ since the withdrawal of NATO from Afghanistan and the Taliban takeover as the interim government of Afghanistan. It was widely believed that once the NATO forces were to pull back from Afghanistan, peace would prevail and bring an end to deadly waves of terrorist attacks in Pakistan, however, events took an alternate path. Pakistan has since suffered relentless attacks that caused immense agony to the general population. Facing political and economic instability, the resurgence of terrorism brought multiple challenges for Pakistan, causing an increase in socio-political-economic and cultural implications. Using the ‘Cyclic Theory’ of ‘Ibn-e-Khaldun’ and the concept of ‘Asabiyah’, this research will explore the resurgence of terrorism in the form of TTP 2.0 and the possible recommendations through which an end to terrorism in Pakistan can be brought.

WAR AND THE FIELD

In the spring of 1999, while NATO forces were bombing Serbia, I was doing fieldwork in Western Siberia. Russia was clearly on Serbia’s side in this conflict, and countless patriotic and anti-war actions were taking place throughout the country. Both the war and these patriotic actions were given great publicity in the media, and state propaganda successfully monopolised the local discourse on it. Given the situation, former relations between the anthropologist-fieldworker and the locals were reassessed. My relationship with the field changed. It was not me who felt in danger, but I was worried about my family living close to the Croatian border, influenced by Russian propaganda and isolation from my home. This changed my perception of reality, and I found myself experiencing “existential shock.” My previous intimate relationships were shaken by the propaganda-fuelled paranoia brought about by the war. The wartime hegemony had raised the possibility of a negative interpretation of me in addition to the former positive ones – in short, it had occurred to people that I might actually be an enemy or source of danger. During this period of my fieldwork, I was suspected of being a hostile spy. To understand this situation, the question of researcher neutrality had to be raised. War is closely connected to group identity and, consequentially, shapes personal identities, reinforces previous ones, creates new ones and spurs individuals with multiple identities to choose between them. The bombing of Serbia exerted a potent effect on the mechanisms of Russian identity: it reinforced the Rossijanin (“Russian citizen”) identity, the basis for the Russian state identity that reigned following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The strengthening of this identity also had an elemental effect on the local Indigenous people, drawing them towards a “pan-Slavic” identity and reinforcing the role of the former Soviet identity. News of a Russian-Ukrainian war escalating in 2022 came as a serious shock to me, an anthropologist engaged in field research in Russia. On the one hand, it was a significant detriment to my identity as a researcher, as the field station I had been intending to visit seemed likely to become closed off to the world. Secondly, the Russian invasion curtailed any opportunity of communicating with my various Siberian acquaintances. However, the job of the anthropologist offers no exemption from reporting on war and violent conflict. Where the necessity arises, methods, concepts and theories must be found that permit the development of a viable approach. In solving – or in the current situation, attempting to solve – the predicament outlined above, the only possible point of departure I had were my field studies conducted in 1999.

The Evolution of the U.S. Military Presence in Europe (2017–2023)

The article examines the evolution of the U.S. military presence in Europe as the whole and in key NATO member states between 2017 and 2023. The author employs the theory of armed forces development. The paper compares the size of the U.S. military presence in Europe at the end of the Cold War with that during the contemporary confrontation with Russia. By the mid-2020s, the size of the U.S. military presence, nearing 100 thousand troops can be considered close to its upper limit. The optimal level, taking into account capabilities and objectives, was estimated at 80 thousand troops. The dynamics of U.S. Army brigades’ deployments in Europe are explored. The article also traces the evolution of U.S. contingents in Italy and Germany, where military units were no longer predominant, having been largely replaced by various support forces, and their role as sources for reinforcing the U.S. forces in Eastern Europe. Also, the forms of U.S. military presence in Northern Norway are discussed. The author explores the U.S. approach to the rotational deployment of the Armored Brigade Combat Team (ABCT) in Poland (since 2017) and the Infantry Brigade Combat Team (IBCT) in Romania (since 2022), along with the establishment of division and corps headquarters in both countries. The noticeable increase in U.S. military presence in Europe between February and June 2022 set the framework for the New NATO Force Model (NNFM), approved at Madrid summit, and underscored the significant contributions made by European member states.

German Security and Defence Policy in the Early 2020s and the Influence of US Interests

The nature and content of the U.S. - German dialogue have been significant for shaping the distribution of influence and responsibility in Euro-Atlantic community. This article examines the extent to which the Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG) security and defense policy in the early 2020s aligns with U.S. interests. Under J. Biden`s administration the USA effectively rejected the FRG`s initiative to create a format for intergovernmental consultations. This initiative could have served as institutional “insurance” against the degradation of interstate dialogue experienced during D. Trump's administration. The signing of an agreement with the Taliban (recognized as a terrorist organization and banned in the Russian Federation) by D. Trump, and its implementation under J. Biden, forced Germany to end its strategic presence in Afghanistan. In an attempt to compensate for these losses, Germany has sought strategic engagement in the Indo-Pacific region and significantly increased its military activity under NATO in Europe to “contain” Russia. The article explores the role of Germany in the distributing responsibility between Western democracies in their concurrent confrontations with Russia and China. Among the large NATO member states in Europe, including the U.K., Germany has held special military-practical importance for the USA. The White House was interested in the Bundeswehr as the framework nation in different forms in NATO Forward Presence Force, NATO Response Force, and New NATO Force Model. Germany in agreement with the USA, has supported the use of the EU and palliative structures (first of all, the Rammstein format) for the «discharge» of NATO on the most provocative for Russia tracks of the military assistance to Kiev.

Danish military fatalities in international operations 2002–2018

IntroductionThis study describes deaths among Danish soldiers in international operations 2002–2018. Having been part of UN and later NATO forces in ex-Yugoslavia, in 2002 the first Danish contingent took part...

Implications of Contemporary Totalitarian Imperialism for the Communist Perspective

Abstract Starting from a brief analysis of the structural characteristics of contemporary totalitarian imperialism, as a dialectical supersession of classical imperialism, and of the continuing crisis of capitalism, we focus on the new characteristics of global capitalism, which are arguably crucial for the unfolding geopolitical conflicts and the struggle for socialism. Referring more specifically to the emerging divide and conflict within world capitalism, between western NATO forces (US, EU, et al.) on the one hand, and the rising block of the BRICS countries on the other, we take a critical stance against those (left-wing) commentators or political currents, which consider this conflict as a typical inter-imperialist rivalry and argue for the need of taking an equal distance from the opposite poles of this rising confrontation. As argued, though the revolutionary forces struggling for socialism worldwide should not, by any means, identify with the BRICS coalition, the equal-distance approach should be criticized on the ground that a multi-polar world would be a more favorable condition for a communist perspective. What is more essentially argued is that, independently from the emerging two poles of geopolitical confrontation, there is an urgent need for a transnational class struggle (from below) towards communism, and that the fundamental capital-labor contradiction and the social question should be prioritized as against any national (or capitalist block) contradictions or national liberation struggles. As historical experience has asserted, the opposite prioritization will always work against social emancipation and the prospect of communism.

Germany’s approach to the functioning of NATO standing force groups in the mid-2010s and early 2020s

Western democracies have endowed NATO with the functions of “containment” of Russia and influential non-Western powers in general. This process is accompanied by a spasmodic growth of the Alliance’s military capabilities and changes in its internal structure. The principal responsibility for the implementation of the aforementioned measures falls upon the European member states, particularly those which have been members of the Alliance for a considerable length of time. Of these, Germany has demonstrated the most considerable commitment. Although some studies have examined the evolution of the Alliance’s military structures, there is a dearth of literature on Germany’s role in the Alliance within the field of Russian historiography. Nevertheless, an analysis of this topic is crucial for a comprehensive understanding of Berlin’s strategic intentions. The objective of this article is to examine the role of the FRG in relation to the functioning of permanent NATO troops. In order to achieve this, the author employs two distinct theoretical frameworks, namely those of alliance theory and military capability building, in combination with a comparative analysis approach. The author illustrates the distinctive features of the evolution of permanent NATO force groups and elucidates the challenges, including a shortage of military personnel, and opportunities, including limited activity by other NATO member states, that have influenced the utilisation of the Bundeswehr in the functioning of the groups. In light of the aforementioned conceptual and operational documents, which serve as the foundation for Germany’s foreign policy, the article posits that the Federal Republic of Germany is prepared to assume a leading role within the European NATO member state contingent with regard to the operationalisation of multilateral troop groupings.

NATO Force Integration Unit: The Permanent Bridge Between NATO and Lithuania’s Armed Forces

NATO Force Integration Unit: The Permanent Bridge Between NATO and Lithuania’s Armed Forces

Enhancing Cultural Competence in Military English Training: Addressing Discrimination and Fostering Inclusivity in Romania

This article explores the enhancement of cultural competence in military English training within the Romanian Naval Forces, focusing on combating discrimination and fostering inclusivity. Recognizing the pivotal role of English as a lingua franca in international military operations, particularly among NATO allies, the paper argues for a comprehensive approach to integrating cultural awareness into language education. It details practical strategies and activities designed to overcome common cultural challenges, such as language barriers, cultural misunderstandings, and stereotypes. The article also presents scenario-based training exercises that simulate real-world interactions with NATO forces, thereby attempting to prepare Romanian personnel for effective and respectful communication in diverse settings. These strategies are aimed at creating a more inclusive and operationally effective military force by enhancing mutual understanding and respect among international partners.

Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan: Characteristics, actions and battlefield operationalization

The longest war in the history of America resulted in an Afghan Taliban victory. Despite astronomical material and capacity superiority of the American-led NATO forces vis-à-vis Afghan Taliban, the latter overcame the greater forces and captured Kabul in a lightning-fast sweep across the country. Failure of the US to realize a superior military force in achieving a political victory on the field lies in the characteristics, actions, and effective operationalization of Afghan Taliban’s warfare tactics on the battleground. Tribalism, networked structures, and innovative recruiting principles, coupled with the Afghan government(s) own inefficiencies and rampant corruption led to the demise of American power in Afghanistan.

Риски безопасности: современное состояние государственного управления

The problem of state management of security risks in the context of a special military operation and conducting a hybrid war against Russia by NATO forces is actualized; an analysis of individual conditions and factors that form a critical possibility of harming life safety and, in general, the national interests of the Russian Federation is carried out.
 The current state of security risk management is revealed through the analysis of such strategic state documents as the Federal Law «On Security» as amended in 2023, «The Concept of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation» in 2023, «Strategies for the development of civil defense, protection of the population and territories from emergencies, fire safety and human safety on water facilities for the period up to 2030», the state program of the Russian Federation «Protection of the population and territories from emergency situations, ensuring fire safety and human safety at water bodies» 2023, the Federal Law «On Voluntary Fire Protection» of 2011 with amendments and additions made to it in August 2023.
 Attention is focused on the risks of wartime.
 An express analysis of scientific research in recent years has been carried out. The joint opinion of scientists and experts in the field of civil defense on the existence of problems in legislative activity requiring prompt resolution has been revealed.
 Using the example of the Ministry of Emergency Situations of Russia, some practical results of the state's management activities are shown, as well as the importance of changes in the Federal Law «On Voluntary Fire Protection" to activate the volunteer movement and minimize fire safety risks with the participation of the population.

A Delicate Balance: Iraq’s Security Culture Between Iran and the United States

Iraq’s leaders are working to modernise its national-security institutions, and to manage the challenges arising from multiple subnational armed groups. The main groups, the Kurdish Peshmerga and the largely Shia Popular Mobilisation Units, or Hashd, are linked to the armed forces, but enjoy considerable autonomy. Iraq also has militias linked to region-wide resistance forces with ties to Iran. The Gaza war has triggered dozens of lethal encounters between these groups and the 2,500 US troops in Iraq, leading Baghdad to renegotiate the terms of security cooperation with Washington. Even if US and NATO forces leave Iraq, the Iraqi government will work to balance its relations with Tehran and Washington. Iraq therefore has a role to play in determining how the region finds a new equilibrium after the Gaza war. Iraq’s emerging security culture also provides an important case study of a country in transition from authoritarian rule.

The Failure of Liberal Interventionism: Deconstructing Afghan Identity Discourses of “Modern” and “Tradition”

In Afghanistan, the crisis of liberal intervention unfolded in the failure to establish democratic structures as a solution to terrorism and extremism in the aftermath of 9/11. Following the emergency withdrawal of US and NATO forces from Afghanistan on August 30, 2021, President Ashraf Ghani discreetly left Kabul, enabling the Taliban to regain control and form a new government in the country. The recurrent pattern of intervention and the subsequent return of the Taliban highlights a failure of the liberal project, which is a significant concern addressed in this article as the main question: Why has liberal intervention failed in Afghanistan? The answer lies in deconstructing the hegemonic discourse of “modern” Afghan to understand how it was resisted and replaced by the alternative discourse of “tradition,” subsequently, leading to the failure of the liberal project. The “modern” discourse, rooted in the US social context, aimed to civilise the perceived primitive and traditional Afghans. Conversely, the Taliban, drawing upon the Afghan social context, contested the “modern” discourse with an alternative discourse of “tradition” portraying liberals and their supporters as “occupiers” and “oppressors,” thus, justifying their armed resistance (jihad) against occupying forces. Framed within a critical social constructivism, the text, interviews, speeches, and statements of prominent Taliban leaders and the US presidents, apprise how specific identities have been employed to naturalise the “modern” discourse as justification for intervention. Critical discourse analysis explicates how the “tradition” discourse denaturalised the former and, subsequently, facilitated the establishment of the Taliban’s power in Afghanistan.

ВИКОРИСТАННЯ ДОСВІДУ РОЗРОБКИ БОЙОВИХ РАЦІОНІВ ДЛЯ NATO RESPONCE FORCE ПІД ЧАС ВІДКРИТОГО РОСІЙСЬКОГО ВТОРГНЕННЯ

The article is devoted to the analysis of the process of developing a unified ration for NATO Response Forces. From the available data and the results of the test of a single universal combat ration, it follows that the creation of a universal set of products for all NATO forces, which meets the requirements, would present great risks and was therefore considered inadvisable. Instead, the commanders of specific units of the NATO Response Force were given the authority to select the optimal ration from those existing in NATO member countries that most closely matches the specific operation, taking into account the climatic conditions, the supply chain and the needs of the military. As a result of the work of the research group, the fundamentally important characteristics that influence the consumption of rations by military personnel during the performance of assigned combat tasks. Among them: peculiarities of combat tasks, climatic and geographical conditions of the area where special operations are carried out, the need for additional elements (water, heaters, dishes, etc.), the need for special storage conditions, etc. Features due to cultural, gender, social, religious and other criteria were also highlighted. For the first time, an analysis of the impact of long-term physical exertion on the increase in the need for vitamins and microelements was conducted and the need to increase them in the daily diet was substantiated. Since the task of the researchers was to develop a diet that could be used for 30 days, special attention was paid to the issue of "menu fatigue" and ways to avoid it. Features due to cultural, gender, social, religious and other criteria were also highlighted. Taking into account the criteria determined as part of the work of the HFM RTG-154 research team can be used as a basis for the development of updated options for dry food sets in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, and will also be relevant when planning menus for food in field (combat) conditions. This is especially important in the context of hostilities in the face of open Russian invasion, which foresee the likelihood of using d combat ration for a long time.

An assessment of the effectiveness of sanction as a tool for diplomatic deterrence

The use of sanctions as tool for deterrence has witnessed exponential growth in recent times. The last three decades in particular has witnessed a surge in the number of sanctions used as medium in responding to numerous international confrontations. Interestingly, these sanctions have been both multilateral and unilateral in form and have mostly been evoked by NATO forces, the United States and the United Nations. The watershed references of South Africa, North Korea, Venezuela and most recently Russia comes to mind as countries afflicted by sanctions. The increasing demand by academics and the diplomatic community to interrogate sanction as a last resort of diplomatic uproar and its overall effectiveness as a diplomatic tool for deterrence is the main aim of the paper. The methodology utilized includes, content analysis and case study. The paper finds that conventional or traditional sanctions are not necessarily effective. This has been made even so, considering the bi-multipolar structure of the international system and trends in the unfolding world order, drawing insights from the case of recent unilateral sanctions from NATO forces against Russia. The paper recommends amongst other things, the need to refine sanctions to be smart enough for efficiency and to seek alternatives in the face of diplomatic uproar.

NATO at 75: The Perils of Empty Promises

Following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, NATO embarked on an ambitious series of military reforms aimed at enhancing deterrence and defence of the Euro-Atlantic area. However, as the Alliance approaches its 75th anniversary, concerns are mounting regarding the ability of non-US allies to meet their expanded security obligations. The Alliance’s updated regional-defence plans, and planned transformations to the NATO force and command structures, could pose considerable challenges for the European and Canadian allies who, following decades of cuts to their armed forces, lack the personnel required for implementing these reforms.

TECHNOLOGY FOR DETERMINING THE SAFETY OF AMMUNITION IN ACCORDANCE WITH NATO STANDARDS

September 2023 marks 60 years since NATO countries began implementing the principles of ammunition and explosives safety, which are now described in the AASTP and AOR series of publications. This issue is important and significant because during the preparation and operational process, ammunition is exposed to environmental factors that can change the initial parameters and properties of ammunition.
 Today, NATO member states assess the safety of ammunition on the basis of more than 45 NATO Standards that have been developed and implemented.
 The main guiding documents for determining the safety of ammunition are: Standard AOP- 15 Guidelines for the Assessment of Non-Nuclear Ammunition Safety and Suitability for Use by NATO Forces; Standard AAS3P-01 Evaluation Tests for the Safety and Suitability of Non-Nuclear Ammunition; Standard AASTP-3 NATO Guide to Safety Principles for the Classification of Hazards Associated with Military Ammunition and Explosives; Standard AOP- 62 Ammunition Operational Surveillance, General Guidance.
 The article proposes a technology for determining the safety of ammunition based on NATO standards. The proposed technology for determining the safety of ammunition includes two blocks: an assessment process and a program for determining the safety and suitability for use of ammunition: The presented process of safety and serviceability assessment is a specialized problem-solving process; one stage leads to another, taking into account the guarantees that the ammunition is safe and serviceable.
 The evaluation process also has several distinctive features that make it possible to apply it effectively in practice. It is possible to repeat the evaluation stages as often as necessary to achieve the desired results. The process can be applied at any level of system complexity, from the development of a general design concept to the final detailing of a subsystem or component design. It also involves making management decisions between the ideal and the most practical option. In this way, the assessment process provides results that meet the definition of system safety, ensures that the optimal degree of risk elimination is achieved within acceptable operational efficiency, time and cost. The program of safety and suitability testing developed on the basis of these factors should be introduced to the requirements for assessing safety parameters at the national operational level.
 The developed technology is a clear guideline, a step-by-step instruction for military specialists to determine the level of safety of ammunition and its suitability for use.

China's New Approach to Neighborhood Diplomacy: Analyzing the Economic and Political Relations with Afghanistan in the Post-2014 Period

In recent years, Sino-Afghan relations have seen unprecedented growth, with China actively involving itself in Afghanistan's political transformation due to its longstanding friendly ties with the country. This marks China's efforts to play a proactive role in Afghanistan. The gradual withdrawal of NATO and US forces since 2014 has prompted China to adopt a new geopolitical approach towards the region. The new phase of Afghanistan-China relations has the potential to transform China from a mere observer into a constructive and intervening force in Afghanistan. This article aims to shed light on China's new diplomatic strategy in Afghanistan by examining its characteristics and implications. It is predicated on the belief that constructive engagement with Afghanistan will yield strategic, economic, and security benefits for China, which directly impact its national security risks and economic opportunities.

The Attrition of U.S.-Pakistan Relations under the Trump Administration: Causes and Consequences

Pakistan is a key ally in the Afghanistan war. This paper aims to analyze the fundamental changes in US policy towards Pakistan during the Donald Trump era. The sixteen-year struggle of US and NATO forces on Afghan soil was crushed by the Taliban. The US changed policies on the Afghan issue & made Pakistan a scapegoat. The allegations against Pakistan with the help of militants were installed in Pakistan to hide the US's false ambition to control Afghan land. The US policymakers in the Afghan war wanted to escape from the war region. All the war indiscretions were ignored at once & Pakistan alone was criticized for helping the militants of the Haqqani network. After analysis, the paper has shown the US steps against Pakistan during the Trump era. The aid & reimbursement payments and policies of the US are critically examined in this paper during the Trump era against fundamental objectives & sovereignty of Pakistan.

Networks Enabling the Alliance’s Command and Control

The Alliance’s wide area networks enabling operational command and control (C2) are under continuous revision in order to facilitate the wide spectrum data exchange between NATO Command Structure (NCS), NATO Force Structure (NFS) elements and other key organisations.The focus is – as always – on the information technology’s researches and network-enabled capability development.It is clear that running the current NATO wide area network has challenges in terms of network management, information security and counter-cyber operations. Therefore, it requires a viable transformation to a wide area network with a higher-level resiliency and scalability.Having supported by NATO Communications and Information Agency (NCIA), the decade’s one of the most important tasks is to re-new, re-design and re-organise the existing classified network domain in support of efficient C2 for the current and future operations.In this scientific article, I will provide with a short historical background of NCIA’s efforts in creation of a more resilient classified domain-net and the needs of core and functional services within the Alliance to introduce the already decided, the viable solution of classified network enhancements.