Doctrine Of Nationalism Research Articles

On the Nature of Nationalism: An Appraisal of Ernest Gellner's Writings on Nationalism

Ernest Gellner's is the best-known modernist explanatory theory of nationalism. This article summarizes its expression and development before considering its strengths and weaknesses. Discussion centres on Gellner's functionalist mode of explanation, the place of nationalism in his philosophy of history, the predictive and retrodictive nature of his theory, and the merits of his typology of nationalism. The apolitical character of his writings is emphasized: in particular, though Gellner established the connections between nationalism and egalitarianism in modern societies, he did not emphasize the mutually reinforcing relationships between nationalism, egalitarianism and democratization; moreover, his contempt for nationalist doctrines is not something liberals, socialists and conservatives need share.

Andean Logic and Andean Identity: Deathly Waters and Hungry Mountains: Agrarian Ritual and Class Formation in an Andean Town . Peter Gose. ; Cumbe Reborn: An Andean Ethnography of History . Joanne Rappaport.

tries undermine mobilization and plurinational initiatives. Some mention should have been made of struggles and gains in North America; this is a missed opportunity considering growing political clout of Canada's First Nations and plurinational proposals found there. And by omitting any mention of nations in United States, volume gives impression that everything is all right at home. More emphasis could also have been placed on how increasingly transit regional, urban, and national boundaries, discovering new worlds, adopting new technologies, and prosperingwithout sacrificing their cultural identities. But latter, I would argue, are inextricably linked-by representations in popular media, nationalist doctrine, and scholarship alike-to images of poverty and marginality, implicit message being that to achieve social mobility, peoples must renounce their identities. The definitions and images generated by dominant society allow for little else, viewing their cultures as archaic, static, and part of nature, far removed from cultural mainstream of modernizing nation. Such stereotypes also impact international institutions such as World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank, which list grievances as environmental issues. Future work must explore how native peoples are reshaping their images and resignifying constraining terms Indian and indigenous people. Such work, I believe, will show that cultural distinctiveness of peoples is entirely compatible with modernity, urban spaces, transnational migration, and social mobility. In sum, while real progress has been made, future of rights and cultural nationalism is uncertain. On one hand, as presence of senators, reformed constitutions, strategic international alliances, and ethnicity-based federations demonstrates, generally have more political clout than ever before. Even in countries such as war-torn Guatemala and Peru, where tens of thousands of peasants have been murdered in recent years, authors find hope that exclusionary creole and ladino political dominance is deteriorating and that politically effective groups and constitutional provisions are emerging. Yet legacy of 1492 remains strong, and in countries throughout Americas, languages and cultures of the hemisphere's most marginalized people (p. 30) are still treated with contempt and excluded from national mainstream, while assaults on their leaders, territories, and resources continue. Until this changes, peoples will continue to view democracy found in Americas as an institutional facade serving interests of a light-skinned, neocolonial society. I

The state of nationalism

Abstract John Breuilly's Nationalism and the State provides an indispensable guide to the history of nationalist doctrines and practices since 1800. Yet it misses a crucial dynamic. Top‐down nationalizing efforts by European rulers generated bottom‐up demands for autonomy or independence by political entrepreneurs claiming to represent distinct nations. Those demands gained credibility and strength when third parties such as great powers and international organizations validated them. This process established an evolving international procedure and an incentive structure that promote top‐down suppression of minorities, bottom‐up bids for recognition, and violent struggles among the parties.

States without Foundations: The Political Evolution of State and Society in the Arab East

The states of the Arab East -Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Jordanhave continued to have as precarious an existence as when they were created independent sovereign entities. Their stability and security, and even their survival, are challenged by forces from within and without. They have disappointed the expectations of the Great Powers whose machinations led to their creation; they have disappointed their rulers' ambitions for power and dominance, but above all they have failed to fulfil the political aspirations of their peoples. Although their political structure has become powerful and all-embracing, it has remained as alien and artificial as the boundaries drawn to demarcate their international frontiers. Their rejection by their peoples as well as their rulers has rendered the emergence of a political community with a single focus of loyalty and allegiance difficult, if not impossible. The conflicting demands of the various nationalist ideologies have prevented the development of a uniform political identity in heterogeneous societies. These states have been unable to provide a suitable framework for the resolution of domestic political conflicts. In the absence of a universally accepted basis for the rule of law, coercion and a frequent resort to violence rather than accommodation have become the norm in the resolution of political disputes as well as the means for the attainment and retention of political power. The concept of the nation-state is an ambiguous notion which does not lend itself to a simple and clear-cut definition.' Although closely associated to, it may be easily distinguished from the doctrine of nationalism and the idea of nationality. As a political doctrine, nationalism postulates that humanity is originally and naturally divided into nations, 'existing time out of mind', whose genius must

Louis de Bonald: The foreshadowing of the integral nationalism of Charles Maurras and the action Française in the thought of the French counterrevolution

As is well known, Charles Maurras’ doctrine of Integral Nationalism exercised a considerable influence particularly within the ranks of the traditional elites in France, during the first four decades of the twentieth century. Maurras advocated a conservative form of nationalism which was collectivist, antiindividualist, authoritarian and elitist, as an antidote to what he considered to be the decadence and social disorganization afflicting French society. Moved by nostalgia for a France which had existed prior to the French Revolution Maurras called for the re-establishment of the monarchy and of a nation consisting of communities and corporate bodies. Maurras’ confidence in his theory of Integral Nationalism grew out of his belief that its central idea concerning the collectivist nature of human life, had been given a modern, definitive, scientific demonstration in the Positivism of Auguste C0mte.l Comte had shown that the French Revolution’s concept of individual liberty was erroneous and that men in fact lived as members of collectivities. If for Comte the most important form of collective life was Humanity, for Maurras it was fa p&Ye. Maurras perceived his theory of Integral Nationalism to represent a fusing of Positivism with that right-wing tradition in France which went back to the Counterrevolution and its defense of the corporatist Old Order against Revolutionary individualism. Nevertheless, the most important of the counterrevolutionary theorists, Louis de Bonald, figures only peripherally in Maurras’ works. Historians too have not given serious consideration to the subject of the relationship between Integral Nationalism and the ideas which had appeared a century earlier in the literature of the Counterrevolution. In part, this may be attributed to the fact that historians have perceived the development of modern nationalism in France as having occurred within the ranks of the revolutionaries: men who identified the French nation with the people and who based their idea of the nation upon the modern doctrines of equality and popular sovereignty.2 In fact a modern conservative and proto-positivist theory of the nation, foreshadowing that of Maurras, may be seen to have been taking shape in Bonald’s counterrevolutionary ‘science of society’, most notably during the years 1799-1802. In Bonald’s thinking, as in that of the authors of the French Revolution, sovereignty had been shifted from the king to the nation. Unlike the early revolutionaries, however, Bonald did not envisage the nation as an

'The Irish Dr Goebbels': Frank Gallagher and Irish Republican Propaganda

The Easter Rising in Ireland in 1916 was an exercise in catharsis. The leaders who were executed for their part in it, particularly Patrick Pearse, conceived of an uprising as a redemptive act: their rhetoric was about the need to save Ireland from apostasy and to vindicate the timeless doctrine of separatist nationalism.1 The British reaction to the rebellion was everything those who took part in it thought it would be. The executions of fifteen of the rebels under martial law engendered a popular mood of outraged justice; out of this emerged a new and fluid political context. In his Political Violence in Ireland, Charles Townshend argues that the Rising was, to a large extent, a manifestation of violence in politics. He states:

Neo-Canadians and Schools in Montreal, 1900-1970

Immigrants' involvement in Quebec's unique confessional educational system is viewed through the experience of the important Jewish and Italian communities. This discussion illustrates the degree to which the two “host” communities, French and English, were unwilling to alter their religious or nationalist doctrines and institutional structures in order to accommodate other ethnic groups.

On Macedonian Nationality

Terrorist bombs, random assassinations, kidnapping of foreigners to finance arms for revolution-during the first decade of our century all this would at once be associated with the Macedonian question, which in turn was the heart of the Near Eastern Question. Historians and observers of current Balkan politics are continually drawn back to this chaotic period, for Macedonia is an early example of postempire communal conflicts involving intimately intertwined strands of religious and ethnographic elements. The seemingly senseless acts of violence were symptoms of the breakup of the five-hundredyear-old polyethnic, multicultural Ottoman Empire in Europe. The crucial controversy involves the emergence of an individual Macedonian nationality, with its own separate language. Bulgarian scholarship stubbornly denies the existence of any such ethnic group or language, vociferously denouncing it as the scurrilous invention of a group of Titoist agents and traitors during 1944. Yugoslav Macedonians tend to push the origins back at least to the middle of the nineteenth century, if not to Phillip and Alexander of Macedon. The torrent of bitter polemics on the topic has tended to obscure rather than illuminate. Ordinary words and related assumptions about social arrangements have misled both observers on the scene at the time and later analysts attempting to understand the local societies and their relationships to neighboring groups. Prime culprits are the words nation and language. Nation (with its derivative nationality) has two major senses: the rather vague traditional meaning of a group united by awareness of shared kinship, language, and culture (like smaller groups called tribe or clan) and the post-1789 doctrine of nationalism that sees nation as a basic and subdivision of humanity, a political unit.I Neither language nor territory is necessarily a part of this kind of ideology, but frequently both are taken as part of the natural and self-evident peculiar characteristics of a proper nation. Thus Bulgarian ideologists, adhering to a particularly romantic national myth of this sort, have at least since 1870 taken for granted that nation = language = territory = state, whereby the terms nation and language are absolutely equal and primary, while nation = language ordinarily equals territory, and finally nation = language = territory ought to correspond to state. Against this background, a definition of Bulgaria that includes all of Macedonia has motivated the irredentist policies of virtually every Bulgarian government of whatever hue during the past century. Because the territory is Bulgarian, the dogma goes, the people who inhabit it are Bulgarians. Because they are

L'identité nationale saisie par les logiques de racisation. Aspects, figures et problèmes du racisme différentialiste

NATIONAL IDENTITY FRAMED IN THE LOGICS OF RACISATION The cross-roads term « identity », both essential and abstruse, gives place to some paradoxes in the field of ideologico-political discourse. The antinomy between individuo-universalism (absolutization of individual) and communitarism (absolutization of an exclusive type of group belonging) mainly underlies most of the conflicts taking the form of the opposition nationalism-racismlhumanitarism-antiracism. Three operations characterize the last fifteen years of French racist speeches : the « racialization » of vocabularies of culture, religion, traditions and mentalities ; the rhetorical shifting from the inegalitarian argument to the differencialist argument - (Mixophobia is the term suggested for designating the presently dominant form of racism integrated in nationalism, the bible of which being propagated by the national-populist discourse (Le Pen) and legitimated by the differentialism of the New Right) - ; the systematic use of a strategy of « retortion », defined as an operation of re-using- appropriation, self-legitimation and dis-legitimation of the ennemy. When interweaving nationalism and racism, the racist arguments can both justify and contest nationalist doctrines in the name of bio-anthropological sciences. An analysis of J.M. Le Pen's recent texts cause to distinguish three logics of racisation : differentialist, preferentialist and inequalitist.

Religion and the doctrine of nationalism in England at the time of the French revolution and Napoleonic wars

The Maxim my country right or wrong is unquestionably difficult and perhaps impossible to justify; certainly no Christian can easily regard the nation as the supreme object of loyalty. Yet during the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars intensive efforts were made in press and pulpit, through the courts and through informal social pressure, to enhance patriotism. Patriotism almost certainly became stronger and more widely diffused. How did the denominations respond to this dilemma? My aim is to suggest some links between denominational affiliation and attitudes to nationalism. The topic is an important one; at this time religion usually set the terms of the debate about loyalty.

Nations and Norms

Nationalism like all political doctrines is at root normative, that is, it makes a claim that matters ought to be arranged in a certain way. The root claim of nationalism is that a nation should be self-governing. This article is concerned with the normative basis of that claim: upon what understanding of value, principle, norm, etc., does it rest? The exercise is thus abstract; it is not a concrete investigation into the causes of nationalism, and it is also less about the substantive doctrine or theory of nationalism than about what might be called its metatheory; finally, the paper does not presume to pronounce on the validity of nationalism as normative doctrine.

Islam and the Theory of Arab Nationalism

It is often argued that Islam and nationalism, being systems different in origin and inspiration are contradictory almost by definition, and that no useful purpose can be served in discussing them in connexion with each other. In this essay, I will, however, try to examine Islam and Arab nationalism as systems of belief, and to discover the point of contact between them, and whether a reconciliation between the two creeds is possible or not. 1 It will be necessary to study the literature of the Arab nationalist movement, to trace any Islamic elements that it may contain, and to endeavour to relate these elements to the traditional system of Islamic belief. Such a study will involve the discussion of the changes that have come over certain terms, Islamic in origin and character, as a result of the infiltration of Western ideas into Arabic thought. Nationalist doctrines in Europe have usually encouraged xenophobia, an exaggerated pride in race and language, and a desire to seek inspiration in a pre-Christian past; Eastern nationalisms naturally followed suit in these as in other, perhaps less aggressive, tendencies of nationalism, since it was from Europe that nationalist theories were learnt in modern times. The literature of Arab nationalism does not lack illustrations of these tendencies. To take an example, S ami Shawkat, a Director General of Education in Iraq in the I93os, spoke as follows to the teachers of private and foreign schools in Baghdad in I939:

Nationalism and Labor in Ireland, Part I

On the Easter of 1916 the Irish Republican organizations (the Irish Volunteers, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and the proletarian Irish Citizen Army), adhering to the extreme Nationalist doctrine that England's difficulty is Ireland's opportunity, raised an armed rebellion and from their headquarters in the General Post Office, Dublin, issued the proclamation of the Irish Republic.This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

The Impact of Anti-Semitism on the State of Israel

H tUMAN beings have always tended to join together in groups. Each member of a group has an instinctive tendency to dislike members of other groups merely because they belong to other groups and not to his own group. Even when one group forms an alliance with another group, the motive is normally dislike or fear of other groups rather than mutual sympathy and attraction. This basic human tendency is liable to be intensified by ideologies which maintain the superiority of one or more groups over others: it can be kept under control by powerful Governments ruling over a number of varied groups and determined and able to maintain order among them. In essence, tension between Jew and Gentile is no different from that which prevails between rich and poor, black and white, orthodox and heretics, Lancashire and Yorkshire, Oxford and Cambridge. Its outward manifestations have, however, been shaped by historical developments such as the growth of mystical conceptions of the functions and natures of nations and the distribution of Jewish communities over a large number of different political units so that anti-Semitism today is no longer a prejudice against Jews but a proselytizing movement with international ramifications and an ideology which professes to provide solutions for a number of social, political, economic, and philosophical problems. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effect of this movement on the emotional climate of the inhabitants of the State of Israel. The Jewish population of the State of Israel originates largely from countries through which nationalist doctrines have spread during the last century and it has, therefore, been in a position to obtain a rather nearsighted view of the situation of minorities in nationalist countries. It has also preserved vivid and profound memories of centuries of discrimination and persecution prior to the rise of nationalism and one might go further and suggest that a conscious belief in a general and even inevitable hostility on the part of Gentiles towards Jews is the basis of Jewish nationalism and the main reason for the existence of the State of Israel. Yet the acceptance of hostility as a natural phenomenon by many Jews should not be allowed to obscure the acute difference between the antiJewish feeling of pre-nationalist epochs and that of the nationalist period. In both ancient and medieval times, whatever the extent of persecution, it had been possible for a Jew through adoption of the dominant faith to advance from the status of a second-class to that of a first-class human 0 I93

Religious Opposition to Nationalism in the Middle East

T | SURKEY and Israel are popularly considered to be the two most stable States in the Middle East. Their parliamentary institutions work comparatively well, their armies seem prepared to fight in defence of their countries, and their governments have indicated their intention to side with the Western bloc in the event of an international conflict.' There is also another point of resemblance. While in all other Middle Eastern countries religious-political organizations are devoted to the support of nationalist aspirations, in Turkey and Israel religious groups with an aversion to nationalist thought and conduct have emerged. This statement must be qualified by two admissions. First, there are in both these countries individuals and groups who combine nationalist loyalties with devotion to their faith. Secondly, in the other Middle Eastern countries, a small number of conservative religious people still harbour in their hearts suspicion of the all-embracing claims of nationalist doctrine and fear of the results of the atmosphere which it fosters. Moreover, there is an obvious reason for the development of religious opposition to nationalism in Turkey and Israel and not elsewhere in the Middle East. Only in Turkey and Israel has anti-religious nationalism become powerful enough to arouse and justify the formation of anti-nationalist religious groups.2 Throughout much of the latter half of the history of Islam, the functions relating to the spiritual guidance of the community have been shared by two distinct groups of religious functionaries. The doctrinal, ritual, and legal traditions of the faith are safeguarded by men of learning, who give authoritative decisions on religious problems, administer justice in the religious courts, preach sermons and compile works of devotion for the instruction and entertainment of those Muslims who have enjoyed the benefits of a sound religious education. The enthusiasm of the masses, however, has been largely sustained not by the erudition of the official leaders of the faithful but by the heirs to the traditions of Islamic mysticism, the orders of dervishes. In the last century of the Ottoman Empire, both the official and unofficial groups occupied positions of dignity

Why Men Behave Like Apes and Vice Versa

THE present eclipse of anthropology as an active science, while no doubt partly a result of the War, is very largely an outcome of the growth of nationalist doctrines in Europe during the past decade. Ever since the rise of Hitler, reputable anthropologists have been abandoning orderly scientific work in order to devote more and more of their energies to refuting a priori doctrines of race-for example, those which form part of the foundation of Nazi political philosophy. The immediate result has been the transformation of the international anthropological scene into one camp of propagandists which supports such doctrines, and another the main purpose of which is to expose their lack of scientific basis. A more serious consequence of the politico-racial 'red herring' is that human biology, which may be conceived as the discipline the responsibility of which is to co-ordinate studies of the biological history and relationships of different peoples, as well as studies of their genetic make-up and behaviour, has been largely side-tracked into unprofitable polemics. These fields of inquiry will have to be explored again if there is to be any sustained rational approach to the wider social problems, not least of which are the Colonial problems, which must be faced at the end of the War. That they will emerge in full vigour is certain, not only because of necessity, but also because of the enthusiastic faith shown in this field of correlated studies by a small band of devoted anthropologists and social biologists. Why Men Behave Like Apes and Vice Versa Or Body and Behavior. By Earnest Albert Hooton. Pp. xxv + 234 + 22 plates. (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press ; London: Oxford University Press, 1941.) 18s. 6d. net.

'Aryans' in Italy

NATIONALIST doctrine in Italy hitherto has had the appearance of avoiding pronouncement upon theories of race. It has relied rather on fostering the totalitarian spirit upon imperial tradition with a consequent orientation to archæological research, for which the learned world is duly grateful to the personal interest of the Duce. Now, however, it is said to be time that the Italians frankly professed themselves to be “racist”. A group of university professors, it is reported (The Times, July 15), working under the auspices of the Ministry of Popular Culture, has drawn up a pronouncement, appearing in the Giornale d'Italia of July 14, in which is stated what is to be regarded henceforth as the orthodox view of racial doctrine as applied to Italy. This statement has the merit that it recognizes that the idea of race is a purely biological concept, with which history, language and religion have nothing to do. It claims that the present population of Italy is in its majority Aryan, few elements of the pre-Aryan races remaining, and no immigration of populations capable of influencing the racial physiognomy of the nation having taken place since the Lombardic invasion. The forty-four million of inhabitants of Italy to-day, it is maintained, are for the most part descended from families which have been established there for at least a thousand years. While this may be conceded, but only so far as it goes, the inference that the Italian race—a term which in itself begs the question—can thus be regarded as a pure race is perhaps less readily to be accepted. The corollary that racism in Italy ought to be “essentially Italian with an Aryan-Nordic direction” is a hard saying, only partially intelligible, especially in view of the repudiation of linguistic evidence, in the light of the evident desire to dissociate the Italians from other members of the Mediterranean racial group by emphasizing its purely European characteristics as marking it off from all extra-European races. This view would ignore or deny any trace of kinship between the Mediterranean strain in the Italian and that in the peoples of North Africa, Arabia, and Palestine. This would seem to require a somewhat drastic re-interpretation of the facts.

Economic and Military Armaments

IN the eighth Richard Cobden Lecture entitled “The Common Menace of Economic and Military Armaments” delivered on May 25 and now published (Cobden-Sanderson, Ltd., Is. net), Prof. W- E. Rappard, discussing the relations between economic and military armaments, points out that as military armaments have contributed to the development of economic armaments, so the latter in turn have promoted the extension of military armaments by emphasizing the claims of the national State as against the rights of the individual and of mankind, and thereby increasing the tension in international relations. Both economic and military armaments are largely the legacy of past wars or the fruit of antici pation of future wars. Their primary source, however, is the doctrine of political nationalism which leads nations to look upon their own State as a universe in itself and therefore to disregard the rights of all others. A further source is in the present depression and in the efforts to overcome it by thorough-going State intervention.

Contributions of Herder to the Doctrine of Nationalism

Contributions of Herder to the Doctrine of Nationalism