National Liberation Movement Research Articles

The Main Directions Of The National Freedom Movement In Northern Azerbaijan At The Beginning Of The 20th Century

Abstract. Research on the main development course and characteristics of the National Liberation Movement at the beginning of the twentieth century in Azerbaijan is important in the light of the decolonization discourse. This study analyzes religious-philosophical (idealistic), atheistic-Marxist, also enlightenment, national-democratic and socialdemocratic directions, existed for solving the political problems of this era. Moreover, the nature of political-ideological, socio-philological aspects of these directions has been studied. Before the first Russian revolution (1905-1907) and during the years of the revolution, the political and ideological situation of Northern Azerbaijan became complex and contradictory. Especially after the first Russian revolution, the political and ideological life of the country mainly developed in three directions: 1) National enlightment romanticism (realists, romantics), 2) National democratic direction (Islamism, Turkism, modernism and etc.), 3) Social democratic trends and Marxism (national revolutionaries, Menshevism, Bolshevism, Socialist Revolutionaries). The results of the study show that although all three directions played a unique role in the national liberation movement of Azerbaijan, the national democratism was a major course. At the same time, this paper scrutinize the conditions, as well as the factors that existed in the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic1 and led to the end of its existence.

ИНТЕРПРЕТАЦИИ ИМПЕРСКОГО ПЕРИОДА В СОВРЕМЕННЫХ УЧЕБНИКАХ УЗБЕКИСТАНА

The article analyzes the Uzbek version of the history of the imperial period. After gaining independence, Uzbekistan is in the process of building a national state. This leads to understanding and reassessment of the imperial period. The article shows that the imperial period of history in the educational literature of modern Uzbekistan is presented as one of the most important historical stages in the development of the country. In history textbooks, the emphasis is on the main events and transformations that occurred in Turkestan during the period it was part of the Russian Empire: the process of conquest, the formation of the imperial administrative system, resettlement policy, the socio-economic development of the region, the national liberation movement. Thus, the history of the Russian Empire in the educational literature of modern Uzbekistan represents an important tool for understanding the present and shaping the future. An objective and indepth study of this period will help students gain a more complete understanding of their country and the world.

МОВНА ПОЛІТИКА В УРСР В ГАЛУЗІ ОСВІТИ (1960–1980-і рр.)

The article highlights the peculiarities of language policy in education during the period of «stagnation». The author analyzes the legal acts related to the process of Russification of school education, in particular, the Resolution «On Further Improvement of Learning and Teaching of the Russian Language in the Union Republics» of June 1, 1978, the USSR Law «Fundamentals of the Legislation of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and the Union Republics on Public Education» of July 19, 1973, the Resolution of the Ministry of Education of the Ukrainian SSR «On Additional Measures to Improve the Teaching of the Russian Language in National Secondary Schools» of May 26, 1983, etc. The state educational policy of the Soviet government contributed to an increase in the number of Russian-language schools and classes for in-depth study of the Russian language, the establishment of allowances for Russian language teachers, the introduction of advanced training courses for Russian language teachers, and an increase in the number of textbooks on academic subjects written in Russian. The author traces the dynamics of the number of schools with one and two languages of instruction in the Ukrainian SSR during the 1959-1965 academic years. The analysis of the number of schools with one language of instruction during the mentioned period shows a decrease in the number of schools with Ukrainian as the language of instruction by 1725 units. As for the schools with Ukrainian-Russian language of instruction, there was a tendency to increase them by 107 units, and the number of schools with Russian-Ukrainian language of instruction increased by 73 units. It was found that the Russification of the educational process also took place in higher education. It was accompanied by the teaching of academic subjects in Russian, the dissemination of Russian-language literature, and the conduct of admission campaigns mainly in Russian. In spite of Russification and assimilation, prominent figures of the national liberation movement campaigned by distributing leaflets among the population, in which they opposed the reduction of Ukrainian-language educational institutions and pressure on the Ukrainian language. In response, the Soviet leadership took measures aimed at persecuting and eliminating active public figures. The Russification policy of the Soviet authorities in the field of education led to a national and cultural upsurge of student youth, who, despite the threat of persecution, distributed self-published literature among the general Ukrainian population, which truthfully covered the Russification policy of the Soviet leadership, the assimilation of the cultural and spiritual values of the Ukrainian people.

Сейдәзім Қадырбай публицистикасындағы құқықтық мәселелер

The article examines the legacy of Seydazim Kadyrbai, a prominent figure of Alash, an expert in the field of law, from the prism of legal journalism. For the first time, the interpretation of legal acts in the Kazakh language and ways of promoting them to the people, which are the result of international legal journalism, will be assessed. The personality of Seydazim Kadyrbay is distinguished in the works of Z. Togan published in Istanbul, who talked about the activities of the publicist, jurist, whose life and work are still not fully explored. His role and activities in the Alash national liberation movement are determined from a scientific point of view. The publicist’s articles are described and their contents are considered. The results of law-making works of Seidazim Kulmagambetuly, who was one of the founders of legal vocabulary, and his work on formation of branch journalism on specific examples are analyzed. Articles published in the press of the time are considered from the perspective of the potential of industry journalism, that is, legal journalism

PUBLISHING AND PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES OF THE OUN IN THE EDUCATIONAL AREA OF WESTERN UKRAINE (1944–1953)

The journalistic activity of the Ukrainian nationalist clandestine in the field of education in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in the postwar period is analyzed. On the basis of archival documents and modern historiography, the main methods and means of implementing the ideological influence of the OUN on local youth and the pedagogical intelligentsia have been determined. The goal is to make a general review of propaganda literature for young people and materials of a pedagogical and educational nature that were distributed by the nationalist clandestine. Accordingly, the task is to determine the educational and moral foundations of insurgent literature for schoolchildren and students. In the course of the study, it was substantiated that an important component of the confrontation between the Ukrainian national liberation movement and the Stalinist regime was the educational area, and the influence on the intelligentsia and the youth largely ensured control over the entire society. It was determined that the ideological activity of the rebels in Western Ukraine had significant support and understanding from the local population. On the basis of the source material, it is shown that the publishing activity of the Ukrainian liberation movement was diverse in terms of forms, topics, and goals. In order to satisfy the intellectual needs of the youth, the underground published works on history, philosophy, literature, geography and economics. The reaction of the Soviet leadership to the publishing activities of the national forces in the educational sphere and the methods of their countermeasures, which were mainly of a repressive nature, are highlighted. It was established that the agitational and propagandistic influence of the OUN in the educational area of the Western Ukrainian region significantly complicated the establishment of Soviet power here and the spread of the communist worldview. Along with the armed struggle, the ideological, educational and publishing activities of the Ukrainian insurgents contributed to the preservation and development of the national-state idea in Ukrainian society. Keywords: educational area, OUN, ideology, propaganda, clandestine literature, Soviet power, western regions of the Ukrainian SSR.

EXCESSES DURING THE ARRESTS AND INTERROGATIONS OF OUN MEMBERS BY THE NKVD-NKGD CO-WORKERS IN THE RIVNE REGION (1940–1941)

It is indicated that to solve the task in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR, methods and personnel tested during the «great terror» of the 1930s in the USSR were used. The management and operational staff of the NKVD-NKGB involved in the «clearing» operation, their professional training, and work methods were considered. Emphasis is placed on the use during the Sovietization of Western Ukraine of a significant number of new appointees in the NKVD–NKGB system, graduates of departmental schools who trained personnel for state security agencies. The origin, education, origins of national consciousness, motivation for the actions of individual members of the OUN underground are clarified, and their sacrifice is characterized. Dramatic clashes between members of the OUN and NKVD–NKGB employees during border crossings, arrests, staging, and imprisonment are highlighted. It is noted that in the confrontation between the Soviet repressive bodies and the participants of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, the former had state, military, economic, political institutions and tools at their disposal, while the opposing side could count on the solidarity of the members of their organization, their own knowledge and experience, and moral stability. Keywords Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, People’s Commissariat of Internal Aff airs, People’s Commissariat of State Security, Rivne region, Sovietization, repression, arrests, interrogations, resistance, armed clashes, escapes, Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine.

THE STUDENT RESISTANCE TO THE SOVIET TOTALITARIAN SYSTEM IN WESTERN UKRAINE (1944–1953)

The place of student youth in the general picture of the ideological confrontation between the Ukrainian national liberation movement and the Soviet authorities in Western Ukraine in the postwar period is studied. The participation of students of higher educational institutions of the Western Ukrainian region in the movement of Resistance to Stalinist totalitarian system was analyzed. The scientific novelty of the article consists in the analysis of the ideological confrontation between the OUN and the Soviet authorities for influencing the student youth of the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR. In the course of the research, problem-historical, search methods, as well as methods of microhistory and local history were used. The main forms and methods of students’ intellectual resistance to Stalin’s totalitarian regime are determined. The peculiarities of the ideological and educational activity of the OUN among the youth and its opposition to communist education are considered. On the basis of a wide source base, it is substantiated that the Soviet ideology caused the opposition of the most active part of the students of Western Ukrainian higher education institutions. It was studied that the main methods of activity of nationally conscious youth in 1944–1953 varied from individual speeches and expressions of dissatisfaction with the Soviet government to the creation of conspiratorial nationalist organizations and groups. It was determined that underground student structures set themselves the goal of conducting oral anti-Soviet agitation, producing and distributing leaflets and nationalist literature within the walls of universities and among the population, raising the level of knowledge, spreading national education, and in some places, they performed the tasks of the OUN underground in collecting the necessary information. It was established that manifestations of individual disobedience or organized resistance were immediately blocked by the Soviet punitive structures, and bearers of the Ukrainian national idea were subjected to repression. Keywords institution of higher education, students, intellectual resistance, propaganda, totalitarian regime, western regions of the Ukrainian SSR, postwar period.

FONS, SIERRA MORENA AND OTHERS. POLISH-NAPOLEONIC SOLDIERS TOWARDS SPANISH AMBUSHES LAID IN THE PENINSULAR WAR (1808–1813) – HISTORY AND SELECTED RECEPTION THREADS

The objective of this article is above all – on the example of two events involving Polish soldiers at Fons (May 1809) and in the Sierra Morena mountains (January 1810), howbeit not exclusively – to draw attention to the fact that when approaching the Peninsular War, the historian cannot underestimate the role of ambushes or minor skirmishes – contrary to the major open space battles (e.g. Arapiles 1812) or sieges (e.g. Saragossa 1808–09) being less scientifically accessible or intelligible due to the relative shortage of sources, which, combined with the usual lack of decisiveness, makes them an unrewarding object of examination. This underestimation lies primarily in the adoption of too broad or, paradoxically enough, too narrow a perspective – as if they could be a subject of detailed treatises only. Meanwhile, as the record shows, these guerrilla-style ambushes are a phenomenon to be considered both in detail and in general, not only for understanding individual vicissitudes but also for better explaining Napoleon’s ultimate defeat in Spain, which is too often attributed overwhelmingly to Wellington’s military genius. They also played an important role in Polish memoirs and military theory, which is to be discussed in a separate section. The choice of the above-mentioned ambushes is by no means random. First, mutually explaining and lightening each other up, Fons, Sierra Morena, and others occurred in a similar and representative period of time: neither when the Peninsular War was just developing, nor drawing to its end during and after the disastrous Russian campaign, but when it was in full swing. Secondly, despite what has been said about the majority of such clashes, and thanks to a number of sources, the historian is able to have a certain insight into those specific ambushes. Thirdly, we are about to see that their consequences cover nearly the maximum range of war occurrences that could be experienced by the Polish-Napoleonic soldiers. Fourthly, we shall learn that this type of guerilla warfare had a certain influence on the Polish national liberation movement.

ДЕКОЛОНИЗАЦИЯ И ОБРАЗ АФРИКИ В БРИТАНСКОМ КИНЕМАТОГРАФЕ 1945–1960 гг.

Movies are created in specific historical conditions, influenced by the surrounding reality and dominant values, processed and projected them onto the screen. Thus, pre-war British cinema, having absorbed the ideology of the late 19th century, told about the “white man’s burden” in the far corners of the empire, for example, in Africa. It reflected British ideas about the “dark continent” as a dangerous place inhabited by cruel savages, and other stereotypes. However, the Second World War and the rise of the national liberation movement in the colonies dealt a tangible blow to the old imperial ideology, forcing British politicians to develop and promote new concepts of intraimperial relations. The article has the following tasks: to find out how the process of decolonization that began in 1945–1960 influenced the ideological content of British movies about the Empire, how approaches to the visual representation of the colonized “other” changed in this regard, and how the audience perceived these changes. Using the plots of several post-war films as an example the author shows how the new rhetoric about the Commonwealth of Nations and partnership and current events related to the liberation of the continent from British rule influenced on the depiction of Africa in feature films. It is concluded that, despite the presence of rudiments of previous ideological attitudes, attempts to soften the tone of the narrative and present Africa and Africans in a more noble light have become noticeable in British cinema.

Конституционный смысл «Устава Страны Казахов» Б. Сырттанулы (С.Б. Алашинского)

At the beginning of the twentieth century there were two directions of the national liberation movement in the Kazakh steppe, whose representatives assessed the possible ways of liberation of the Kazakh people from colonial dependence in different ways. The national-religious intelligentsia preferred the Islamization of the population in the family of the Muslim peoples of Russia, which, as a powerful cohesive religious force, would be able to break the chains of colonial dependence and lead the peoples to freedom and independence. Another direction of the national liberation movement is represented by the so-called ‘Westerners’ – the advanced national intelligentsia, which absorbed the ideas and values of the European humanitarian and democratic culture. The ideological foundations and postulates of these movements were fundamentally different, although their ultimate goal – the liberation of the people from colonial dependence, was the same. In strengthening the foundations of the ideology of the "Westerners", the essay on the history of the Kazakhs by A.N. Bukeikhan Kirghiz and the Charter of the Country of the Kazakhs developed by B. Syrttanuly on the initiative of the former played a key role. At the same time, in A. Bukeikhan’s essay, the lands originally inhabited by Kazakhs, and in the Charter of the Country of Kazakhs, the constitutional model of a parliamentary republic is presented, whose jurisdiction should be extended to this territory. Thus, the marginal boundaries of the Kazakhs’ residence were to become the state borders of the Republic of the Country of the Kazakhs.

MAMMAD EMIN RASULZADEH1 : THOUGHTS AND STRUGGLE FOR THE REPUBLIC

The Azerbaijani socio-political figure, head of Azerbaijan National Council and Musavat Party, Mammad Emin Rasulzadeh, has played a significant role in developing the national liberation movements and as well as realization of its concept in the South Caucasian region in the early 1900s. Especially during the First World War and after the collapse of the Tsarist Russian Empire, as a party leader and an editor of the newspaper, he did important work towards to be met the demands of the nations of the South Caucasus and the Muslims of Russia from the request of autonomy to the implementation of the independent state. After the Soviet Russian occupation of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, Mammad Emin Rasulzadeh continued his activities in Europe and wrote his thoughts about republicanism ideology in his published books and articles. This article studies such ideas as republicanism, musavatism and solidarism in the activities and works of Mammad Emin Rasulzadeh.

The Response of Salazar's Portugal to the Challenges of the Colonial War (1961—1968)

Portugal waged a colonial war for almost twelve years. Such a lengthy conflict for a poor country raises the question of the strategies that António Salazar's regime used to counter African national liberation movements. Although the war in the Portuguese colonies is covered in extensive historiography, most researchers focus on the study of the actual fighting. The question of other, non-violent methods that the Portuguese used to hold their possessions remains insufficiently studied. Based on documents from the National Archives of Torre do Tombo, this article examines the ratio of forceful and non-coercive responses that the New State gave to the African challenge. The small number of troops scattered over vast territories forced the Salazar government not only to use brute force, but also to reform the colonies. The military and secret services reported about their need even before the start of a full-scale armed struggle, but only an uprising in the colonies forced Lisbon to start reforms. Their main goal was to improve the economic situation in overseas possessions. This was partly achieved thanks to the creation of a single economic space of the colonies and the metropole. Nevertheless, the reforms failed to stop the war, and as a result, the Portuguese resorted mainly to brute force, which was reflected in budgetary policy: Lisbon increased spending on defense in the colonies faster than on the civil sphere.

«КРИВАВІ РОЖІ». ЖИТТЯ І ТВОРЧІСТЬ ЛЮДМИЛИ ФОЇ – ЛЕГЕНДИ УКРАЇНСЬКОГО ВИЗВОЛЬНОГО РУХУ

In Ukraine, under the conditions of military aggression by the Russian Federation, the role of women in the heroic struggle of the Ukrainian people against the aggressor is increasingly growing. In this aspect, gender history is important - a field that examines the history of women in different periods. The most relevant today is the study of the history of the Ukrainian liberation movement, in particular the participation of Ukrainian women in it, which makes it possible to reveal the gender component of the national liberation struggles of the Ukrainian people from a new, sometimes unexpected side. As scientists note, women made a significant contribution to the development and activity of the Ouniv underground, their practical activity in the Ukrainian national liberation movement was extremely multifaceted. The study is focused on highlighting the role of Ukrainian women in the Ukrainian liberation movement in the 1940s and 1950s. on the example of the life and creative path of one of the most mysterious figures of the Ukrainian liberation movement, Lyudmila Foya (1923–1950), a liaison underground of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera) in Kyiv during the Second World War, a prisoner of the internal prison of the NKGB of the Ukrainian SSR, a participant armed struggle of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Volyn and Polissia. Reading the works of L. Foya will allow us to return the name of this unique writer to Ukrainian literature. Her works are aimed at the formation of patriotic values of a young person, who is in constant dynamic development of the value-emotional sphere, acts as a driving force, on whose views the development of Ukrainian statehood depends.

Лист Володимира Левинського до Миколи Ганкевича (1915 р.)

At the present stage of development of Ukrainian historical science, increasingly greater attention is paid to the study of sources of personal origin. In Western scholarship, they are regarded as ego-documents and are more important for the reconstruction of the past, both distant and recent. In many cases the documents of this group are the central ones. It is noted that the letters, as a historical source, are sources of personal origin and have their own specifics. Scientists have repeatedly emphasized that it “consists, firstly, in a vivid manifestation of the subjective perception of events, requiring a scientific critical attitude to this source; secondly, each epoch and each period of history left its mark not only on changes, but also on the form of letters”. Therefore, to study the relationship between different historical and political figures of a particular epoch, it is necessary to use ego-documents, in particular correspondence. It is emphasized that people’s letters to each other, being sources of a unique nature, express not only their instantaneous reactions to events, but also allow reconstructing the system of their relationships through arguments and evaluations of certain events and ideas. Furthermore, correspondence materials have an essential characteristic: being part of the context of human life, they are at the same time authentic sources for the formation of scientific ideas about this context. It is possible to create a complete picture of the activities of individuals in difficult periods of history only by considering the specifics of this context. The published letter reflects the political position of one of the prominent figures of the Ukrainian national liberation movement at the beginning of the 20th century, Volodymyr Levynskyi.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STAFFING OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL SELF-DEFENSE UNITS (JULY‒AUGUST 1943)

The proposed material outlines the general trends in the staffi ng of tactical units of the military-training structure, which arose from the initiative of the «revolutionary» wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN(b)) in Galicia in the summer of 1943 – Ukrainian People’s Self-Defense. The components of the algorithm of mobilization eff orts of the OUN(b) underground in a certain chronological period are characterized. The elements of the organizational structure that were directly responsible for the implementation of mobilization activities are generally presented. The process of formation of armed units of the nationalist wing of the national liberation movement of the Resistance in the region is considered in comparison with the policy implemented in relation to the enslaved population, and in particular to that part of it that was suitable for military service by the Nazi occupation administration. When analyzing the recruitment of personnel, the challenges faced by the leadership of the OUN(b) in general, as well as the direct organizers of the UNS in particular, in the form of the commander and representatives of the headquarters, are presented in general terms. At the same time, the methods used to prevent, and in some cases to overcome, negative manifestations of the mobilization process are characterized. Keywords armed forces, resistance movement, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Ukrainian Peopleʼs Self-Defense, Ukrainian independent conciliar state.

The political and military elite of the Ukrainian national liberation movement movements of the 1920s–1950s: modern Ukrainian historiography

The political and military elite of the Ukrainian national liberation movement movements of the 1920s–1950s: modern Ukrainian historiography

MONGOLIAN MEDICAL EDUCATION: THE PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE

The ancient traditional system of medicine and medical education has a long history of several hundred years, whereas it has been merely 80 years since modern medical education developed in Mongolia. Beginning in the 17 th century when Mongolia was under the rule of Manchu Qing dynasty and had suffered for over 220 years, a Mongolian traditional medical school named Mamba Datsan was founded and has been developing ever since. In 1911 the National liberation movement abolished Manchu ruling and the nation stepped onto the path towards independence. As Manchu Qing dynasty laws and rules were abandoned, Manchu Tibetan script fell out of use and monasteries were closed down, the country’s shift into a new system caused the old system of medical education to be demolished and altered. In 1921 People’s revolution won in Mongolia, feudalism was abolished and Soviet style culture started flourishing. Overcoming obstacles is a difficult and a time consuming challenge while transitioning from an old system to a new one. Through the relations built with the USSR, the first steps were built for Europian Medicine and the Europian Medical Education [EME] system started to pervade. In specific, preparation of junior physicians and nurses commenced in Mongolia. In 1942 the government of the Mongolian People’s Republic made the historically pivotal decision to found National University of Mongolia (NUM) with three faculties including Faculty of Medicine . Initially the Faculty of Medicine had a shortage of teaching staffs, textbooks, laboratories and other resources, but thanks to the contributions made by Russian teachers the Medical Institute of Mongolia (MIM of) became an integral part of the curriculum. This is how the contemporary medical education system developed in Mongolia scince 1942 until 2022. By starting to select and train the first graduates as the teaching human resource base by 1942-1961, the faculty of medicine stood on its feet as an independent Medical Institute of Mongolia . At that time Russian style curriculum for preparing physicians was still being used. In 1990, the Medical Institute of Mongolia expanded and became the Medical University of Mongolia (MUM). From the founding of NUM and until mid 1990s, MUM single handedly fulfilled the role of preparing generations of medical doctors in the healthcare system in Mongolia.

«Вольные кабардинцы» в контексте русско-турецких и османо-черкесских отношений пер-вой половины XIX столетия на основе российских и османских источников

The article discusses the role and significance of Khadzhret Kabarda in the history of the national liberation movement of the Circassian people during the Caucasian War. The Khajrets, having an effective military organization, showing high military activity in this sub-region of the North-Western Caucasus for several decades, had an influence disproportionate to their numbers among the peoples beyond the Kuban. The Russian Empire took all measures to neutralize this factor, and the Ottoman Empire used it in its geopolitical interests. The leaders of the Kabardian Khajrets, well aware of the bureaucratic structure of the Ottoman Empire, were in constant contact with the Ottoman Porte. Based on Russian and Ottoman sources, new aspects of Ottoman-Circassian rela-tions are revealed, the chronological framework for the beginning of the resettlement of Circassi-ans to Turkey is specified. Pre-revolutionary Russian and modern historiography attribute the be-ginning of the resettlement process to 1858. Documents from the Ottoman archives, first pub-lished in the article, indicate that this process took place as early as 1835. They also make it pos-sible to identify among the migrants a new category of persons – refugees, which should be dis-tinguished from other categories that appeared later – emigrants and displaced persons.

조선총독부의 민족종교 탄압과 제주도 무극대도 사건

The Mugeuk Daedokyo Incident on Jeju Island was a significant incident that occurred on Jeju Island in 1937 when Japan was moving toward militarism. According to the verdict, 20 people were convicted in this case. The most common crimes they were charged with were “impiety to the Japanese Emperor” and “National security law.” ‘Impiety to the Japanese Emperor” consisted in the fact that they foresaw that the Japanese Emperor would soon be dethroned, and “National security law” was invoked as they said that Japan’s imperialism would soon collapse and Joseon would become independent. Additionally, Military penal law and Navy penal law were involved as Japan said that it would lose in the Sino-Japanese War. This incident was part of an independence movement that desired the defeat of Japan and Korea's independence. To block the support of the general public for the religious leader Kang Seung-tae, the Japanese government played on social issues such as “fraud,” “rape,” and “violation of doctors’ rules.” charged with immorality.
 The Imperial Japanese divided the religions of colonial Korea into two types. Japan’s state religions, “Shinto” and “Buddhism,” and “Christianity,” were classified as religions and administered by the Religious Division of the Academic Affairs Bureau of the Japanese Government-General of Korea. Ethnic religions that desired human liberation, national liberation, and national independence were classified as “similar religions,” and were controlled by the Government-General’s Police Bureau, which suppressed independence activists. Religions classified as pseudo-religions were all ethnic religions that dreamed of national liberation.
 Even after the liberation of Korea, this religious classification made by the Japanese was accepted as it was, and those involved in the Mugeukdaedo incident were excluded from the national conferment of a decoration. Kang Seung-tae, the leader of the Mugeuk Daedokyo, was treated as a person of interest to the point that even after serving his six-year sentence, the Japanese Empire would not release him, because the view of the Japanese Government- General, who treated him as a pseudo religious leader, was maintained even after liberation.
 Now is the time to frame the Mugeukdaedo incident on Jeju Island as one of the fiercest national liberation movements of the 1930s.

Вплив Індійського Національного Конгресу на інституціоналізацію партійної системи Індії 1947–1989 рр.

Indian National Congress (INC) became the country’s leading political force after it gained independence in 1947. Its participation in the formation of the party system of India is also decisive. The INC has been virtually a separate party system since the first parliamentary elections (during the British colonial rule) and even in the first decades after independence. That is why the first two decades after the independence are called Congress System in the Indian political science literature. However, both on the eve of independence and after it some political parties began to separate from the INC. They formed the first opposition. Some of these parties were founded much earlier, but they agreed to join forces under the wing of Congress during the liberation struggle. Such separation of various domestic political groups and parties characterizes the process of transforming the INC from a national liberation movement into a political party. In addition, during this period, the organization’s internal structure is reformed, various types of membership are tested to encourage as many citizens as possible to become active members. The article aims to characterize the process of fragmentation of the Indian party system in the first four decades after India gained independence (1947–1989). The study considers the formation of the INC as a mass movement and later a party, examines the problem of membership in the organization, in particular the problem of fake membership, which disturbed the party leadership throughout the entire period of the study. A significant emphasis of the article is placed on those political players who separated from the parent party, the INC, although the experience of parties that did not have a direct connection with the INC is not overlooked. The article also argues that due to the openness of India’s first party system, formed around the INC, the country managed to build a democratic culture of change of power, and this influenced the institutionalization of India’s party system.