Nationalism Identity Research Articles

Hungarian Nationalism and Hungarian Pan-Turanism until the Beginning of the Second World War

Abstract After the Napoleonic Wars in the 19th century, the development and spread of nationalism in Europe began to accelerate. The development of the national consciousness of the peoples living under the domination of the empires in Europe damaged the legitimacy of the empires in Europe and started to threaten the existence of the empires in Europe. These nationalist movements especially affected the Habsburg Empire, the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Tsardom, and these regions became areas of nationalist conflict.1 The word ‘Turan’, which is used to describe the Central Asian lands where Turkish tribes live, gained its ideological meaning in the 19th and 20th centuries. ‘Turanism’, which started to gain its ideological meaning in the second half of the 19th century in Hungary, which can be defined as an Asian country in the middle of Europe, has become an ideology identified with Hungarians, Hungarian nationalism and the Hungarian awakening. ‘Hungarian Turanism’, which has undergone many changes in its ideological depiction, was born and strengthened from the search for national identity among economic and social problems in Hungary, which is considered an ‘insecure’ society in Europe due to the threats of Slavic and Germanic elements. Hungarian nationalism and Hungarian identity, which were shaped in an ethnocultural context, evolved from a liberal/political basis to an ethnocultural and pan-nationalist practice. Especially at the beginning of the 20th century, the ‘Hungarian Turanism’ ideology, which started to strengthen with the Hungarian elites and intellectuals focusing on Hungarian national interests, culture and expansionist policies against external threats, led to the emergence of a new nationalism movement, Pan-Turanism. Hungarian nationalism and ‘Hungarian Turanism’ ideology, which started to develop and transform on different grounds, especially after the Hungarian Revolution of 1848, became stronger in the interwar period after the First World War and became an important part of the fascist Hungarian parties supported by Nazi Germany during the Second World War.

Review: The Aliites: Race and Law in the Religions of Noble Drew Ali, by Spencer Dew

Review: <i>The Aliites: Race and Law in the Religions of Noble Drew Ali</i>, by Spencer Dew

Language-based approach in achieving Sustainable Development Goals: A qualitative meta-analysis

Language-based approach in achieving Sustainable Development Goals: A qualitative meta-analysis

The roles of national and global identities and leaders in the acceptance of COVID-19 vaccines developed by different countries (Los roles de las identidades y los líderes nacionales y globales en la aceptación de las vacunas contra la COVID-19 desarrolladas por diferentes países)

ABSTRACT The current paper aims to study the social-psychological factors that would play roles in COVID-19 vaccine acceptance. Specifically, we examined whether national and global identifications and the leaders whom people think being in charge of managing the COVID-19 pandemic on a national scale could explain people’s acceptance of the COVID-19 vaccines developed by different countries. We proposed a model in which people’s assessment of the leader in terms of identity-leadership mediates the relationship between different identification types (i.e., global and national) and acceptance of Western, Asian or national vaccines. The model was tested on self-reported data collected in Turkey (N = 694) utilizing Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) in R software. The results revealed that national identification positively predicted acceptance of national vaccines and negatively predicted acceptance of Western vaccines; both of the relationships were also mediated by people’s assessments of the leader in terms of identity-leadership dimensions. On the other side, global identification positively predicted acceptance of Western vaccines. The implications of the findings were discussed in terms of their practical contributions along with their theoretical relevance.

Place Relations of Mobile People: National and Local Identification of Highly Skilled Migrants in Wrocław, Poland

Abstract This article discusses the difference between the construction of national and local identifications related to the new place of residence. It shows that local identification is more inclusive than national, and therefore may be a key to strengthening social cohesion. National and local identities can both be seen as forms of place identification (i.e., of spatial or territorial identity). The article builds on qualitative research on highly skilled migrants living in Wrocław, Poland. The empirical data shows that these migrants would rather obtain a city identification and call themselves Wrocławianie (inhabitants of Wrocław), and do not want, or only partially want, Polish national identity. Living in and experiencing Wrocław makes them feel like insiders, while experiencing Poland positions them as outsiders. While national identity is built around the difference between “us” and “them”, local identity focuses on gaining knowledge about the particularity of a place and therefore allows for acceptance of heterogeneity and is easier for migrants to obtain.

Rethinking the Modern Chinese Canon: Refractions across the Transpacific

Rethinking the Modern Chinese Canon: Refractions across the Transpacific

Flowering Plums and Curio Cabinets: The Culture of Objects in Late Chosŏn Korean Art by Sunglim Kim, and: A New Middle Kingdom: Painting and Cultural Politics in Late Chosŏn Korea (1700–1850) by J. P. Park

Reviewed by: Flowering Plums and Curio Cabinets: The Culture of Objects in Late Chosŏn Korean Art by Sunglim Kim, and: A New Middle Kingdom: Painting and Cultural Politics in Late Chosŏn Korea (1700–1850) by J. P. Park Yoonjung Seo Sunglim Kim, Flowering Plums and Curio Cabinets: The Culture of Objects in Late Chosŏn Korean Art (Seattle: Univ. of Seattle Press, 2018). Pp. 304; 80 color illus., 18 b/w illus., 1 map. $65.00 cloth. J. P. Park, A New Middle Kingdom: Painting and Cultural Politics in Late Chosŏn Korea (1700–1850) (Seattle: Univ. of Washington Press, 2018). Pp. 296; 93 color illus. $65.00 cloth. As a field of research, Korean art history is relatively young. It has grown rapidly over the last five decades: ritual, social, and political contexts have been investigated, period styles have been defined, canonical works have been identified, and important subjects and iconography have been discerned. Among scholars of Korean art, however, the nationalistic ideology that Korean art uniquely represents “Korean-ness” remains deeply entrenched, causing aesthetic value and style to be seen as expressions of national spirit and suggesting that the cultural essence of Korean art remains unchanged throughout history. This tendency has left little room for modernist or postmodernist theory, argumentation, questioning of social contexts, or consideration of a more nuanced role for Korea in East Asia. Sunglim Kim’s Flowering Plums and Curio Cabinets and J.P. Park’s A New Middle Kingdom are timely and valuable contributions to our understanding of the complex problems that Korean art historians have faced for decades. The authors tackle the issues of social class, the art market, nationalism, and cultural identity in the visual and material culture of the eighteenth-century Chosŏn dynasty, an era marked by economic and cultural efflorescence. Drawing on a wide range of theoretical perspectives, both authors offer insightful analyses of paintings along with examination of literary sources such as contemporaneous poems, diaries, letters, correspondence, and travel accounts. Sunglim Kim’s Flowering Plums and Curio Cabinets investigates the roles of the chungin, an upper-middle-class group of lesser bureaucrats and well-educated technical specialists, in the development of the art market and material culture of the late Chosŏn period (1700–1910). Kim calls into question “the traditional binary system” that categorizes Korean artists as either amateur literati or professional court painters and overlooks the existence of the chungin (7). Underscoring the role of the chungin as creators and consumers of artwork and as connoisseurs and tastemakers, Kim explores two related subjects—ch’aekkŏri screens and flowering plum paintings. Kim’s stylistic analysis and iconographical research shed light on chungin artists’ innovation of new subjects and styles as well as their commercial stimulation of late Chosŏn art. The first chapter opens with the chungins’ attempts to form a collective identity through cultural activities, including creating poetry societies, collecting art, pursuing painting and calligraphy, and acting as connoisseurs, dealers, and patrons, activities pursued with the goal of creating new genres as self-expression and a new group identity. Countering long-standing assumptions of a rigid unilateral relationship between the ruling yangban aristocrats and the secondary chungin class, Kim offers a complex reading of these groups’ relationships as exemplified by the careers of Kim Chŏnghŭi (1768–1856), the eminent yangban scholar artist, and Yi Sangjŏk (1804–1865), a Chinese-Korean chungin interpreter. According to Kim, [End Page 395] their relationship was not simply that of “yangban-teacher and chungin-follower” but rather “a fluid association, mutually dependent and beneficial with reciprocal exchanges of material, services, and artistic and monetary rewards” (41). Chapter 2 turns to ch’aekkŏri screens, opening with description of their role as a reflection of their owner’s social status, knowledge, wealth, and cultural sophistication. Ch’aekkŏri screens’ representation of still lives with books made them a genre newly invented by chungin painters, one that in Kim’s view bespeaks their owners’ attachment to “material culture and self-expression through peculiar obsessions” (29). The extraordinary material culture, avid cultural and artistic expression, and innovative artistic experimentation with European painting techniques that are reflected in ch...

On the shifting (ir)relevance of national and ethnic identifications in urban children’s everyday lives

ABSTRACT Based on three rounds of in-depth interviews, this article discusses the various ways in which children negotiate ethnic and national identities in a majority-minority city. I examine which identity labels children identify with, which relevance they attach to those labels, how they define these inclusively or exclusively and what these labels reveal about their senses of belonging. Children negotiate identity in myriad and creative ways and, while doing so, challenge public and political discourses by creating inclusive categories which transcend ethnic or national boundaries. I further show how, approximately 20 months after the first research round, the children retrospectively reflect on their self-identifications, may alter their initially chosen identity labels, and critically question the importance they once attached to those identities. The results contribute to a deeper understanding of children’s reflexivity and agency while dealing with their identity in a super-diverse environment.

Personal and Social Losses as Predictors of the National and Local Identifications among Chinese Youth in Hong Kong

ABSTRACT National and local identifications among the youth are likely to increase and reduce, respectively, following personal and societal losses experienced due to the localist riot. The localist riot occurs as an opposition to the nation or its regional government, such as that in Hong Kong. According to exchange theory, such riot losses are likely to change the identifications. With the aim to clarify this likelihood, this study surveys 2,000 Hong Kong Chinese youths aged 18–29 years. The survey measured the youth identifications in 2020 and 2019 and riot losses in early 2020 to predict national or local identifications. Results first demonstrate the inverse relationship between national (i.e., Chinese) and local (i.e., Hongkonger) identifications. Essentially, national identification increased with societal riot loss experienced unconditionally and personal riot loss experienced conditionally on prior national identification. Conversely, local identification decreased with personal and societal riot losses experienced conditionally on prior local identification. Results imply that the youth identifications can change due to the riot loss experienced.

Unlearning History: Mark Teh and the Spectres of Baling

Held in December 1955, the Baling talks represented a unique attempt to end the Malayan emergency through a negotiated peace between the British colonial government and the Malayan Communist Party, but it also marked the beginning of the Cold War in Asia. This paper focuses on Mark Teh's long-term investigations, as a researcher and theatre director for the Five Arts Centre in Kuala Lumpur, into this historically significant Cold War event and its representation. Teh's performance Baling is examined as an exemplary collaborative project that expands Western definitions of the documentary theatre, while highlighting the continuing efforts of South East Asian artists to contest cultural regionalism and colonial knowledge systems. Drawing on Brechtian aesthetics and postcolonial theory, Teh appropriates diverse forms of politically engaged art in order to question the role of history and the archive in the solidification of nationalist ideologies and identity binaries in the post-war era.

“We support unity in diversity, but politic is a privilege for my group”: The paradoxical influence of national identification × religious identification in predicting unity in diversity and political orientations

A sense of belonging to a nation and, simultaneously, to a religious group is commonly found in a society where religion is considered to be important. Such is the case in Indonesia where high and low of these senses of belonging may affect intergroup perceptions and political orientation. In two studies of Muslim and non-Muslim’ samples (Ns= 1005, 236) conducted in Indonesia, we investigated the interaction effects of national identification with religious identification on unity in diversity and political orientations. Consistently in two studies, nationalists with less sense of belonging to a religious group showed a more open and equal political perspective toward others, regardless of their group backgrounds. On the other hand, even though nationalists with high religious identification showed a tendency to support unity in diversity and prosocial values (study 1), they were found to also adopt an exclusionary approach toward the double-minority group of Chinese Indonesians’ involvement in politics and the economy (study 2). Further findings are discussed by considering how context and other religious elements may play a role of national identifications in intercultural relations. Data and materials availabilityAll data are available In the OSF: https://osf.io/h5avz/?view_only=65d9c30bdcf5450ea5ce78b5bd2e8446.

Queer Panic

This essay utilizes a theory of social embodiment as an analytical frame for the consideration of contemporary Christian nationalists’ near obsession with criminalizing trans and gender nonconforming (TGNC) embodiment and denying fundamental legal protections to TGNC individuals. It first presents a brief overview of Christian nationalism, understood as an expression of populist and nationalist identity, and Christian nationalists’ anti-TGNC efforts. Utilizing a constructive theoretical account of the metaphor of society as a kind of body, the paper goes on to argue that Christian nationalism takes shape as the expression of a desire for the imposition and maintenance of a very particular social and political order, grounded in the social body’s imagined normative shape or morphology. Within this theoretical frame, the essay argues that, in trans and gender nonconforming individuals, Christian nationalists are confronted with queer forms of embodiment that fundamentally undermine the imagined normative or “natural” embodiment, both individual and social, around which their social and political identity has taken shape. Considered from this theoretical perspective, Christian nationalist efforts aimed at criminalizing trans and gender nonconforming embodiment and denying the rights of trans and gender nonconforming individuals represent visceral, dysphoric responses toward individuals whose presence disfigures or transmogrifies the social body.

“Banal Balkanism?” – Rethinking Banal Nationalism and Regional Identity in the Post-Yugoslav Media Space

With the collapse of Yugoslavia, the supranational Yugoslav identity disappeared and was replaced by strengthened national identities. While some states of the former Yugoslavia have rediscovered their Europeanness, others have further strengthened their national identity. This paper answers the question of whether, three decades after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, a so-called “regional identity” still exists among the former Yugoslav states (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Kosovo). The authors set the initial hypothesis that belonging to a regional – in this case, Balkan – identity is more pronounced in the five candidate (Serbia, Montenegro and North Macedonia) and potential candidate countries (Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), and Kosovo) for European Union (EU) membership than in Slovenia and Croatia, which have become EU Member States. Hence, this article will provide insight into “regional identity” and the banality of “Balkanism” reproduced in state media. By examining articles on national online news portals, we will examine the linkage between symbols and deixes in media and their role in creating national and regional identity. This analysis will confirm our initial hypothesis that the term “regional identity” is much more prominent in the media of the EU candidate countries, than in those states which are already members of the EU. By analysing everyday nationalism in the media – a gap that exists in academic research – we aim to open up a discussion that can lead to some solutions for overcoming the identity dilemmas of the region.

Mass Migrations And The Emerging Socio-Political Constructs Of Identity, Interest And Security In Hosts State

Mass Migrations And The Emerging Socio-Political Constructs Of Identity, Interest And Security In Hosts State

Not Made by Slaves: Ethical Capitalism in the Age of Abolition by Bronwen Everill

Reviewed by: Not Made by Slaves: Ethical Capitalism in the Age of Abolitionby Bronwen Everill Rebecca Shumway (bio) Slavery, Capitalism, Free produce, Abolition, Trade, West Africa Not Made by Slaves: Ethical Capitalism in the Age of Abolition. By Bronwen Everill. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2020. Pp. 328. $39.95.) The transatlantic relationships that developed among Europeans, Africans, and Americans during the formation of the Atlantic world changed in important and complex ways at the dawn of the nineteenth century. The most widely noted of those changes stemmed from Britain and the U.S.A.'s abolition of the trade in captives from Africa; the Haitian and [End Page 151]other Atlantic Revolutions; and technological innovations associated with industrialization. Other profound changes in intercontinental transatlantic relations were less visible, and, in many respects, less linear in their evolution. This is especially true of ideological changes among Europeans and Americans with regard to Africa and unfree labor. In Not Made by Slaves, Bronwen Everill delves into these murkier waters surrounding abolitionist ideologies, so-called legitimate commerce, the formation of racialized nationalist identities, and proto-imperial positioning by the governments of Britain and the U.S.A. vis-a-vis West Africa. The book shows how present-day notions about the ethics of consumerism, including "fair-trade" commodities, socially conscious corporate practices, and considerations of inequity in the relationships between producers and consumers, originated in this era in tandem with other better-known transformations within the connective tissues of the Atlantic world. The book's seven chapters are organized thematically and discuss topics such as important commodities of transatlantic trade in this period (tobacco, cotton, sugar), commercial brands and branding, credit and debt, and nationalism. Everill's Introduction describes the vast historiography relevant to the study as well as some of the principal places, individuals, and trading firms discussed in the text, and summarizes each chapter. While the precise argument of the book remains somewhat elusive here, the Introduction clearly links the book's subject matter to the modern-day issue of ethical consumption. Similarly, the Epilogue stops short of drawing specific conclusions about the historical matter covered in the book but reviews the contradictions and complexities described in previous chapters and stresses that these are inherent in both past and present attempts to make international commerce simultaneously ethical and profitable. Not Made by Slavesstands out from other scholarly studies of nineteenth-century abolitionism and economics by deliberately including a West African perspective on the commercial, political, and ideological changes associated with the ending of the transatlantic slave trade and the development of new export streams from West Africa. While Everill's analysis of West African historical developments is rather slim compared to her discussion of how British and American abolitionists envisioned what ethical trade with Africa might look like, she provides concrete examples of antislavery sentiment and consumer consciousness among West Africans during this era. In the mostly Islamic hinterland of Senegambia, for [End Page 152]instance, some African rulers prohibited the sale of enslaved people to Europeans because they opposed trading with Christians. They sometimes also stamped out the market for imported alcohol and tobacco for religious reasons. In Sierra Leone and Liberia, a variety of settlers, missionaries, and colonial agents pursued antislavery agendas. They called international attention to the widespread use of slave labor in producing and transporting the "legitimate" African trade goods upon which British and American commerce there depended. Everill provides even more significant insight into the African side of this story when explaining the ideological shift that occurred toward the middle of the nineteenth century among Britons and Americans regarding unfree labor. As white people in these countries invested more and more in the belief that they were both culturally and biologically superior to other people, they also became more comfortable with the notion of "domestic slavery" in Africa and other places inhabited by people of color. Political and business leaders in Britain, in particular, were committed to the notion that overseas commerce was an important and necessary means of expanding Christian influence and what they considered "civilization" to what they considered the more "barbaric" parts of the world. This belief, in turn, fueled...

국채보상운동 과정에서 공동체의식의 심화와 유교적 에토스의 영향

Recently there have been suggestions from both U.S. and Korean academic circles, that the national identity of the Korean people may have been forged during the Goryeo or Joseon dynasty period. These studies have taken notice of an unusual sense of cultural homogeniety that we can spot from the premodern period (a rather unprecedented level of it, even considering other countries’ cases on the global stage), and they also highlighted the actions of the Confucian scholars for example, the Scholars-turned-Righteous Army leaders) who had absolutely no ties with the government yet were just as strongly devoted to the task of overcoming a dynastic crisis as the governmental officials were. However, these studies have somewhat ignored the simple fact that in order for a nation to be formed, an affection for its partners, peers and colleagues that go beyond regions, social classes and genders, should be set in place first. <BR> This article differs from previous efforts and especially the aforementioned studies, as it sees the National Debt Redemption Movement in 1907 as an event that served as a virtual platform for the Koreans to build a horizontal partnership, which could evolve beyond issues such as regions, genders and classes and eventually lead into a Nationalist stand. At the same time, this article also recognizes the possibility that the Confucian ethos -such as the concept of righteousness- could have been contributive to the promotion of this new sense of partnership, and in that regard this article does share the belief of other studies that Confucian culture may have served as a soil for the Koreans’ Nationalistic identity.<BR> In that regard, this article aims to define the relationship between Korean Nationalism and Confucian traditions, by examining the fact that more and more people came to consider the National Debt Redemption Movement as the ‘right thing to do’ after learning all kinds of people from various backgrounds-regions, genders and social classes, etc.- were joining it, and the fact that they too wanted to be recognized as people joining the righteous effort, by publicly declaring their participation in the movement.

Anti-EU Backlash from Below or Above? Public Opinion in Central and Eastern Europe Prior to the 2015 Migration Crisis

Relations between Brussels and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) worsened during and after the 2015 migration crisis. In order to see to what extent CEE citizens contributed to and/or resonated with this new state of affairs, this paper investigates public opinion before the migration crisis in seven CEE EU Member States. We inquire whether the main issues of the rift (CEE political elites’ opposition to following EU decisions and immigration and their emphasis on sovereignism, nationalism, Christian Europe and historical traumas) could also be traced to public stances towards these issues before the migration crisis. We used the ISSP National Identity module conducted in 2013 and 2014 in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia and Slovenia. The results show that opposition to EU supranationalism was not linked to ethnic nationalism and religious identity (except in Hungary). Contrary to political elites, who emphasised the cultural threat posed by migration, public opinion was more concerned with the economic threat. Moreover, the perception of cultural threat was not linked to opposing EU supranationalism in any of the countries. However, particularly support for sovereignism (in almost all the countries), but also pride in national history (in some countries) correlated negatively with support for EU supranationalism. The results suggest that political elites can bypass public opinion to construct an anti-EU climate, however not out of thin air. The conditions for such a process were present in Hungary with its emerging transnational cleavage, which shows the importance of cleavages in studying Euroscepticism.

Pancasila and Rukun Negara: A Relation of Identity, State, and Nationalism in Indonesia and Malaysia

This article will elaborate on Indonesia’s Pancasila and Malaysia’s Rukun Negara, the state base for both neighbouring Southeast Asian countries. Concerning the relation between identity, State, and nationalism through a literature study approach, this article found that the socio-historical setting of the birth of Pancasila and Rukun Negara influences the process of identity formation and the spirit of nationalism in both countries. Besides, the success of the two ideologies of the State in shaping the identity and spirit of nationalism is supported by the representation of structural and cultural elites. Furthermore, the manifestation of Pancasila and Rukun Negara is done in various fields to become the way of life of Indonesian and Malaysian society, which finally become the amplifier of awareness in shaping nationalism identity and spirit of nationalism in both countries. Finally, taking into account a wide range of issues to be faced by both countries, this article suggests that Pancasila and Rukun Negara can eventually become a national identity and a spirit in shaping the nationalism of citizens in Indonesia and Malaysia.

ANCESTRY AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION IN ROMANIA

This paper examines the relation between the ethnic origin and the strength of national identification, as emotional attachment to Romania. Despite there are many nationalism studies, not enough are exploring empirical data while questioning ethno-nationalist conceptions in and about Romania. Considering the primordialist perspectives, the roots of the nation are of ethnic origin, therefore a stronger relation should be expected between those of Romanian ethnic background and their national identifications, as compared to national identifications of people that ascribe a different or mixed ethnic origin. By running a multivariate analysis on the Romanian ESS9 wave, the article finds clues of equal degrees of identification with Romania among all these categories of people. Results do not deny connections between ancestry and national identification. The findings rather point out that in terms of emotional attachment, Romanians, Hungarians, Roma, and other citizens declaring a different common ancestry for all ancestors or a mixed ancestry, have similar levels of identification with the country.

The Psychosis of Power: A Lacanian Reading of Augusto Roa Bastos’s I, the Supreme

In the mid-seventies, Paraguay was two decades into what would ultimately be the second longest dictatorship in its history, second only to the reign of its “founding father,” Doctor José Rodríguez Gaspar de Francia. The regime of Alfredo Stroessner justified its existence and articulated its continued role in Paraguayan politics on a genealogy of national identity that had its supposed roots in the Francia government, Francia’s political ideology and, in fact, in the historical person of Francia himself. In this essay I show how the great Paraguayan writer Augusto Roa Bastos’s 1974 novel, I, the Supreme, takes aim at the “kernel of the real” in the Stroessner regime’s political genealogy, using fiction to make evident its anamorphic manipulation of national and nationalist identity. By taking at its word the regime’s historical discourse, I, the Supreme reveals the psychotic logic animating its version of political power.