Ukrainian National Identity Research Articles

Роль представницької демократії у сучасних процесах формування української національної ідентичності

Показано, що у процесі взаємодії між владою та суспільством його вихідним моментом є легітимація влади в очах громадян. Зазначено, що демократичні процедури у плюралістичному суспільстві стають базисом легітимності влади. Зауважено, що центральним елементом демократичної легітимації влади та однією з найважливіших складових комунікації влади і суспільства є вибори. Вказано, що у ході електорального процесу численні групові та індивідуальні ідентичності, що існують у суспільстві, у певний спосіб артикулюють себе в публічному просторі, у відкритому та визначеному певними правилами суперництві з іншими. Зазначено, що така артикуляція стає однією з передумов для формування загальнонаціональної ідентичності громадян держави. Доведено, що спільна національна ідея/ідеологія та демократичні засади політичного співжиття є взаємопов’язаними чинниками, оскільки саме формування спільної ідентичності через діалог, через інтеграцію цінностей прав людини, політичних та громадянських свобод до цілої багатовимірної конструкції національної ідентичності може бути фактором консолідації суспільства.

Етнічний, культурний та політичний чинники формування української національної ідентичності на сучасному етапі: особливості та взаємовпливи

Розглянуто проблему актуального співвідношення політичного та етнокультурного чинників формування української національної ідентичності. Показано, що національна ідентичність є комплексним та динамічним феноменом, який твориться у процесі політичної, культурної та соціально-економічної взаємодії між громадянами держави. Зазначено, що політична спільність у межах держави є необхідним, але недостатнім для виникнення стійкої національної ідентичності чинником. Зауважено, що її основою є також спільна соцієтальна культура, що має етнокультурну (мовну) основу, проте є надетнічним феноменом. Показано, що в Україні у роки незалежності головними чинниками становлення її національної ідентичності стали спільний політичний простір держави та наявність значної української етнічної більшості. Доведено, що у ситуації фактичної двомовності країни, існування значних соціокультурних відмінностей між різними регіонами України демократичний шлях розвитку був перешкодою для реалізації ідеї україноцентричної культурної гомогенізації країни. Зазначено, що після Революції Гідності російська агресія зумовила серйозні зміни у настроях українських громадян та у вітчизняному електоральному просторі, проте завдання знайти інклюзивну формулу національної ідентичності значною мірою залишається актуальним

The importance of the autocephaly of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine for the confessional policy of the Russian Federation in Central and Eastern Europe

The subject of the article is an analysis of the impact of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine's autocephaly process on Ukraine's relations with the Russian Federation. Orthodoxy, understood as both a religious institution and a denomination, has been a constant and most important component of Russia's identity since the very beginning of its existence. It remains the dominant religion in the Russian Federation, despite the religious diversity resulting from the multi-ethnic nature of the state. The aim of the article is to analyze the role of the Orthodox Church in the internal and foreign policy of the Russian Federation. In Russian-Ukrainian relations, it played an important role in supporting activities such as the annexation of Crimea or support for pro-Russian separatists in the Donbas. The position of the Russian Orthodox Church in contemporary Russia is also associated with a specific type (model) of the policy pursued by that state, referred to as "confessional policy (diplomacy)", integrally connected with the issues of religious security of the country. The analysis of the content of the program documents of the state institutions of the Russian Federation and internal organizations of the Russian Orthodox Church allows to distinguish the so-called differentia specifica, characterizing the community of assumptions and the identity of actions undertaken by state and church institutions in Russia. Church institutions are perceived as the so-called The "national" church of the Russian Federation. This results in the Church becoming entangled in various parapolitical affiliations, which in turn has specific implications in the political and interfaith sphere. The authors, on the basis of the conducted analysis, conclude that the autocephaly of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine is essential for the country's independence from Russia – it strengthens the Ukrainian national identity and limits Russian influence in this country.

Ідентичність українців та росіян та погляд на сусіда

The aim of the article is to study the problem of relations between Ukraine and the Russian Federation after the proclamation of Ukraine's independence. The authors focus on the process of identity formation in the newly created states and on how identity has influenced the perception of the neighboring people in Ukraine and Russia. The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific and special-historical methods with the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematicity, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty of the work is that, using the achievements of both domestic and foreign scholars and the achievements of sociological science, the authors offer their own view on the problem of interstate relations, analyzing them in terms of forming a view of the neighboring state through the prism of national identity. Conclusions. Ukraine and the Russian Federation had different views on the common historical legacy of being in the Soviet state. If for Ukraine the Soviet experience was full of problems related to the planting of the Soviet identity, which, in turn, ignored the needs of the national Ukrainian identity, or openly instrumentalized the Ukrainian national identity for the needs of the state. Therefore, having started the process of state building, the greatest successes in Ukraine were achieved by those politicians who focused on the civic Ukrainian identity. The process of «nationalization» in Ukraine has been ambiguously perceived in different regions. Russia was characterized by considerable sentiment after the Soviet era, which was based on the idea of the greatness of the Soviet state, which to some extent reflected the desire of Russian elites and society to restore this greatness. In this context, Ukrainian independence was perceived as an extremely hostile phenomenon for Russia. Warming up the imperial and nationalist sentiments of Russian society, the Russian government successfully created an image of Ukrainian statehood as a dangerous phenomenon and used this image in the annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of war against Ukraine in Donbas.

The ukrainian experience of national identity transformation (On the material “under the wings of big mother” by S. Protsiuk)

This article is devoted to the investigation of Ukrainian national identity transformation, conditioned by the events of the Revolution of Dignity in the novel “Under the Wings of Big Mother” by S. Protsiuk. It was found out that the problem of national identity is the key one on the thematic, problematic, ideological, and figurative levels. The basic categories in the process of the new national identity formation in the novel “Under the Wings of Big Mother” by S. Protsiuk are pain, suffering, sorrow, and fear. The transformation of the national identity is subordinate to the moral and ethical discourse of changes, which were prompted by the revolution. The article serves to analyze political obstacles, mental traps and drawbacks of Ukrainian psychological character that prevented Ukrainians from forming a strong national identity. Changes of Ukrainian national identity is caused by the traumatic experience of Ukraine being a part of USSR, marked by genocide, linguicide, culturicide, Holodomor, and political repressions. The transformation of Ukrainian national identity in the beginning of the 21st century made possible the establishment of the key national identities (identitas): history, language, territory, basic national symbols and codes. It was proved that the modification of the national identity and the awareness of the ethnic value and self-identification are possible on the condition of understanding of mental traps and psychological drawbacks of Ukrainians that impeded the Ukrainian people of forming their identity and world view to the full extent.

National Identity of Ukrainians in the Context of National Security

The peculiarities of the national identity of Ukrainians significantly influenced the process of national and state-building in Ukraine, thereby determining the national identity and subsequently the political behavior of its citizens. One of the striking examples of the influence of national identity in Ukraine is the events of 2013-2014 in Crimea and in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, when, under the influence of the internal political crisis and external influence, part of Ukrainian society took part in rallies, incl. with the aim of changing the social system and even secession from the country, which led to threats to the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The purpose of this article is to identify the features of the national identity of Ukrainians, which created the basis for massive anti-Ukrainian actions in 2013-2014, as well as modern trends in the development of Ukrainian society, and their impact on the national security of the state. The main results and conclusions of the article: significant regional differences in the identities of Ukrainians formed the conditions for the emergence and external construction of the socio-political crisis. Strong regional identity, low support for Independence, linguistic and political preferences of the inhabitants of the East and South of Ukraine became the key factors that influenced the stability of the state. Changes in Ukraine's policy after 2014, in the context of a military conflict with Russia, changed the characteristics of national identity, and probably contributed to the formation of a stronger Ukrainian state. The article can be used to further study the problematic aspects of the formation of national identity in the post-Soviet space, as well as to simulate scenarios for the development of political crises in order to develop an effective state policy that will help strengthen national unity, meet the needs of society, and find compromises between different social groups.

The Holocaust in South-Eastern Europe: Historiography, Archival Resources and Remembrance

<i>The Holocaust in South-Eastern Europe: Historiography, Archival Resources and Remembrance</i>

СУЧАСНІ ТЕНДЕНЦІЇ РОЗВИТКУ ТЕОРІЇ ТА ПРАКТИКИ СОЦІАЛЬНОГО ВИХОВАННЯ

The formation of the foundations of moral, social formation and development of personality is an extremely important area of social pedagogy. Social education plays an important role in the process of socialization of the individual, the development of norms and habits of behavior, the formation of socially significant personality traits. The current state of development of the theory and practice of social education is characterized by increased attention to self-realization of the individual, ensuring the spiritual unity of generations, the education of patriotic feelings. In the process of development of the younger generation, it is important to prepare young people for the process of adaptation in society, to strengthen the mental and spiritual health of children. The article considers modern views on the understanding of the concept of social education, trends in this category in scientific and legal positions. Attention is paid to the current aspects of the process of social education and its role in the socialization of the individual. The tasks performed by social education in the formation of a spiritual, creative personality are outlined. Separate normative-legal documents that influence the content of social education in modern conditions are noted. It is emphasized that social education has a purposeful nature, affects the development of civil society, the formation of Ukrainian national identity. The formation of the current foundations of the theory and practice of social education can not take place without taking into account previous experience and taking into account the historically formed vision of the process of social education in the context of the formation of a harmonious personality. The development of the theory of social pedagogy and the solution of socio-pedagogical problems is directly connected with the possibility of social education to develop the necessary intellectual, moral and spiritual qualities of the individual in the educational environment. Effective social education enriches and develops key social institutions, allows to grow a conscious generation of young people, to form a civil society on the basis of morality, honesty, responsibility and mutual respect. It should be noted that social pedagogy plays an important role in educating social and cultural values that shape the personality. The educational center purposefully provides the necessary guidelines, in the process of studying which forms the worldview, beliefs, views and life priorities of the younger generation.

Zigzags in Cultural Policy of the Soviet Union in the Cold War Epoch

Presented article has been written based on the report, which was delivered at the International Workshop “The Cultural and Academic Relations between the Eastern Bloc Countries and the West during the Cold War Period” organized by the Ohara Institute for Social Research/Hosei University (Tokyo, Japan) in cooperation with the State Institution “Institute of World History of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine” (Kyiv, Ukraine) and Jagielonian University (Krakow, Poland).In order for reading this article to be more accessible for the scholars of post-Soviet countries, far and near abroad, the author, on exceptional basis, used Russian as the language of her research. Because exactly Russian was the language of learning of the author’s Japanese colleagues, professors from the Hosei University / Tokyo and other universities during their studying in the USSR in the Cold War years.The article underlines that accession of Ukraine to the Soviet Union as the Union Republic-co-founder and its commitment to the establishment of the new social and economic system involved a series of public transformations. In the Soviet Union, the industrialization, collectivization, and cultural revolution were conducted, numerous universities, scientific institutions, theatres, and other culture centers were opened. Soviet culture, as officially defined, served the purpose of construction of a socialist society. At the same time, the cultural policy of the Soviet Union had not only the objectives of changing public consciousness, covered the principles of liquidation of private property and repudiation of religion, but also, on the base of communist ideology, it was intended to provide a formation of the «New Soviet Man». The author demonstrated the Cold War influence on the culture of the USSR. The research highlighted that the development of new industries and scientific discoveries of global significance by the Soviet scientists enabled to use to a greater extent of human achievements for further progress and cultural wealth accumulation. The article deals with the achievements and loses in the process of Ukrainian national identity assertion.

HISTORICAL MEMORY AS A FACTOR OF NATIONAL IDENTITY FORMATION

The article is devoted to the problems of historical memory formation as a factor of national identity formation. Its actuality is due to the serious challenges that exist in Ukraine for the Ukrainian national identity. These challenges are due to the long-term impossibility of developing our own historical discourse, regionalization of historical memories, politicization of historical issues. The comparative and structural-functional methods have mainly been used in this research. The first one is a comparative analysis of different interpretations of historical memory and national identity. The second has been used in determining the structure of historical memory and the directions of its influence on the formation of national identity. Historical memory became the object of the author's scientific interests in 2015. A more detailed study of the impact of historical memory on national identity was carried out in 2020. The article analyzes the phenomena of national identity and historical memory, the structure and functions of historical memory, its connection with history as a science have been analyzed in this article. The most significant and relevant, according to the author, problems of formation of historical memory in modern Ukraine have also been covered: 1) time gaps and deformations of this process; 2) the long impossibility, in fact, until the end of the twentieth century, of actualization in the public consciousness of one's own historical narrative; 3) significant regional differences in historical memories that lead to horizontal gaps in historical memory; 4) mental alienation of Ukrainians from a significant part of their history. The discussion examines the critique ideas of essentialist about the nation and national identity, based on the concept of the nation as an "imagined community", reveals its theoretical shortcomings and political motivation. Arguments were also made against the call of some Ukrainian historians to abandon the national paradigm of historiography as one that allegedly leads to "provincialism" and "isolationism." The importance of historical policy or the policy of memory for post-socialist countries, the urgency of the problems of historical memory for Western countries in the context of globalization and migration challenges have been emphasized in the conclusion.

The Euromaidan Revolution, Reforms and Decommunisation in Ukraine

This article provides a comprehensive analysis of Ukraine’s adoption of four decommunisation laws in April 2015, their implementation and the controversy they generated. The first section analyses changes in Ukrainian memory politics prior to 2014. In 2006, the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (Ukrainskyi Instytut Natsionalnoi Pamiat—UINP) was established but given meagre resources by President Viktor Yushchenko; pro-Russian political forces were opposed to both the Holodomor recognised as a genocide and official recognition of the Ukrainian resistance movement. The second section provides an analysis of Ukraine’s decommunisation process which was made possible by: the Euromaidan Revolution; collapse of pro-Russian political forces; election of a large pro-European parliamentary coalition; and the impact of Russian military aggression on Ukrainian attitudes to Russia and Ukrainian national identity. Together these four factors reduced opposition and energised those who supported decommunisation. In the third section we argue that six criticisms of Ukraine’s decommunisation raised by Western and Ukrainian scholars were exaggerated and misplaced.

The Holodomor in Collective Memory

This paper concerns the role of genocide in collective memory and its function for national identity-building in post-Soviet Ukraine. Known as the Holodomor, Ukraine’s famine of 1932-33 has become an important part of the country’s national history. Upon gaining independence in 1991, the Ukrainian government set out to build and affirm a national identity distinct from Russia, grounded in Ukraine’s unique history and national myths. The claim to have undergone genocide as a nation in the Holodomor comprised part of this state-building project, though whether this claim is appropriate under international law has long been disputed. This paper examines the ways in which the Holodomor-as-genocide thesis was embedded in Ukrainian national identity, particularly under the administration of Viktor Yushchenko. Through the creation of new institutions, campaigns, and laws, the Ukrainian government sought to have the Holodomor recognized as genocide at the international and domestic levels, and to make its sacred commemoration a cornerstone of Ukrainian society. This narrative was deployed to unite the nation under a shared history of suffering that effaced politically inexpedient realities, such as cases of complicity in the Holodomor and the Shoah by Ukrainian elites. Narratives assigning blame to Ukrainian Jews and Russians alike delineated a narrow conception of the true Ukrainian nation to the exclusion of the alleged perpetrators. Further, it served to distance Ukraine from Russia by emphasizing the consequences of Soviet colonialism and the importance of Ukrainian collective memory as a matter of political sovereignty and cultural emancipation.

The Gender Dimension of Women’s Lingual Behavior in Polylingual Families and Partnerships

The typical studies on national and language issues have a focus on macro-level of social structure. Despite the large number of available studies on gender inequality, in Ukraine in particular, the issue of including the gender aspect in the context of the reproduction of national identity has not been studied in detail. Given the postcolonial legacy of Ukrainian society, based on its status in relation to Russiain Soviet times, we can speak of the existence of hierarchy in the context of national identities, where language is one of its readable and expressive manifestations. Given the two hierarchical structures that exist in contemporary Ukrainian society, namely gender and national, the main question of the research paper is what the gender inequality contributes to changing language behaviors in polylingual families and partnerships in the context of postcolonial experience of Ukrainian society. The research uses conceptual distinction between „creole” and „native” patterns of national identity in Ukraine. This distinction is productive tool in reconstruction of interdependence between lingual behavior and national identity. The empirical basis of the research is a set of semi-structural interviews with women which changed their language in matrimony and/or partnership. The key research finding is that gender and postcolonial hierarchies tend to be highly interdependent. The research finds that factors of language change are different in the case of Ukrainian-speaking and Russian-speaking informants. The further research on this topic might be dedicated to following issue: is it relevant expectation that decreasing of gender inequality will have the effect on weakened of postcolonial hierarchies? Key words: lingual behavior, lingual fixity, polylingual family, partnership, postcolonial feminism.

Мовне питання в українському державотворчому процесі ХХ століття

The article highlights an importance of the language for the survival of the Ukrainian national identity as well as its role in the state-building processes of the 20th century. The author analyzes the state policy towards Ukrainian during the National revolution of 1917-1921 and Soviet period. It is stated, that the linguistic policy of the Ukrainian authorities in 1917-1921 included acceptance of Ukrainian as a state language, its popularization and implementation in document flow, public administration, education, science and publishing. The linguistic policy of the state based itself on the ethnic tolerance and democratic principles. In search for support of the wider circles of the Ukrainian society, the Soviet regime, established in the early 1920ties, had to adopt the policy of “Ukrainization”. During the next decade the sphere of the Ukrainian language use expanded significantly. However, the Ukrainization appeared to be only a short-term solution. In the early 1930ties the Bolshevik ruling elite abandoned the policy of Ukrainization, while the leading Ukrainian administrators and public figures that supported this policy were repressed. At the same time, even the short-term Ukrainization of the 1920ties – early 1930ties was fruitful enough. It had a longue durée that fueled Ukrainian national identity during the periods that followed. In the years of de-Stalinization Ukrainian intellectuals searched for the possible ways to increase the usage of the Ukrainian language. They fulfilled numerous artistic and research projects and backed the rights of the Ukrainian language publicly. It is important to note that the linguistic policy of the Soviet authorities presumed the support of the Russian language in all spheres of the social life. This policy was implemented through the state institutions, such as schools, universities, scientific centers, mass media, armed forces, health care, and prison system. As a result, Ukrainian was widely treated as a language of the lower status (Ukrainian as a ‘rural language’ in contrast to the Russian as an ‘urban language’) and bilingualism flourished among the population of Ukraine. The population censuses of 1926, 1959 and 1989 clearly demonstrate the effectiveness of this policy. Nevertheless, it never resulted in total Russification of the Ukrainian population. The Ukrainian language maintained its relevance for Ukrainian nation and state building of the 20th century. It continued to contribute in national consolidation and allowed to preserve the Ukrainian political identity, even despite the assimilation policy provided by the central authorities.

ПРОСВІТНИЦЬКА ДІЯЛЬНІСТЬ ЯРОСЛАВА РОЗУМНОГО У КОНТЕКСТІ ШИРЕННЯ ТВОРЧОЇ СПАДЩИНИ ІВАНА ФРАНКА СЕРЕД УКРАЇНСЬКИХ ЕМІГРАНТІВ

The article analyzes the pro-Ukrainian activities carried out by Yaroslav Rozumnyi, the renowned Canadian Ukrainian emigrant, linguist and literary scholar, a doctor of philosophy and Slavic studies. It was primarily the third of four waves of Ukrainian emigration to North America that was marked by a high percentage of migrants with an intellectual and scholarly background. These emigrants, among them Yaroslav Rozumnyi, gathered in nonprofit non-party organizations that represented and supported the Ukrainian community, contributed to the development of Ukrainian organizations, to the cultural, religious and political vitality of Canada's Ukrainians. Their major goal was the representation of Ukrainians in the diaspora, the establishment and coordination of international relations, the development of a civic society among Ukrainians with their Ukrainian national identity, spirit, and language. These people were united by their commitment to the idea of an independent Ukrainian state and the renovation of Ukraine's sovereignty. They did not cease to protest against the ongoing Russification of Ukrainian culture and the Ukrainian language, stood up against arrests or the physical destruction of Ukrainian dissidents. Yaroslav Rozumnyi, who was forced to leave his native country for political reasons, devoted his entire life to his major principle “to carry on the burden and one‟s duty for the Motherland.” As a consequence, he, in the period from 1990 to 1992, became a co-founder and chairman of the Manitoba branch of the supporters of the party “Narodnyi Rukh Ukraiiny” (“National Movement of Ukraine”). While living and working in Canada, Rozumnyi's heart kept beating for Ukraine. While analyzing various aspects of Franko's texts in German-language scholarly organs, Rozumnyi used them for a broadening of the perception of Ukrainian culture in the world and disseminated Ivan Franko's creative legacy among Ukrainian emigrants. Although Yaroslav Rozumnyi was a resident of Canada he contributed a lot to the revival of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy. In 1992, he became the representative of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy in Canada and, subsequently, a member of its International Consultative Counci. In 1996, Yaroslav Rozumnyi was awarded the title of honorary professor at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.

LEXICO-SEMANTIC PARADIGM OF THE CONCEPT OF SILENCE IN THE LESIA UKRAINKA’S LANGUAGE

The article uses the concept of silence as one of the fundamental principles of human existence, which covers the characteristics of being, time, movement, analyzes the development of contextual lexical-semantic and stylistic nuances of the word in the language of Lesia Ukrainka. Taking into account the common lexicographical interpretations of the token, the expansion of its semantic potential in poetic texts is traced, the formation of positive emotional and negative emotional meaning paradigms is shown. The positive emotional scale combines seven “calm”, “hope”, and the negative scale – seven “anxiety”, “pain”, “sadness”, “civil inaction”. Positive-emotional paradigm is created mainly by images of nature, and negative-value – philosophical and psychological understanding of the mental state of man at the turn of the XIX – early XX centuries. in the projection on the self-expression of Ukrainian national identity. Emphasis is placed on lexical and stylistic individual-author features in the depiction of the natural and sensual state of silence. The multifunctionality of language means of the concept of silence correlates with the mental state of a person, his positive and negative emotions, existential attitude. The development of lexical and semantic nuances of the noun silence in Lesіa Ukrainka’s language creation testifies to the formation of positive-emotional and negative-emotional meaning paradigms of ontological phenomena of the existence of Ukrainian society. The positive emotional scale combines seven “calm”, “hope”, and the negative scale – seven “anxiety”, “pain”, “sadness”, “civil inaction”. Positive-emotional paradigm is created mainly by images of nature, and negative-value – philosophical and psychological understanding of the mental state of man at the turn of the XIX – early XX centuries. in the projection on the self-expression of Ukrainian national identity.

Постать Вільгельма фон Габсбурга (Василя Вишиваного) у спогадах і історичних дослідженнях XX – поч. XXI ст.

The purpose of the research – is to demonstrate how the historiographic image of Wilhelm von Habsburg, known as Colonel Vasyl Vyshyvanyi, was constructed on the basis of sources of personal origin and historiography materials that were deposited during the XX century. In the first time in historiography shown as the as the story of the Austrian archduke, who decided to change his national identity and chose for himself the image of a fighter for the will of Ukraine, unfolded and mythologized. The history of the life of the Austrian Archduke Wilhelm von Habsburg-Lötringen has in recent years been enriched by a number of thorough studies. The main issue of this research was the question of choosing a Ukrainian national identity. The construction of the Ukrainian legend Vasyl Vyshyvany in the historiography began, based on his own autobiography. As the accumulation of source and scientific material, the question of the vision of the hero evolved: from explaining the circumstances of change of national self-identification to exploring the motives of this step. Changes in the interpretation of this issue were also outlined and brought to the cultural and philosophical research field.

Liubech castle: In search of symbols and meanings

Liubech castle is one of the symbols of the Kievan Rus. According to the original plan of B. A. Rybakov, Liubech was supposed to become an example of a classic feudal castle. In the context of this idea, a thesis about the high level of development of feudal relations in the pre-Mongol period, significant economic and social development, complexity and perfection of architectural structures formed. The meanings built in the series of publications were displayed in the corresponding series of graphic reconstructions. Gradually this image relegates to the background and the image of the strong state authority becomes the main one. The preformed set of ideas about the Liubech Congress of 1097 became the ideological context of such interpretation. The main structure which was not in previous versions is introduced in the descriptions of the castle ― the palace. Formation of this meaning ended by direct comparison of Liubech and Moscow. But comparison of B. A. Rybakov’s materials with historical data, as well as with materials from the excavations of Liubech in 2010–2012, allows to claim that the created reconstruction of the castle of the 10th–11th centuries does not correspond to the declared historical period, but represents an interpretation of the structures of the 16th–18th centuries. Nevertheless, there are every chances for the Liubech castle to go beyond the graphic image and become a real tourist attraction. Working documents for the restoration work were prepared in 2012. It was planned to carry out the project basing on the reconstruction by B. A. Rybakov. The use of cultural heritage for the formation of Ukrainian national identity, as well as the rich history of the castle in the 16th–18th centuries can become the new meaning of the monument. For now the project is not implemented due to lack of funding.

Literary representation of Ukrainian national identity in the context of the Galician literary borderlands in Mykhaylo Yatskiv’s short prose

literary representation of Ukrainian national identity in the context of the Galician literary borderlands in Mykhaylo Yatskiv’s short prose

The Ukrainian bestseller: On the way to national identity

The article considers the commercially successful works of fiction written in Ukrainian since the beginning of Ukraine’s independence, and provides a brief excursion into the history of the issue. A bestseller is viewed as a multifunctional phenomenon, the emergence of which is determined by not only the presence of the literary text itself, but also the infrastructure and competent marketing necessary for good sales. In the 1990s there were no and could not be bestsellers, since there were no necessary infrastructure, support from the state, appropriate attitude of publishing houses, and moreover, there was no Ukrainian reader. The buyers would more willingly buy books in Russian and there was some distrust of modern Ukrainian literature. Certain changes took place in the 2000s. Since the mid-2000s in Ukrainian culture the hit sales are books that offer a biased view of the controversial historical events of the Soviet past, use “hate speech” in relation to other ethnic groups, and manipulate the reader’s empathy. A conclusion is made about the relevance of such a one-dimensional image of the past for the formation of Ukrainian national identity in the current historical period.