Nationalist Policies Research Articles

‘Animal Nationalisms: Multispecies Cultural Politics, Race, and the (Un)Making of the Settler Nation-State’

As the pendulum swings toward a sweeping global conservatism, conversations proliferate on the consequences of rampant nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-immigrant sentiments and policies. These anx...

Unionization Structures, Budget Constraint and Privatization

In this paper, we aim to explore the influence of budget constraint privatization policy in the context of mixed duopoly to examine whether privatization policy is dependent upon the unionization structure with labour productivity difference. We showed that, when the unions put equal weights on the wages and the numbers employment, the social welfare pre-privatization is always higher than the one post-privatization regardless of the type of unionization; the government should not privatize the public firm, and nationalization policy should be retained because it will provide a higher rent for the union. Furthermore, union(s) opposes the privatization policy in the presence of budget constraint and union structure.

The Specifics of Political Modernization in Modern India: Between Progress and Regression

This article examines significant changes in the landscape of political life in India under the influence of the attitude towards the formation of a new India, proposed by the BJP. Criticism of the activities of the BJP and personally of the Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi regarding the implementation of the policy of religious nationalism in the country is presented. The essence of the resonant statements of intellectuals that influenced the social and political life of modern India is outlined. The article focuses on the discussions that unfold around the themes of language, religion and the country's historical heritage, various interpretations of the strengthening of Indian identity. The uniqueness of the political model of India is noted, in which, as before, special attention is paid to the protection of precisely group rights, which determined and determines the behavior of politicians. The general influence of the factors of Hinduism (politicization of religion) and Casteism (politicization of a social institution) on the political life of India is revealed. It is concluded that the Indians make a choice in favor of building a national model of democracy and religious nationalism, therefore, the BJP Hindu nationalism is opposed to the secular nationalism of the INC. However, through the dismantling of the state based on the principles of equality in favor of the Hindu majority, Indians indicate that the main value is now development. Indians expect BJP and Narendra Modi to accelerate their development. Indians are ready to sacrifice the values of social equality and justice proposed earlier by M. Gandhi as the basic elements of the formation of the Indian nation. The search for the true Hindu roots of national identity in the ideological space is carried out along with the implementation of large-scale reforms aimed at forming the foundation for India's strategic leadership in the 21st century.

The Attitude of Kazakhstani Millennials to Images with Traditional Overtones

The purpose of this article is to use questionnaires and interviews to gain insight into how the young generation in Kazakhstan perceives images with traditional overtones. Respondents were exposed to images of female figures with Central Asian facial features dressed in traditional Kazakh clothing, a male hunter holding a golden eagle, and a nomad's tent set against the backdrop of a steppe landscape. These images of pre-Soviet nomadic life—preliminarily designated by the interviewees as traditional Kazakh images—may serve as further attestation to "localization" by means of distancing from Soviet-era symbols. Qualitative and quantitative analysis are used to reveal the attitude of Generation Y individuals toward these images with Kazakh traditional overtones. Research analysis is used to map the preference of Kazakhstani youth as a response to the nationalization policy of the Nazarbayev regime. The findings lead to the important discovery that Kazakhstani cultural representation, which is essentially based on Kazakh pre-Soviet ethnic representation, is nonetheless shared by Kazakhstani youth of varying ethnicities.

ТЕНДЕНЦІЇ РОЗВИТКУ ВІДНОСИН МІЖ США І ФРН ЗА ПРЕЗИДЕНТСТВА ДОНАЛЬДА ТРАМПА

The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a variant of foreign policy realism, in contrast to classical republican neo-conservatism or democratic liberal interventionism. The German foreign policy course in the time of the Bundes Chancellor A. Merkel is a manifestation of liberal-democratic globalism. Under President Obama and Chancellor A. Merkel, German-American relations remained at a high allied level. President Trump abolishes talks on Transatlantic Free Trade Area. German elites see the populist and nationalist policies of D. Trump as a challenge to European integration. They consider US European policy an attempt to split the European Union. In the domestic political dimension, German liberals consider the Alternative to Germany party as Trump’s ideological counterparts. The American liberal political elite accused A. Merkel of failing to prevent the spread of anti-American sentiment in Germany. Political sentiment in the US and Germany after the pandemic is unpredictable. A noticeable trend was the aggravation of the crisis of liberal globalization. This outlines the tendency for further political polarization of American and German societies.

Unexpected Counter-Movements to Nationalism: the Hidden Potential of Local Food Communities

Abstract This article identifies a hitherto understudied element of local food communities, namely their potential as counter-movements to nationalist discourses, practices and policies. This potential should be particularly valuable in Eastern Europe, where European integration has been severely contested over the past years by political elites. We support our argument by a closer qualitative inquiry into two cases; one with urban-rural dimensions in the metropolitan area of Budapest and one in a more sparsely populated cross-border region at the Slovak-Hungarian border. Based on 18 interviews with coordinators, producers and consumers, numerous visits to both sites, and studying the organisations’ documents we conclude that the growth of local food communities contributes to strengthened solidarity in local communities. Although nationalist discourses on buying domestic are rarely contested explicitly, the lack of any reference to national movements and discourses testifies to the primary importance of the local.

Into the breakdown: embracing ethnographic confusion in challenging nationalist policy “truths”

The policies and discourses of the Trump administration reflect such extreme examples of inhumane policies and racializing logic that they are easy to identify and call out. In this essay, I focus instead on the less obvious and more everyday processes of racialization and anti-immigrant sentiment that are taken up by various actors in schools. I consider how tropes and stories generated by nationalist policies and discourses around the world seep into teachers’ commonsense understandings about who immigrant students are and what they require to be successful. In doing so, I draw on Michael Agar’s (1986) notion of the ethnographic “breakdown” to explore individual breakdown moments in my own research in a Danish public school and teaching in a US school of teacher education as a useful mechanism for discerning how policies and discourses shape everyday exclusions in schools.

Turkish Nationalism and the Cyprus Question: Change, Continuity and Implications for Engagement with Northern Cyprus

ABSTRACT This article examines the change and continuity in the Turkish policy toward Cyprus since the de facto partition of the island in 1974. The exploration of the relationship between Turkish nationalism and foreign policy toward Cyprus suggests that the language of Turkish nationalism regarding the Cyprus question has been far from monotonous. It is shown that the period coinciding with the coming of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in 2002 in particular was a critical juncture which opened up the discursive space for the re-articulation of the ‘Cyprus problem’, legitimising efforts in relation to reunification. Yet the partial nature of the discursive shift and the absence of a complete paradigmatic change—explained here with reference to structural and historical features of the Cyprus problem as well as the contingent nature of the European Union (EU) membership prospects—has meant the return of the well-entrenched narratives on the conflict and national identity. Also revealing the ways in which Turkish Cypriots have responded to such changes in policy and rhetoric from Ankara, the paper aims to complement existing accounts of trans-border nationalism in conflict and post-conflict settings.

Let the Aryanists know! Brazilian race and nation in the 1938 France World Cup

ABSTRACTGetúlio Vargas’ dictatorship (1937-1945) attributed to sports a key role to foment the formation of a ‘new Brazil’, using football as a crucial element to promote the state nationalist policy. A propitious moment for this attempt would be an international event, a space in which Brazil could demonstrate to the civilized nations – especially to the European countries – the best qualities of ‘the Brazilian race’. This arena was the 1938 World Cup, played in France. This essay presents some aspects of the relationship between football and the construction of Brazil’s national identity in the early twentieth century. My focus on the 1938 World Cup is due to the fact this was a quintessential event not only for the history of Brazilian sports but also for the debates on scientific racism and the construction of national identity. This event shaped, more than eight decades ago, the ways through which football articulated the core commonality of the Brazilian society, becoming one of the key elements to understand contemporary Brazil.

Nationalistic Investment Policies a Hindrance to Greater FDI Flow: Case of Kenya and Uganda

Nationalistic Investment Policies a Hindrance to Greater FDI Flow: Case of Kenya and Uganda

The Cornerstone of Economic Nationalism: National Self-image

The focus of this article is Estonia’s post-socialist economic transition and the reasons behind the liberal nature of the country’s economic policies. I argue that the self-image of a nation plays a significant role in shaping its economic policies. Objectives associated with economic nationalism can be achieved through various means that can include strategies of economic liberalism as well. Thus, the concepts of economic nationalism and economic liberalism are not a dichotomy. I examine the construction of the Estonian self-image through the discourses of radical individualism and industriousness, historical suffering, desire for freedom and return to Europe and sense of abandonment. By showing how these discourses interact with the liberal paradigm, I claim that Estonian policy-makers chose liberal economic policies because they perceived them to most effectively serve their objectives. When economic policies are examined in view of the national self-image and motivation of policy-makers, the incongruence between economic nationalism and liberal policies disappears.

Azerbaijani National Identity in Iran, 1921–1946: Roots, Development, and Limits

ABSTRACTThis article examines the roots and development of Azerbaijani identity in Iran. This study aims to demonstrate that the Azerbaijani minority in Iran lacked consciousness of a distinct national identity at the dawn of the twentieth century, and argues that the driving force behind the emergence of the consciousness of Azerbaijani national identity in Iran was the Pahlavi regime’s repressive and exclusivist nationalist policies between 1921 and 1941. Building upon the grievances of the Pahlavi era, the occupation of Iran by Allied forces during the Second World War and the short, Soviet-supported autonomy under the leadership of Sayyed Ja’far Pishevari in 1945–1946 institutionalized and consolidated the Azerbaijani Turkish identity in Iran.

Resource nationalism and formalization of artisanal and small-scale mining in Tanzania: Evidence from the tanzanite sector

• The Tanzanian government built a wall around tanzanite mines to control smuggling. • Formalization in artisanal tanzanite production had negative impacts on production. • Formalization has prioritized revenue collection over other strategies. • Resource nationalist policies targeting large scale mining also affect artisanal mining. • The future of tanzanite production, and current prevalence of smuggling, is unclear.

Ekonomi Indonesia Tahun 1950-an dan Penguasaan Negara terhadap Perusahaan Kereta Api Pasca KMB 1949

The prominent feature of the Indonesian economy in the 1950s was the dualistic nature that shows a division between the modern and subsistence traditional agriculture sector. The modern economy sector was the major industry controlled by Dutch companies. The focus of this research is to briefly describe the government's economic program as a new sovereign state such as the Benteng program. There are some major research problems which should be analyzed; (1) The Indonesian government's economic nationalization strategy to change the economic structure that is still controlled by the colonial; (2) The state's effort to nationalize Dutch companies, especially railway companies. There were eleven railway companies that were affected by the nationalization policy. The results show that both state-owned and private-owned railway companies were affected by nationalization eventually accepted the policy as a consequence of a sovereign state with certain compensation. It happened after going through quite a dynamic diplomacy.

Staking a Claim: Dispute, Displacement and Galician Identity in Marta Rivera de la Cruz’s Hotel Almirante (2002)

This article interrogates the depiction of Galician identity in the Spanish-language novel Hotel Almirante (2002), by Marta Rivera de la Cruz, the Lugo-born writer, journalist and Ciudadanos politician whose role as a producer of Galician culture is widely contested owing not only to her linguistic practice, but also her dismissal of Galician nationalism and language policy. As might be expected, Rivera’s novel often tends towards a conservative, Spanish regionalist interpretation of her native culture that corresponds to her controversial public profile. Yet in spite of this, the writer stakes her claim to a Galician identity that challenges stereotypes in its treatment of issues of displacement, social mobility and female empowerment. It is argued that precisely because of her contentious politics, Rivera’s fiction must be confronted for the way in which it engages with, undermines and reconfigures contemporary understandings of Galician identity.

Transformation of Japanese Schools before and after WWII: Impact of Brazilian Nationalism on Japanese Immigrants’ Primary Education and Self-identity

This article discusses the changes in the role and function of Japanese schools in Brazil before and after WWII vis-a-vis the host country’s social and political environment, with emphasis on the pressure from nationalism on Japanese immigrants’ education exerted by the Vargas administration. The impact of the policy was both significant and turbulent. It had become one of the main causes of the drastic changes in the national identity and character of Japanese primary schools after the Pacific War, with tragic consequences for the Japanese immigrants. Before WWII, Japanese immigrants had gradually advanced their status from contracted labourers to independent farmers, forming Japanese colonias (settlements) on government-allocated uncultivated land. They were eager to give their children elementary level education, and in remote areas, they had no choice but to provide this education principally in the Japanese language. These schools therefore became targets of the anti-Japanese movement that began in the 1920s, peaked in the 1930’s, and was phased out in the 1940s. Just before WWII, however, President Getulio Vargas developed a nationalistic policy which encompassed education; foreign schools were oppressed, and in 1938, most Japanese primary schools were closed. In addition, there was a ban on holding meetings and public gatherings, and Japanese newspapers were abolished. This was a traumatic situation that made Japanese-Brazilians pessimistic about the future, and their despair pushed them closer to supporting the goals of their Japanese homeland. The conflict between Brazilian and Japanese nationalism took place in primary education, which saw a tragic confrontation among immigrant groups, and resulted in a radical change of public opinion, as well as in the primary schools themselves.

Canada First vs. America First: Economic Nationalism and the Evolution of Canada-U.S. Trade Relations

Extract ----- Abstract Even though the nationalist policies of the current U.S. administration have taken the appearance of a radical shift away from the (neo)liberal approaches of preceding governments, they in fact represent the latest protectionist manifestation of the American system of industrial development and trade, characterised by economic nationalism since the Civil War of 1861-1865 and beyond. Recent trade disputes between the U.S. and Canada, from this perspective, have to be construed in light of a century and a half long evolution of trade relations between the two countries, profoundly marked by the mutations of American economic nationalism. Yet, Canada itself was never immune to protectionist tendencies. In fact, Canada was for a long time during the 20th century more protectionist than the U.S., and many of its own nationalist trade policies from the 1860s onward had significant effects on commercial relationships with the latter. The main objective of this article is therefore that of contextualisation: it paints a picture of the evolution of Canada-U.S. trade policies and relationships which brings “economic nationalism” back in. Its main argument is that these relationships have been characterised by a constant tension between liberalisation and protection, to which Canadian governments have contributed in many ways. Keywords: Canada, United States, Economic Nationalism, Trade, Protectionism, Liberalisation

Structural constraints in times of resource nationalism: oil policy and state capacity in post-neoliberal Ecuador

ABSTRACTThis article explores the re-emergence of resource nationalism in Ecuador during Rafael Correa’s government. In 2010, Ecuador pursued a shift in oil contracts from production sharing agreements to service contracts. I argue that resource nationalist policies were intended to maximize rent appropriation and increase state control. Nevertheless, in order to spell out the complexities of natural resource governance in post-neoliberal Ecuador, it is important to integrate the structural constraints of the Ecuadorian state to enact resource nationalist policies. Despite the nationalist sentiments that originated these reforms, the renegotiation of contracts continued to benefit foreign corporations due to the centralized attitude of the Correa government and the perennial limitations of state capacity in the regulation of the industry.

THE NATIONALIZATION OF THE DUTCH OWNED PLANTATIONS IN NORTH SUMATRA: TO WHOM THE COMMUNAL LAND BELONG?

This article has been developed through an analysis of primary and secondary sources concerning the nationalization’s policy of the Dutch enterprises in Indonesia as had been conducted by Soekarno’s regime back in 1958. The impact of this said policy has been so much felt very strongly to these days, most especially on the ex-concessionary lands of the Dutch enterprises in North Sumatera. The flaws made by the Indonesian government in interpreting the terminology of Concession to the Cultivation Rights on Lands, in the said nationalization policy, have created various endless conflicts among central and regional governments, state-owned enterprises, the Sultanates (mainly the Deli and the Serdang), private-owned companies, the military and other interest groups. At certain ends, these critical disputes have left some saddening and murky situations whereas the ancestral lands belonging to Melayu people, which were put in concession by the Sultanate to the Dutch-owned enterprises, were gradually missing in terms of identity and without any compensation to this ethnic group.

“Towards a Beautiful Country”: The Nationalist Project to Transform Japan

Japan is often regarded by scholarship as an example of what a healthy East Asian liberal democracy ought to look like. Despite its reputation for pacifism and liberal democracy, Japan has demonstrated a remarkable shift in political culture in the last decade, as successive governments have embraced decidedly nationalist policy choices. As the Abe Administration continues to push ahead with its plan for Constitutional Revision, a goal long advocated for by nationalist groups, Japan seems poised to enter a period of renewed nationalist discourses and policymaking. Existing scholarship presents these shifting political trends as having been facilitated by the political elite, and many scholars argue that elite driven, or top-down nationalism, is the driving force of political change in the modern Japanese political system. This paper challenges these assertions, instead arguing that resurgent nationalism in Japanese politics can be traced to the grassroots of society. Through a study of two non-government organizations, Nippon Kaigi 日本会議and Jinja Honchō 神社本庁, this paper clearly demonstrates the critical impact that grassroots organizing through non-government organizations has had on driving nationalist policymaking at the national level. The political success of these lobbying groups has been clearly evidenced in their presence at the highest level of Japanese government, as well as the remarkable similarities between their organizational goals and the political goals of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. This paper demonstrates that the relationship between grassroots nationalist organizations and the Japanese government is one of influence and pressure, rather than a coincidental alignment of political ideals.