National Liberation Research Articles

The quest for the ukrainian “Araucana”. The case for the humanization of the Orc

The decade-long armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine (2014-2024) has been characterized legally and politically in different ways, such as a war of self-defense against external aggression to uphold the rules-based international order, or a war of national liberation against occupation and full-scale invasion by an imperialist power. On a social level, the rhetoric or language used by the immediately affected parties reveals the need to construct the conflict also as an existential fight between good and evil whereby the enemy is dehumanized by referring to them as “orcs.” Yet, this rhetoric could prove counter-productive as both a matter of principle and expediency. As a matter of principle, the same rules-based international order for which this just war of self-defense is being fought requires the humane treatment of the enemy. As a matter of expediency, the demeaning label “orc” risks being reclaimed by the enemy as a source of national pride and cultural identity, thus bolstering their will to fight and making a return to peace more difficult. The humanization of the enemy as both the right thing to do and the more convenient course of action is the best approach not only to win the war, but to fight and win well. The methodology used consists of textual analysis and philosophical argument drawing on primary and secondary sources. The former include historical works from both Hispanic and Ukrainian literature, namely the epic poem “La Araucana” (1569-1578-1590) by Alonso de Ercilla, and “Eneida” (1798) by Ivan Kotlyarevsky, a parody of the epic poem written by Virgil. Secondary sources include works of history, sociology, philosophy, law and ethics, as well as epic fantasy, namely J.R.R. Tolkien’s “The Lord of the Rings” and Kirill Eskov’s “The Last Ringbearer”.

‘It took courage to die in Angola’: Umkhonto we Sizwe’s War versus UNITA, 1975–89

Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the armed wing of the African National Congress, is reputed to have been a largely ineffective guerrilla army which hardly challenged the apartheid war machine. Instead, this army in exile was mostly confined to its bases in post-independence Angola, thousands of kilometres from the land they sought to liberate. While in Angola, MK forces were largely kept on the defensive as they were compelled to join the Angolan government in its war against the armed group UNITA, which received extensive support from the South African apartheid regime and the United States. Yet within this context, on the periphery of the Cold War and the anti-apartheid struggle, MK managed a degree of battlefield success against UNITA, thus helping to pave the way for negotiations with South Africa. Although constrained by structural factors, MK nevertheless managed to assert an agency that has largely gone untold in the history of southern Africa’s national liberation movements. This article reinterprets MK’s military history by putting its Angolan battles at its heart. Relying on oral testimonies and memoirs of former MK combatants as well as scholarly sources, I argue that MK’s containment of UNITA offensives in northern and eastern Angola has been overlooked as an important battlefield contribution that helped Angola’s MPLA government to endure the apartheid regime’s onslaught and shaped the Cold War endgame in southern Africa. Moreover, combat narratives from Angola have proved pivotal in shaping the memories and identities of former MK personnel, even as contemporary South African elites have deployed these narratives for their own political ends.

Realizing the Kinetic Origin of Hydrogen Evolution for Aqueous Zinc Metal Batteries

AbstractThe commercialization of zinc metal batteries (ZMBs) for large‐scale energy storage is hindered by challenges such as dendrite formation, the hydrogen evolution reaction (HER), and passivation/corrosion, which lead to poor stability of zinc metal anodes. HER is a primary contributor to this instability, and despite efforts to enhance ZMB cyclability, a significant knowledge gap remains regarding the origin of HER in these systems. Prior works, based primarily on theoretical calculations with minimal experimental support, suggest that HER originates from Zn2⁺‐solvated water. For the first time, by employing scanning electrochemical microscopy (SECM), and electrochemical mass spectrometry (ECMS), in real‐time the inherently intertwined nature of Zn electrodeposition and H₂ liberation is revealed, both exhibiting the same onset potential in voltammetry. The findings show that water molecules surrounding Zn2⁺ ions undergo reduction simultaneously during Zn2⁺ deposition. Additionally, ECMS conducted under chronopotentiometric/galvanostatic conditions at battery‐relevant current densities elucidates why elevated electrolyte concentrations enhance the prolonged cyclability of ZMBs. Understanding the origin of HER opens avenues for developing high‐performance, reliable aqueous ZMBs, addressing key challenges in their commercialization and advancing their technological capabilities.

경계 사이에서 : 한국 입양인의 민족주의와 초국적 정체성의 교차

This article explores the complex interplay between nationalism and transnational adoption, using the case of Korean adoptees in the United States to highlight how nationalist ideologies and transnational realities intersect and affect individual identities. The argument posits that while nationalism traditionally seeks to create a homogeneous national identity, transnational adoption introduces nuances that challenge these homogenizing forces by presenting a form of hybridity and transnational identity that cannot be easily reconciled with conventional nationalist narratives. It delves into how Korean adoptees navigate their identities between ethnic nationalism in Korea and civic nationalism in the US, suggesting that transnational adoptees live within a tension of being neither fully one nor the other. The purpose of this paper is to deepen the understanding of how transnational adoptees form their identities amidst contrasting nationalisms and to examine the implications of these identities for broader debates on nationalism and globalization. By focusing on Korean adoptees, the paper seeks to illuminate the broader social and political mechanisms at play in shaping transnational identities, thereby contributing to academic discussions in the fields of sociology, cultural studies, and international relations.

THE WESTERN ARMENIAN PERIODICAL PRESS ABOUT THE 1846 POLISH LIBERATION STRUGGLE

In the 1840s, the Polish patriotic and secret societies began preparing for another struggle for independence and freedom. In 1846 in Krakow the Polish revolted and which drew the attention of the Armenian press. The Polish national liberation struggle did not escape the attention of the Armenian periodicals of the time. The newspapers ‘The Arshaluys Araratyan" and "Azgaser"newspapers of the Western Armenian national-conservative current directly referred to it. Based on the news received from the European press, these periodicals covered the struggle of the Polish from their ideological point of view. Current ideologues and periodicals advocated maintaining the existing political balance in Europe and did not encourage any revolt against the authorities. The Smyrn-Armenian newspaper ‗‘The Arshaluys Araratyan‘‘, while speaking about the Krakov rebellion in 1846, stated that they didn‘t encourage the struggle of the Polish, for the Austrian authorities didn‘t violate them. According to the newspaper the reason of it was non-consolidation of the Polish and never violation and pressure of the Austrian and Prussian authorities. The Indian-Armenian newspaper ―Azgaser‘‘ displayed its pro- Russian position on the Polish rebellion. According to the newspaper, not only the rebellion took place in 1830 but also the Krakov rebellion in 1846, caused a fair vengeance of the Russian Tsar. The Western Armenian periodicals understood that the Polish had rebelled to overthrow the foreign rule, but they did not praise their struggle

The Early Socio-ecological Dimensions of Tricontinental (1967–1971): A Sovereign Social Metabolism for the Third World

This article delves into the socio-ecological dimensions of OSPAAAL, the Cuban Third World solidarity institution, focusing particularly on the early years of its official organ: the magazine Tricontinental (1967–1971). Tricontinental’s articles and graphic works, even if not always in an explicit manner, addressed environmental concerns in a revolutionary way, anticipating debates that would later unfold on international institutional platforms. These concerns were primarily discussed in the context of the Third World’s quest for autonomous production, closely intertwined with the agrarian question and sovereign industrialization. Key aspects such as land access, distribution, and resource management were pivotal. The publication’s central emphasis on struggles for national liberation, especially within the guerrilla arena, played a crucial role in disseminating the anti-imperialist pursuit of a sovereign social metabolism across the Third World. Combining Cuban, Latin Americanist, and internationalist accents, Tricontinental also condemned the ecological impact of transnational corporations’ predatory resource extraction in the Third World, while exploring alternative and cooperative models. This article unveils the latent socio-environmental dimensions of its critique, illustrating how ecological concerns subtly underpinned its anti-imperialist and internationalist discourse.

The Search for Legitimacy over Yugoslavia: Rudolf Bićanić and the Power of Gold

Abstract While historical narratives of the communist legitimation of power in Yugoslavia have often marginalized perspectives of lesser-known civil servants, this study highlights the crucial role of Dr. Rudolf Bićanić, a renowned Yugoslav economist. Departing from the diplomatic, foreign political, and military perspectives when investigating the Yugoslav émigré government actions, this article explores the ideas espoused, networks created, and actions performed by Bićanić across diverse transnational settings. Bićanić’s lens as a vice-governor of the Yugoslav National Bank demonstrates that the debates regarding the future social and economic policies shaped the transition process between the two Yugoslav states. Driven by a mission to enhance peasant living conditions in Yugoslavia, Bićanić embarked on a brief yet impactful governmental career from 1941 to 1945. The article posits that Bićanić’s anti-government propaganda disseminated through the United Committee of South Slavs and his financial malversations led to the transfer of economic and political legitimacy over Yugoslavia in April 1944 to the National Liberation Council. With this action, Bićanić accelerated the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in June 1944, which empowered him to negotiate the post-war reconstruction aid and loans in Washington, DC, carving a unique path for Yugoslavia between socialism and capitalism.

Irish and Palestinian Mythopoetic Cultural Resistance in the Verse of Yeats, Heaney, and Darwish

This academic inquiry delves into the exploration of mythological resilience and poetic resistance in the literary works of W. B. Yeats, Mahmoud Darwish, and Seamus Heaney amidst the contexts of Irish and Palestinian national resistance movements. Through a detailed analysis of major poetic works such as Yeats’s “Deirdre,” Darwish’s “The Phases of Anat,” and Heaney’s “Bog Queen,” the study investigates the ways in which these poets employ mythology, symbolism, and language as mechanisms of opposition against colonialism, oppression, and cultural obliteration. By embracing a comparative approach in literary studies and integrating postcolonial frameworks, the research endeavors to shed light on shared motifs, thematic concerns, and mythopoeic techniques utilized by these writers. Through their examination of mythic narratives, cultural manifestations, patriotism, and the active function of literature as a tool for resistance, this scholarly work addresses notable gaps in existing academic discourse and presents a sophisticated comprehension of how literary creations influence collective awareness and contribute to movements of cultural and national liberation.

Շիրվանցի հայ հրամանատարների սպանդն Ավետարանոցում (1723 թ. հունիս) / The Massacre of the Shirvan Armenian Commanders in Avetaranotz (June 1723)

Armenian sources from the 1720s recount a treacherous fratricide that took place in the Karabakh village of Avetaranotz in June 1723. A thorough analysis of these records reveals various details about this tragic event, including the number of victims (47 or 55 men) and the identity of their commander, Shirvan-Yuzbashi. The motives and consequences of the massacre are examined within the context of the complex domestic political situation that had developed since 1722 in the de facto independent Armenian principalities of Karabakh, also known as the Karabakh Armenian Sagnaks. Between 1723 and 1728/29 in Karabakh (Artsakh), two independent Armenian military-feudal factions coexisted. They sometimes united against external enemies and at other times competed and feuded with each other. The more powerful and cohesive of these groups consisted of professional Armenian military commanders who had immigrated from the province of Shirvan. In 1722, they moved to Karabakh and led the process of reviving, forming, and arming Armenian troops. The other group included part of the local aristocracy, specifically the traditional rulers (meliks) of the Gulistan, Dzhraberd, and Varanda cantons of Karabakh, who opposed the expansion and strengthening of the Shirvan commanders' power. The murder of the Shirvan Armenian commanders in Avetaranotz, orchestrated by Melik-Bagher of Varanda, left a deep wound in the memory of contemporaries. This crime seriously undermined efforts to unite all Karabakh Armenian forces into a national liberation front under a single command. Nevertheless, thanks to the high level of patriotism, effective military organization, and exceptional resilience of the Shirvan commanders (Avan-Yuzbashi, TarkhanYuzbashi, and several other prominent generals affectionately known among the Karabakh populace as the “Shirvan guys”), a destructive civil war was avoided. Moreover, beginning in early 1725, Melik Bagher joined the camp led by his former rivals and engaged in a determined struggle against the Ottoman conquerors, remaining devoted to this cause until his death between 1727 and 1730

Views: From National Liberation to National Colonialism

Views: From National Liberation to National Colonialism

Strategic Dynamics of India-Myanmar Relations: An Assessment

Relationships between India and Myanmar are based on common historical, ethnic, cultural, and religious experiences. The relationship between Myanmar and India has been cordial over time. The two nations' proximity has also promoted and maintained friendly relations and allowed for more interpersonal interaction. However, in the existing situation, relations seem to be hampered due to changes in geopolitical and geostrategic aspects. The Government of India (GOI) decided to end the Free Regime Movement (FMR) between India and Myanmar on February 08, 2024, to preserve the demographic makeup of the Northeastern states and to safeguard national security. Since New Delhi decided to fence the 1,643 km long border between India and Myanmar, the basic cause behind this decision is to prevent external aggression that may prove detrimental to the regional stability of the region. Myanmar is important to India both strategically and economically given its location. The nation is essential to India's ambitions to use its Act East Policy (AEP) to expand its influence in Southeast Asia, particularly among the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). However, since the military took over in February 2021, political unrest has been present in Myanmar. The Arakan Army, the Ta'ang National Liberation Army, and the Myanmar National Democratic Army launched "Operation 1027" on October 27, 2023, against the military Junta, which further intensified the unrest and hampered India's AEP's main goals.

Theory of the nation in the scientific concept of Lev Rebet

The article analyzes the life and work of L. Rebet, his general theoretical views on the formation and development of the nation. Considerable attention is paid to the characterization of L. Rebet’s fundamental scientific works on the theory and history of the Ukrainian nation, in particular: “The Formation of the Ukrainian Nation”; “Theory of the Nation”; “The Origin of Ukrainians, Russians, Belarusians in the Light of Modern Soviet Theories”; “The Light and Shadows of the OUN”, etc. It is shown that in his scientific concept of the formation and development of the nation, Lev Rebet examined in detail the causes of the decline, economic and cultural isolation of the Ukrainian community during the Golden Horde, analyzed the causes of the territorial fragmentation of the Ukrainian principalities and determined the importance of the Galicia-Volhynia State for the continuation of the state life of the Ukrainian people. Using historical examples, L. Rebet identified the negative impacts on the Ukrainian population under the Lithuanian and Polish occupation of Ukrainian lands. L. Rebet rightly noted that during the revival of the Ukrainian people, religion and the Orthodox faith played an important role, opposing Catholicism and polonization and becoming the bearers of Ukrainian tradition and the formation of national consciousness. It was the Ukrainian bourgeoisie, part of the petty gentry, and artisans who proved to be the bearers of culture and state traditions. However, it was only the independent Ukrainian military Cossack stratum that became the military and organizational force that quickly acquired the features of a national state, and in the era of Bohdan Khmelnytsky’s hetmanship, thanks to the military and political success of the Cossacks, one of the most powerful Ukrainian states of that time emerged, which played a significant nation-building role and for several years “crystallized the Ukrainian community, approaching a higher type - the nation”, in which the Cossacks were the main political force. The article reveals that L. Rebet in his works considered nationalism as an ideology that should be based on feelings of national dignity, self-respect and national consciousness. L. Rebet convincingly argued in his writings that the Ukrainian people have the right to political self-determination and the creation of their own state. L. Rebet believed that in order to build one’s own state, first of all, it is necessary to raise the national consciousness and culture of the people. According to L. Rebbetzin, this requires the Ukrainian people to return to their national roots, to their own history and culture, in order to preserve and establish their national identity. In his scientific concept, Lev Rebet emphasized the importance of preserving Ukrainian culture and language, and of preserving the national identity of Ukrainians. Nationalism should be democratic and social. He sought to create a national liberation organization that would unite different segments of the population and work for the benefit of the entire Ukrainian people. L. Rebet favored the creation of national statehood, but believed that the source of power in the state should be the people, not the political elite. Rebet’s views on the importance of moral virtues and cultural values, such as freedom, justice, honesty, diligence, creativity, traditions, religion, and language, are particularly relevant. Rebet believed that these values are important for Ukrainian and other nations.

The National Liberation Movements in Southern Africa, 1962-1975: An Assessment of the Significance of the UN’s Acceptance of Recognition by the OAU of the Movements

The National Liberation Movements in Southern Africa, 1962-1975: An Assessment of the Significance of the UN’s Acceptance of Recognition by the OAU of the Movements

The Impact of the Armed Struggle for National Liberation in Southern Africa on International Law, 1968-1974

The Impact of the Armed Struggle for National Liberation in Southern Africa on International Law, 1968-1974

Między utopią a obywatelskim nieposłuszeństwem. Problem przemocy w myśli społeczno-politycznej Edwarda Abramowskiego

The article attempts to examine the problem of violence in Edward Abramowski’s socio-political thought from the perspective of two concepts: utopian thinking, which, according to Karl Popper, inevitably leads to violence, and civil disobedience or an act of resistance to authority that rejects violence in principle. The first part of the article shows how Abramowski’s critique of utopianism shapes his vision of a world devoid of violence, realised step by step through grassroots institutions. The second part, then, is devoted to ‘collective conspiracy against the government’, which, as one of the ways of practising his utopia, allows the struggle for national liberation. Ultimately, it seems that the rejection of violence puts Abramowski closer to piecemeal engineering than to a utopian one, while his social vision fits into Popper’s concept of open society.

MacLeish/Oppenheimer, Trump, and the Conquest of America

Archibald MacLeish (Pulitzer prize-winning poet/playwright) published his highly acclaimed essay “The Conquest of America” in the August 1949 Atlantic Monthly. His essay focused on an American crisis of national purpose, and central to his account is the importance of a national image for America. In particular, he called for a redeclaration of American purpose by appealing to a Jeffersonian “Revolution of the Individual.” MacLeish’s friend Robert Oppenheimer responded to his essay with high praise but also criticism. In this article, we use the MacLeish/ Oppenheimer exchange as a springboard for a discussion of the crisis of American democracy today exemplified by the election of Donald Trump. We take a synthetic approach, relying not simply on MacLeish/Oppenheimer but more importantly on contemporary scholars. We attempt to construct an American image with a realistic meaning for today. The image includes three interweaving political components—Liberal Democracy, Liberal Nationalism, Liberal Internationalism—complemented by America’s historical role as Democracy’s Vital Center. After sketching this national image, we discuss each component, touching on several contemporary issues as well as the general nature of the image in light of Trump and the current crisis of American democracy.

Ernst B. Haas, liberal nationalism and the double-edged nature of European identity

ABSTRACT While Ernst B. Haas is recognized among European integration scholars as a founding figure of neo-functionalism, his later writing on nationalism is less known to European integration scholars. I contribute to this special issue by discussing Haas’ later work on liberal nationalism and by reflecting on its insights for the study of collective identities in the European Union today. In a nutshell, Haas expected that (1) national and supranational identities are inherently rational and the expression of a deliberate choice, (2) citizens shift their identities from the national to the European level due to utilitarian considerations, (3) nationalism is not per se destructive, but it comes in many moulds and can be the basis for the international community. I argue that Haas’ emphasis on rational and deliberate identity choice clashes with our current understanding of identity as implicit and subliminal. Moreover, his optimism is challenged by the rise of radical-right-wing parties who have successfully mobilized exclusive nationalist identities against European integration. On the other hand, Haas’ emphasis on the double-edged nature of collective identity is an important reminder that also European identity, while striving to overcome exclusive nationalism, can reify its exclusiveness at the supranational level.

The role of the Church during the First War of Scottish Independence

The work examines the actions taken by the Scottish Church during the First War of Scottish Independence (1296– 1328), as well as the preliminary period starting from 1286. The main objectives are to determine the direct role of the Scottish clergy in diplomatic and political activities, to assess the impact on the national liberation movement, as well as to study the position of the Scottish Church in the Christian world at the end of the First War of Independence. Great attention is given to the propaganda activities of the bishops, as well as the relationship of the secular and spiritual authorities with the Roman Church before and after 1302. The transformation of the position and structure of the Scottish Church in relation to the Roman See and the entire Christian world, both legally and spiritually, is analyzed.

Who belongs to the “historic nation”? Fictive ethnicity and (iI)liberal uses of religious heritage

ABSTRACT Scholars in various academic disciplines have pointed out how national religious heritage is increasingly appropriated by the far right, to construct a false binary between secular Christian European states on the one hand, and Islam on the other. This article contributes to this literature by examining how these political developments, often deemed “illiberal”, are enabled by “liberal” uses of religious heritage. Using the lens of what Étienne Balibar calls “fictive ethnicity”, the article examines how both liberal and illiberal uses of religious heritage in Western Europe construct a historic nation to which only dominant groups can lay claim, which contributes to the symbolic and material marginalisation of minorities. This has repercussions for analyses of socio-political exclusion and for liberal nationalist theory: addressing contemporary inequalities requires not only limiting explicitly exclusionary forms of nationalism, but also actively unsettling the widespread ontology of homogeneity underpinning national fictive ethnicities.

Breaking the mold of servitude: subaltern agency and possibilities of freedom in Elias’ Khwabnama

ABSTRACT The critically acclaimed novel Khwabnama by Akhtaruzzaman Elias is set in the 1940s and offers a “magical realist” portrayal of the lives and struggles of ordinary individuals of a rural community, with the emergence of the state of Pakistan and peasant struggles of the time serving as the backdrops. Towards the end of the novel, we see Tamiz, a landless peasant, deciding to alter the course of his journey to most likely join the rebellious farmers in their struggle for a fair share of the crops. In this paper, I analyze the character of Tamiz and the meaning and significance of his decisions and actions in the contexts of the novel and Elias’ oeuvre in an effort to excavate his ideas about subaltern agency and freedom. Tamiz’s action, along with the dreams and the magical elements of the novel, gestures towards barely visible and unspecified visions of freedom, which may be irreducible to languages of national liberation or class struggle, yet express Elias’ affirmation of the indomitable spirit of the subaltern to reject and resist the mold of servitude in which they find themselves.