National Intelligence Service Research Articles

ABIN: DA INFORMAÇÃO À INTELIGÊNCIA. A EVOLUÇÃO DO SERVIÇO DE INTELIGÂNCIA BRASILEIRO E SUA IMPORTÂNCIA NA PROTEÇÃO DO ESTADO

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo o estudo da Atividade de Inteligência de Estado. Para tanto foi escolhida como objeto a Agência Brasileira de Inteligência, criada por meio da Lei n.º 9.883, de 07 de dezembro de 1999, com a missão de planejar, executar, coordenar, supervisionar e controlar as atividades de inteligência no Brasil. O trabalho mostra a evolução do serviço de inteligência nacional e as influências recebidas dos serviços de inteligência internacionais, como a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), dos Estados Unidos, buscando a reflexão sobre o conceito de inteligência e relacionando-o ao adotado pelo Estado brasileiro, para fins de cumprir sua missão institucional - a proteção do próprio Estado e do povo brasileiro.

Truly Reforming or Just Responding to Failures? Lessons Learned from the Modernisation of the Greek National Intelligence Service

ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to highlight the challenges that the Greek Intelligence Community is facing and to stress the need for a genuine reform of the National Intelligence Service (NIS). Over the past years NIS has experienced several failures and so far the efforts to reform the Service have been inadequate. A closer look reveals that past efforts to reform NIS are basically a spasmodic reaction to failures and political pressure and not a result of an in‐depth analysis of the new role that NIS is required to play. The analysis of the effort to reform NIS, and its comparison with other cases of intelligence reform in Europe, allows us to reach broader conclusions regarding the importance of reform in the intelligence services.

O Itamaraty nos anos de chumbo: o Centro de Informações do Exterior (CIEX) e a repressão no Cone Sul (1966-1979)

Neste artigo, examina-se o funcionamento do Centro de Informações do Exterior (CIEX), órgão do Itamaraty e vinculado ao Serviço Nacional de Informações (SNI) que foi encarregado de espionar políticos e militantes contrários ao regime militar brasileiro que se exilaram nos países vizinhos. Trata-se de um estudo que visa a desvendar como agia um dos elos do sistema repressivo montado pela ditadura brasileira, que tinha um relativo grau de interação com as outras ditaduras militares da região do Cone Sul. O artigo demonstra que o Itamaraty colaborou intensamente com o regime militar brasileiro, inclusive com a repressão.

제3세계 국가의 테러방지법제정과 우리나라에 있어서 시사점

To effectively and quickly respond to new forms of terrorism, a more organically integrated and coordinated system will be needed. As establishing the grounds of such a system based on laws would be most in congruence with legalism, it would be desirable to fundamentally establish an antiterrorism act. However, enactment of such counter-terrorism laws must be accomplished by means with which human rights violations against citizens may be minimized, contrary to what has been the case with third world nations. The act will need to include clauses that may relieve organizations, such as national human rights committees or citizen groups, of concerns over potential human rights violations. To address vulnerabilities of investigative rights issues which relate to cases relevant to acts of terrorism being delegated to the National Intelligence Service, the investigative jurisdiction shall be assigned to the public prosecutors and law enforcement officials as with other criminal proceedings. As for public concern that establishing the Anti-Terrorism Center under the National Intelligence Service, a secret service agency, may infringe upon human rights, functional and organizational dualism of the Anti -terrorism Center would be worth taking into account.

DOES THE SUN STILL SHINE? THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA'S POLICY OF ENGAGEMENT WITH THE DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF KOREA

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. The fable tells of a competition between the sun and the wind as to which could persuade a man to take off his coat. The wind blew hard, without success, but when the sun shone brightly, the man removed his coat. 2. See Suh Dae-sok., ‘Leadership Transition in Korea and its Significance for the Region’, Papers of the British Association for Korean Studies, 7 (2000), pp. 1–17. 3. The KCIA's successor, the national Intelligence Service, finally admitted in 2007 that there had been a plot to kidnap Kim Dae-jung, although it did not admit that the intention was to kill him. 4. ‘Koryo’, from which the west derived Korea, was the name of the dynasty that ruled Korea from c. 918–1392. 5. Most of the relief goods were not used for flood relief but were instead put on display at a special exhibition at the port city of Inch'on. 6. Much of what follows about the nuclear crisis follows the account in Don Oberdorfer, The Two Koreas: A Contemporary History (London: Little, Brown & Co., 1998), Chapters 11–14. 7. See Joel S. Wit, Daniel B. Poneman & Robert L. Gallucci, Going Critical: The First North Korean Nuclear Crisis (Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 2004). 8. Both were initially charged with bribery and corruption. Charges of treason and mutiny were later added, and both were eventually convicted on all counts. Chun was sentenced to death, and Roh to 22 years in prison, and both were heavily fined. With the agreement of the incoming president Kim Dae-jung, Kim Young-sam commuted the death sentence and imprisonment in 1997, but the fines theoretically still stood. They have never been paid. 9. The somewhat coy term used to refer to South Korea's rapid economic development from c. 1963 onwards. The South Korean capital, Seoul, is situated on the Han River. 10. The then ROK ambassador in London, the late Han Pyo-wook, called on the FCO to deliver just this message. 11. Son Key-young, South Korean Engagement Policies and North Korea: Identities, Norms and the Sunshine Policy (London & New York: Routledge, 2006). 12. When he left home in 1938, he took a cow to pay his way as he went along. The 500 cattle were to help the famine-stricken North, and the one extra was to replace that he had taken. The gesture caught the imagination of the world's press, but the North later complained that many of the cattle had died. 13. Charles L. Pritchard, Failed Diplomacy: The Tragic Story of How North Korea Got The Bomb (Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 2007), p. 52. 14. Robert Carlin, ‘Negotiating with North Korea: Lessons Learned and Forgotten’, in Rüdiger Frank, James E. Hoare, Patrick Köllner & Susan Pares (eds.), Korea Yearbook, Vol. 1 (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp. 235–252. Additional informationNotes on contributorsJim HoareJim Hoare is a member of the Council of the Society. He was for many years a member of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and his last post was as Chargé d'affaires in Pyongyang.

A new history of ASLIB, 1924‐1950

Purpose – ASLIB – the Association of Special Libraries and Information Bureaux – was founded in 1924 with the aim of co‐ordinating the activities of specialist information services in the UK. This article seeks to present a new history of the first quarter‐century of the Association.Design/methodology/approach – This is a historical study based substantially on two collections of primary documents: ASLIB's own records, held at Aslib Headquarters, London; and the papers of Edith Ditmas, held at the National Library of Wales.Findings – The paper explores the origins of ASLIB, and its roots in the “science lobby” of the time; it then traces the development of ASLIB as both a “national intelligence service” for science, commerce and industry, and as a quasi‐professional association with international significance. It concludes that the first of these two functions was the Association's fundamental raison d'etre.Research limitations/implications – The research is limited to study of ASLIB in the period 1924‐19...

Counter-Intelligence for counter-revolutionary warfare: The South African police security branch 1979–1990

In counter-revolutionary warfare strategy, political action forms the overwhelming part; however, also central as an off-shoot of the tenets of counter-revolutionary warfare is the elimination of insurgent structures – generally a euphemism for assassination. In reality, assassination is a subset of covert paramilitary action, implemented as a consequence of counter-intelligence or even counter-terrorism. South Africa's Security Branch presents one of the best recent examples of the use of counter-intelligence techniques for counter-revolutionary warfare. While politico-constitutional intelligence was gathered by the National Intelligence Service to support constitutional efforts to achieve a settlement of the conflict and bring about a new political dispensation in South Africa, the apartheid government relied on the covert operational capabilities of the security forces (especially the Security Branch) to not only halt the ‘Revolutionary Onslaught’ of the liberation movements, but to eliminate them as a viable political and revolutionary force. In attempting to support an unwinnable political objective, the ultimate corruption of the intelligence process and the reliance of individuals overseeing it far and away on the covert operational intelligence capabilities of the state, the apartheid government brought about its own downfall. The Security Branch was at the heart of these efforts.

Records Management and Archives in Korea : Its Development and Prospects

After almost one century of discontinuity in the archival tradition of Chosun dynasty, Korea entered the new age of records and archival management by legislating and executing the basic laws (The Records and Archives Management of Public Agencies Ad of 1999). Annals of Chosun dynasty recorded major historical facts of the five hundred years of national affairs. The Annals are major accomplishment in human history and rare in the world. It was possible because the Annals were composed of collected, selected and complied records of primary sources written and compiled by generations of historians, As important public records are needed to be preserved in original forms in modern archives, we had to develop and establish a modern archival system to appraise and select important national records for archival preservation. However, the colonialization of Korea deprived us of the opportunity to do the task, and our fine archival tradition was not succeeded. A centralized archival system began to develop since the establishment of GARS under the Ministry of Government Administration in 1969. GARS built a modem repository in Pusan in 1984 succeeding to the tradition of History Archives of Chosun dynasty. In 1998, GARS moved its headquarter to Taejon Government Complex and acquired state-of-the-art audio visual archives preservation facilities. From 1996, GARS introduced an automated archival management system to remedy the manual registration and management system complementing the preservation microfilming. Digitization of the holdings was the key project to provided the digital images of archives to users. To do this, the GARS purchased new computer/server systems and developed application softwares. Parallel to this direction, GARS drastically renovated its manpower composition toward a high level of professionalization by recruiting more archivists with historical and library science backgrounds. Conservators and computer system operators were also recruited. The new archival laws has been in effect from January 1, 2000. The new laws made following new changes in the field of records and archival administration in Korea. First, the laws regulate the records and archives of all public agencies including the Legislature, the Judiciary, the Administration, the constitutional institutions, Army, Navy, Air Force, and National Intelligence Service. A nation-wide unified records and archives management system became available. Second, public archives and records centers are to be established according to the level of the agency; a central archives at national level, special archives for the National Assembly and the Judiciary, local government archives for metropolitan cities and provinces, records center or special records center for administrative agencies. A records manager will be responsible for the records management of each administrative divisions. Third, the records in the public agencies are registered in the computer system as they are produced. Therefore, the records are traceable and will be searched or retrieved easily through internet or computer network. Fourth, qualified records managers and archivists who are professionally trained in the field of records management and archival science will be assigned mandatorily to guarantee the professional management of records and archives. Fifth, the illegal treatment of public records and archives constitutes a punishable crime. In the future, the public records find archival management will develop along with Korean government's 'Electronic Government Project.' Following changes are in prospect. First, public agencies will digitize paper records, audio-visual records, and publications as well as electronic documents, thus promoting administrative efficiency and productivity. Second, the National Assembly already established its Special Archives. The judiciary and the National Intelligence Service will follow it. More archives will be established at city and provincial levels. Third, the more our society develop into a knowledge-based information society, the more the records management function will become one of the important national government functions. As more universities, academic associations, and civil societies participate in promoting archival awareness and in establishing archival science, and more people realize the importance of the records and archives management up to the level of national public campaign, the records and archival management in Korea will develop significantly distinguishable from present practice.

The Zapatista Uprising and the Poetics of Cultural Resistance

ican government and their national intelligence service (CISEN). They instead would have us believe that the masked figure who is both military commander and spokesperson for the rebel Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) is none other than one Rafael Guillen, a Jesuit-educated, former university lecturer, born in 1957 in Tampico, northern Mexico.1 The story they wish to tell is of a man corrupted by the texts of Marx and Mao, a man so frustrated with the apathy of metropolitan campus life that he allowed himself to become embroiled in the more radical politics of violent subversion.2 And to some extent, they may in fact be right, but only, as academics might say, within the terms of their own discourse.3 And it is with this discourse - the discourse of Mexican officialdom, the discourse of government knows best, of government has the legitimacy to represent, the discourse of fact over fiction that Marcos, and the Zapatista rebels with whom his life is now so inextricably linked, take issue. It is not so much that Marcos never came from the city to the countryside to preach the revolutionary doctrines of MarxistLeninism, for this he freely admits, while still refusing to confirm his governmental identity. The story he himself tells, however, places greater emphasis on his encounter with Indian culture, an encounter that he claims changed him and the very principles upon which the thousands of Zapatista soldiers thought it necessary to fight. The nature of this change, and consequently the nature of the revolutionary movement to which Zapatismo gives its

Coexistence and Cooperation in International Law

The political scientist and the politician of our day both tend to be skeptical of international law. The political scientist, who is interested in studying the distribution of power, sees in the classic rules of international law neither an adequate description of the conduct of states nor an effective prescription for ordering national conduct. The politician, who is interested in the exercise of power, finds it difficult to realize what he considers vital national interests within the traditional legal framework. Both scholars and practitioners apparently feel that the older rhetoric of international law—nonintervention, peaceful settlement of disputes, the law of war—is to a great extent irrelevant to a world in turmoil. Bombings without declaration of war, illegal reprisals, campaigns of political assassination, and military intervention to crush internal revolt are accepted as part of the backdrop of world conflict. It seems increasingly clear that the classic rules of international law and the basic political and moral principles on which they rest are now used less and less by the great powers even as points of reference. Nothing sounds more old-fashioned than Secretary Stimson's remarks of less than forty years ago, in advising against the establishment of a national intelligence service, that “gentlemen don't read each other's mail.”