Ukrainian National Identity Research Articles

Визнання Голодомору геноцидом українського народу парламентом Великої Британії: дебати 2013–2023 рр

The international recognition of the Holodomor of 1932–1933 is evidence of the establishment of historical justice in assessing the crime against humanity committed against the Ukrainian people. For the first time, the famine in Ukraine was discussed in the British Parliament in 1934: a report based on information received from Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna Theodor Innitzer and journalists William Henry Chamberlin and Malcolm Muggeridge was delivered in the House of Lords by the liberal politician Lord Charnwood. However, a number of MPs opposed the discussion of the famine in the USSR, stressing that it was an internal affair of another state, and the debate was closed. In the early 2000s, after the recognition of the Holodomor as genocide by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (2006) and the intensification of the Ukrainian authorities’ efforts to raise awareness of the crimes of the Soviet regime among the world community, this issue was discussed three times (2013, 2017, 2023) in the House of Commons. P. Latham, a representative of the ruling Conservative Party, was the initiator of the debate. She presented indisputable historical facts and oral memories in her speeches, that allowed to assess the Holodomor as a deliberate act of genocide by the Soviet government, which became a deep trauma for Ukraine and had a catastrophic impact on the Ukrainian national identity. The politician also argued her thesis with the statement of the author of the concept of “genocide” R. Lemkin, who called the destruction of the Ukrainian nation a classic example of genocide, stressing that the purpose of the Holodomor was to overcome Ukrainian national resistance to the Soviet regime. In general, all the speakers emphasised the artificiality of the famine, the scale of the tragedy (from 2 to 12 million deaths), which was planned by the Stalinist totalitarian regime to achieve its main goal – the destruction of the Ukrainian nation. The MPs recognised the need to honour the memory of the millions people who were brutally murdered; condemned the Soviet regime’s confiscation of food, restrictions on the movement of the population, refusal of foreign aid, brutal suppression of protests, and Russification policy; called on the UK government to further raise awareness of the Holodomor and condemned any attempts to deny or distort this historical truth, considering it nothing less than genocide.They noted the heroism of the contemporaries of the events, in particular the British journalists Gareth Jones and M. Muggeridge, and ordinary citizens who were not afraid to speak out about the real state of affairs. In this context, the parliamentarians drew historical parallels with the present: reporters from many countries, including Ukraine itself, are endangering themselves to expose the true extent of Russian barbarism and war crimes during Russia’s illegal war against Ukraine, in which Putin aims to destroy the Ukrainian nation and the concept of Ukrainian identity. The MPs argued that the recognition of the Holodomor as genocide is not a formal definition: it is a recognition of the truth of historical events and has implications for the current war, as it sends a clear signal that the international community will not turn a blind eye to acts of cruelty and injustice. In early 2023, President of Ukraine V. Zelenskyy and Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine R. Stefanchuk addressed the UK Parliament, focusing on the current situation in Ukraine. However, the head of the Ukrainian parliament stressed the importance of restoring historical justice in the issue of recognising the Holodomor of 1932–1933 in Ukraine as a crime of genocide against the Ukrainian people, especially because of the unchanging policy of Russia, which commits mass war crimes and crimes against humanity. The House of Commons unanimously passed a resolution recognising the Holodomor as genocide of the Ukrainian people on 25 May 2023. The position of official London has remained unchanged: Holodomor was a horrific, man-made disaster of unimaginable scale and the government recognise the human tragedy that occurred and its importance in the history of Ukraine and Europe. Government policy is that recognition of genocides should be a matter for judicial decision and so it should be for judges, rather than Governments or non- judicial bodies, to make a designation of genocide. Such decisions should be based on a credible judicial process, and the courts are best placed to judge what are essentially criminal matters. At the same time, the government emphasises that this position in no way diminishes the gravity of the crime and the responsibility of the Soviet leadership for the deaths of millions of Ukrainians. It also assures that it will continue to support Ukraine in defending its sovereignty and territorial integrity, and international efforts to bring Russia to justice for its aggression against Ukraine. Key words: Holodomor, genocide, Great Britain, P. Latham, Ukraine.

Evolution of Theatrical Culture of Ukraine in the context of National Identity

The purpose of the article is to analyse the main aspects in the evolution of theatrical culture in Ukraine in the context of the formation and preservation of national identity. The research methodology is based on a combination of different approaches, including historical, sociocultural and artistic analysis of theatrical events and their interaction with political, sociocultural and economic factors. The historical approach enabled the author to trace the main stages of the development of theatrical culture in Ukraine, in particular the influence of political and social conditions on the formation of the national theatre. The artistic analysis enabled focusing on the aesthetic aspects of theatrical creativity, and the socio-cultural approach – to investigate the relationship between the theatre and society. Scientific novelty. The study is groundbreaking in its analysis of the impact of contemporary events, such as Euromaidan 2014 and the full-scale invasion of 2022, on Ukrainian theatre culture, as well as exploring the process of de-Russification in theatre. In addition, the article emphasises the role of individual artists and the development of modern drama, which underlines the theme of war and national identity. Conclusions. The process of formation of national identity in Ukraine in the context of historical events and cultural transformations was highlighted. Despite the various prohibitions of the desire to destroy national identity, the activities of outstanding national figures, in particular theatre figures, have always popularised Ukrainian culture. A promising direction in the development of theatre culture is to take into account all mental and ideological differences within the framework of Ukrainian values, since every Ukrainian is currently rethinking the question of their identity. The evolution of Ukrainian theatrical culture is an integral part of the process of formation and preservation of national identity. The theatre itself is an important tool of socio-cultural development, which helps Ukrainian society to realise its uniqueness and preserve its cultural heritage.

Galicia and Donbass as Ideal models of regional identity: sociocultural roots of the confrontation between Western and Eastern Ukraine

The article examines ideal models of regional identity in Ukraine – Galicia and Donbass. It is emphasised that Ukraine, having become a sovereign state and appeared on the political map of the world in 1991, faced the problem of a pronounced mosaic of regions. Individual regions were included in Ukraine already formed as distinctive entities with stable features of culture and way of life of the population. The authors emphasise that on the territory of Ukraine there coexisted a number of territorial complexes that were rather weakly connected with each other, and their subordination to various states due to frequent changes in borders determined their complex interaction. The processes of changing the political affiliation of regions actualise the identification issue, and identity in such conditions turns into a kind of demiurge of reality and can act as the main, and sometimes the only source of meanings. The declaration of independence by Ukraine actualised historically formed contradictions, previously existing mainly latently. The article proves the existence of socio-cultural regions, unique ethno-territorial communities, creating a continuum with a clearly expressed dichotomy - Donbass and Galicia. Beginning from the first years of Ukraine's independence, the image of the new independent country as a great European power, the formation of which has always been hindered and continues to be hindered by Russia, was actively introduced into the consciousness of citizens. That is, a project was promoted based on Galician nationalism (with an emphatically Russophobic basis) and the concept of the "titular Ukrainian nation". In turn, regionalist sentiments in the Eastern Ukraine showed that regional identity can have great potential for the social integration of citizens. Since the 1990s, Donbass has often acted as an object of deliberate "otherness" on the part of the Ukrainian political and cultural elite, which was a contrasting background in the context of the practices of national construction in Ukraine. The authors conclude that the formation of Ukrainian national identity was carried out in a very contradictory manner and was characterised by a clear dominance of regional identity in the Eastern Ukraine against the background of the total promotion of the Galician project, and since 2014, its promotion has been carried out by armed means. However, the violent desire to level the regional identity of the inhabitants of the Eastern Ukraine launched the process of secession of the region - the self-proclamation of the DPR and LPR and their subsequent inclusion in the Russian Federation in 2022.

Концепція національної ідентичності в художньому світопросторі Олекси Стороженка

National identity and its portrayal in literature is a pressing issue today that demands thorough examination. This relevance arises from the current socio-cultural situation, which necessitates an understanding of Ukrainian national identity’s foundations and the influences shaping the nation’s development. This article explores the components of national identity and elucidates the concept of "national identity", examining the state of research on this issue in both global and domestic contexts. The study focuses on how Oleksa Storozhenko’s artistic heritage reflects the peculiarities of the Ukrainian nation through language, daily life, history, worldview, mentality, and the interplay of time and space. Special attention is given to his prose works written in Ukrainian, highlighting typical images of Ukrainians who embody distinct national traits. The article also examines Storozhenko’s position and his self-identification as a representative of conscious Ukrainianism.

Refleksje nad tożsamością Donbasu we współczesnej literaturze ukraińskiej

The aim of this paper is a scientific reflection on the issue of Donbas identity, Donbas mythology and historical memory, and to examine how these categories works in contemporary Ukrainian literature. The analysed literary works, on the one hand, show the economic and mental breakdown of the region (Serhiy Zhadan), and on the other hand, they allow us to hope that thanks to the process of self-reflection, it is possible to construct an identity of the inhabitants of Donbas correlated with the Ukrainian national identity (Oleksiy Chupa). Contemporary Ukrainian literature also indicates efforts to create their own Donbas mythology, independent of Russian patterns, which may become part of the Ukrainian nation-building mythology (Lubov Yakymchuk).

Preservation of the Traditional Ukrainian Clothing and Its Popularization in the Activities of Folklore and Ethnographic Groups of the Kharkiv Region at the Turn of the 20th – 21st Centuries

It is extremely important for Ukrainians to be aware of their national identity and internal unity in modern conditions. The revival of Ukrainian traditional culture, including interest in traditional Ukrainian clothing, is a sign of this process. Ukrainian vyshyvanka has become an important marker for Ukrainians both in Ukraine and also abroad. Slobidska Ukraine, Kharkivshchyna in particular, is not an exception. Ukrainian traditions are being revived here. A powerful ethnological school, founded by the academician Mykola Sumtsov, has existed in Kharkiv from the late nineteenth century until the early 1930s. The scientific activities of Vira Biletska are of a great importance in the study of Ukrainian traditional clothing of Slobozhanshchyna. Unfortunately, this scientific school has been destroyed by the pro-Stalinist totalitarian regime in the 1930s and the heritage of the scientists has been put in a so-called special storage department. The studies of the traditional culture of Slobozhanshchyna are resumed only after Ukraine has gained independence. The creative activity of folklore and ethnographic groups in the Kharkiv region is of a great importance in promoting the traditional culture of Sloboda Ukraine, including Ukrainian folk clothing, in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Muravskyi Shliakh (Kharkiv) and Verbychenka (Nova Vodolaha) take a prominent place among these groups, considered as an example in terms of performance skills and the authenticity of the reproduction of Slobozhanshchyna folklore and research activities as well as in the terms of the accuracy of stage costumes. These facts are also facilitated by the organization and regular holding of the Krokoveie Kolo traditional folk culture festival for children and youth by the Union of Folklorists and Ethnologists of Kharkiv. The interest in folk traditions of the Kharkiv region at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has influenced the emergence of craftswomen, both reproducing traditional Ukrainian women’s, men’s and children’s clothing, but also educating new generations of craftswomen. The activities of the Ukrainian traditional culture masters contribute to the formation of the Ukrainian national identity in the Kharkiv region. A wider circle of Kharkiv residents is becoming aware of the historical origins of Ukrainians in Slobozhanshchyna owing to the fruitful long-term creative activity of these groups involving youth and children.

Formation of Ukrainian National Identity: Means and Value Orientations

The article emphasizes that the youth of Ukraine is a key factor in the future of society, requiring support and encouragement for the formation of national consciousness and patriotism. Currently, Ukrainians realize that during times of war, the formation of national identity is of special significance, as the country faces complex challenges threatening its territorial integrity, sovereignty, and distinctiveness. The scientific article reveals contemporary aspects of the formation of Ukrainian national identity and indicates that such a movement is a complex process involving various means and value orientations. Among the means of forming Ukrainian national identity are language policy, education, media, cultural events, political reforms, monuments, and memorial sites. Language policy aims to protect the status of the Ukrainian language as the state language and ensure its use in all spheres of public life. Education is one of the key means of forming Ukrainian national identity as it transmits values, traditions, and cultural customs, promotes the development of civic consciousness, and supports identification with one’s own country. Cultural events play a significant role in shaping national identity as they contribute to the awareness and appreciation of the uniqueness of the cultural heritage, language, traditions, and values of the nation. Monuments and memorial sites play a significant role in shaping national identity as they are material symbols of history, culture, and important events for the nation. In the conclusions of the scientific article, it is emphasized that Ukrainian national identity is an important factor in the formation of civil society based on the principles of democracy, human rights, and equality. Ukrainian national identity is an important element of self-identification and self-awareness of the Ukrainian people, which contributes to its preservation, development, and prosperity.

Victory-in-freedom: Ukraine’s democratic resilience in the face of war

The article offers a rare systematic analysis of political attitudes in societies experiencing massive military invasions using statistical analysis of two original surveys conducted by the Ukraine National Academy of Sciences Institute of Sociology — a panel survey tracking the same respondents in three waves (N = 329, November 2021, June-July 2022, and June 2023) and an additional larger survey (N = 869, June 2023). Despite devastating suffering, Ukrainians’ support for democracy as a political system and for freedom of speech have stayed remarkably resilient over this time period. Cross-sectional (multiple ordinary least squares regression) and longitudinal (linear mixed-effects model regression) tests, as well as supplementary focus group conversations in all of Ukraine’s macro-regions, show that this democratic resilience is grounded in the victory-in-freedom synergy — a widespread sense of shared sacrifice that drives determination to win the war and restore Ukraine’s territorial integrity. In particular, we found a clearer understanding of the importance of political freedoms and fighting for victory among individuals who experienced loss and trauma and a strong appreciation across Ukraine’s society that victory is vital to preserve democracy. Survey data also demonstrates that democracy support has become more intrinsic to Ukrainian national identity and that the initial surge of democracy support among Ukrainians in the face of Russia’s invasion has been more than a short-term rallying-round-the-flag. In combination, these factors explain the Ukrainians’ sustained, spirited resilience in the face Russia’s mass savage invasion over more than a two-year period. Moreover, support for democratic ideals doesn’t mean Ukrainians write a blank check of trust to their government. Longitudinal analysis indicates that as the war progressed, and hardship persisted respondents held their democratic institutions accountable. At the same time, the results of our study indicate that sustaining this resilience would require not only battlefield successes, but also accountable governance, countering Russia’s media impacts, and sustaining family incomes. Our findings contribute to the literature on war and democracy by showing the importance of considering both the external context (war duration and impacts and the aggressor state type) and the mobilization of national identity in the face of aggression.

Artistic Forms of Shaping Ukrainian National Identity by Leon Getz

Abstract The article deals with the phenomenon of shaping Ukrainian national identity in artistic works of autobiographical nature, created at the time of life crisis and oppressive sociopolitical situation, using Leon Getz as an example. Getz (1896–1971) was a painter who was raised in a Polish-Ukrainian family in Lviv but made a decision to identify nationally with the Ukrainian minority, oppressed both in pre- and postwar Poland. After WWII, he was subjected to surveillance by the Polish Security Office because of his Ukrainian identification. That led him and his wife (also a Ukrainian) to attempt suicide—unsuccessful in the case of the artist, fatal in the case of his wife. Getz wrote down his memoirs twice: the first time in the 1930s, the second time after his wife’s death in the 1950s. The first memoirs expressed his loneliness in an environment dominated by Poles, and they were drawn up openly, though for the author’s needs only. The second memoirs presented his personal tragedy and were kept in secret because the Security Office sought to intercept Getz’s notes as documents incriminating the officers. However, the author hoped to make the text public in the future. The subject of the analysis is constituted by memoirs read in the context of the artist’s other personal documents and works. They present the formation of his Ukrainian national identity as the chosen one and at the same time as the one that, in his opinion, was related to his and his wife’s tragedy. I interpret these memoirs in two different but complimentary ways: first, as life writing at the time of a man’s personal life crisis and, second, as life writing in a situation of oppression by the authoritarian and after WWII totalitarian state, under surveillance by the Security Office, whose moves put the very subjectivity of an individual in crisis. Both interpretations highlight the process of building Getz’s self-identification not as a discovered preexisting nationality, but as a deliberate—and nonobvious—choice of national path. The article is based on Getz’s unpublished memoirs and works, which are held in archives in Cracow (Poland) and Rome (Italy).

Preservation of the museum heritage of Ukraine in the context of emphasizing national identity

The purpose of the study is to to show the need to preserve the museum heritage of Ukraine, to emphasize the importance of this process for Ukrainian national identity in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The methodology is based on the use of observation methods in relation to a wide set of data, specific facts; theoretical research method; the survey method, the method of systematic analysis of socio-economic phenomena, which made it possible to identify the main interrelationships and predict further development. The application of forecasting methods in the research will ensure the identification of prospects for the development of the museum business in Ukraine. Scientific novelty. The facts of the destruction and looting of museum institutions since the beginning of the full-scale Russian aggression have been considered. The condition of some museums of Ukraine in war zones is described. During the study of the topic, an attempt was made to solve the following tasks: to highlight the most resonant examples of damage and destruction by the Russian occupiers of museum heritage objects in the specified period; analyze these examples through the prism of statistics, scientific articles and journalistic evaluations; consider the public outcry that arose in connection with the facts of the destruction and looting of museums in war zones. Conclusions. The protection of cultural heritage sites as material manifestations of the centuries-old history of the Ukrainian people has become one of the strategic directions in resisting enemy expansion. Effective protection of Ukrainian cultural objects should be based on the experience of countries that have faced similar challenges and on modern mechanisms of international law, according to which Ukrainian cultural heritage is an integral part of the world’s cultural heritage. Due to the impossibility of physical access, the protection of monuments in the temporarily occupied territories is limited to political statements, monitoring the situation and documenting crimes against cultural objects. The tactics of conducting hostilities taking into account the value of cultural heritage objects and obtaining basic knowledge on the protection of monuments by servicemen of NATO armies deserve special attention in the context of offensive operations of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

THE ROLE OF PHYSICAL TRAINING IN THE FORMATION OF PATRIOTIC VALUES AMONG YOUTH: THE EXPERIENCE OF DIFFERENT COUNTRIES

The article is aimed at analysing different approaches to the use of physical training for the formation of patriotic values among young people in different countries. The purpose of the study is to analyse the impact of physical training on the formation of patriotic values among young people, taking into account the experience of the USA, Israel and Japan. The research methodology is based on the analysis of literature sources, comparative analysis of approaches to physical training and empirical research, including the collection and analysis of data on physical training programmes and their impact on the formation of patriotic values. One of the key findings is that in the United States, Israel and Japan, physical fitness plays an important role in the lives of young people and in the education of national consciousness. This confirms the importance of a healthy lifestyle and physical development as a component of the overall well-being of society. The scientific novelty lies in the systematisation and comparative analysis of data from different countries, which allows us to identify common trends and identify the specifics of each approach. The study has shown that specific approaches and strategies to using physical fitness to foster patriotic values may differ depending on the cultural and historical context of each country. The findings of the study confirm that the use of physical education to promote patriotic values is an effective approach in all three countries. Through joint training, sports competitions and military training, group identity and a sense of belonging to the country are built. The generalisation of the research findings provides grounds for recommendations on how to use the positive experience of the leading countries in this area to support patriotic values and national identity in Ukraine, especially in the aftermath of the full-scale military invasion by the Russian Federation.

Class, values, and revolutions in the Russia-Ukraine war

Chris Hann's essay serves as a valuable intervention against the tendency to normalize primordial ethnonationalism following the full-scale Russian invasion. It is not immune to the common pitfalls and omissions in the writings of many authors whose point of criticism is aimed primarily at the role of Western elites in the conflict within and around Ukraine. But surely, Hann's core argument contains essential truths. Many social scientists have contributed to the construction of a theoretically shallow, methodologically nationalist, and culturally essentializing narrative. It is a telling fact that someone engaging the discussion has to begin with some basic facts of Ukrainian national identity formation, such as its diversity, or has to remind that the interests of the Western ruling classes in the war do not necessarily coincide with the interests of the Ukrainian subaltern classes, or that those are also likely to diverge from the interests and ideologies of their own comprador middle classes calling themselves “civil society.”

Third War of Independence? The Anti-Colonial Dynamics of Ukraine’s Politics of Memory after 2014 on the Example of the National Museum of the History of Ukraine in the Second World War in Kyiv

The article discusses the transformation of Ukraine from a peripheral colony to a European nation-state. It examines changes in the interpretation of UkrainianRussian relations in historiography, public perceptions, and museum exhibitions related to the ongoing war. It demonstrates that since 24 February 2022, Ukraine’s politics of memory has exclusively followed a continuously expanding anti-colonial perspective. The article highlights a shift in Ukrainian society’s view of its past, with growing interest in the country’s history and a move away from the Soviet perspective. Museums are crucial in shaping these narrative changes and fostering Ukrainian national identity. The article also explores societal transformations since 1991, showing an increased identification with the state and a gradual distancing from Russia. This is accompanied by a westward turn in geopolitical orientation and a desire to join the European Union. The National Museum of History of Ukraine in the Second World War in Kyiv serves as an example of these processes, reflecting a nuanced portrayal of the war and of its human dimension. The museum’s commitment can be seen as a pillar of a nation-state building project, with symbolic identification shifting from the East to the West, towards the EU and NATO.

Legal framework for national identity policy: purpose, legal basis, main tasks and principles

The purpose of the article is to analyze the legislative framework of national identity policy as defined in the Law of Ukraine «On the Basic Principles of State Policy in the Field of Affirming Ukrainian National and Civil Identity» (hereinafter referred to as “the Law”). The results of the study show that unity around common national values, overcoming socio-cultural, linguistic and regional contradictions, declared in the Law as its purposes, are urgently important and currently feasible in Ukraine. A significant number of Ukrainian citizens who had been loyal to the ideas of the «russian world», have now realized that in practice, for the russian federation, the destruction of Ukrainian identity means the elimination of the Ukrainian people or their voluntary renunciation of their national identity and their own individuality with all the consequences that follow (the main consequence, according to the russian plan, should be the cessation of the very existence of the Ukrainian State). The scientific novelty of the study lies in the study of the legislative framework of the national identity policy. Based on the analysis of the Law, the author systematizes the principles of state national and civil identity policy, identifies its basic principles and urgent tasks, and studies the legal definitions of the concepts of «Ukrainian national identity» and «Ukrainian civil identity» in the context of an inclusive national identity doctrine. Conclusions. The author analyzes the legal basis of the national identity policy, as defined by the Law, the fundamentals of the public national and civil identity policy, its basic principles and urgent tasks, as well as outlines the ways of implementating the said policy in the public administration field. It is substantiated that unity in all its collective manifestations is of utmost importance for the Ukrainian society. It should be ensured by removing contradictions within the society (of sociocultural, linguistic, regional, etc., character) and by effectively implementing Ukraine's European and Euro-Atlantic integration policy.

Decommunisation of place names in the city of Sumy (2015-2016): how it happened

The article examines the process of changing the place names of Sumy in 2015–2016 on the basis of decommunisation legislation. It is noted that as early as 1992, after Ukraine gained independence, Sumy considered renaming some place names associated with communist symbols, but these attempts were limited to renaming only a few objects, such as Lenin Street and Square, as well as Karl Marx Avenue. After the Orange Revolution in 2005, a larger-scale project to decommunise the city's toponymy emerged, but due to Communist opposition, these plans remained at the level of proposals. A real breakthrough in the decommunisation of place names occurred after the adoption of decommunisation laws. In July 2015, the mayor of Sumy formed a working group on place names, which included various community representatives. The working group determined that street names should reflect the city's historical and cultural ties, as well as reflect national identity. Its work lasted about three months, and as a result, 123 place names were proposed for renaming. This process had its difficulties. For example, it was important to preserve the national orientation of place names. Although most of the group's proposals were taken into account, not all of them were. There was also a confrontation with opposition forces that tried to stop the decommunisation process. As a result, on 19 February 2016, the mayor of Sumy, Oleksandr Lysenko, signed an order to decommunise 85 place names. As a result, by 19 May 2016, 98 place names were renamed in Sumy, mostly reflecting the city's historical and cultural ties, as well as Ukrainian national identity.

Формування української національної ідентичності учнівської та студентської молоді в системі національнопатріотичного виховання

The article considers new approaches and ways to raise patriotism as a feeling and as a basic quality of a person. Renewal of the system of national-patriotic education of children and youth in the conditions of war requires a comprehensive and systematic approach by various institutions and organizations. The organization of patriotic education in educational institutions is aimed at developing young people’s national self-identification. Each educational institution should become a center where young people can realize their identity as patriotic citizens of Ukraine, ready to take responsibility for the country’s fate. National-patriotic education is considered as an integral part of the educational process of students gaining cultural experience, ready to perform civic duty, developing high patriotic consciousness and Ukrainian civic identity, and nurturing personal qualities of a citizen, a patriot, a carrier of Ukrainian national culture. The authors propose measures and tools that contribute to the formation of Ukrainian national identity. The Curriculum Model “Physical Education. Grades 5–6” and “Physical Education. Grades 7–9” and the Variable Module “Combat Horting” were introduced in general secondary education institutions of the New Ukrainian School. Besides, syllabuses and programmes of educational components for applicants for the first (bachelor’s) level of higher education in the specialties 014.11 “Secondary Education (Physical Education)” and 017 “Physical Education and Sports” were developed and improved. Techniques for the formation of such values as national consciousness and self-awareness, civic, sports and military training with the elements of combat and police horting were developed. An experimental study was conducted and data on the formation of national consciousness and patriotic values were summarized.

Формування українського національного інформаційного простору в умовах війни

Statement of the problem and its relevance. After the Russian aggression, an increasing number of citizens began to realize the importance of the Ukrainian language and culture for the preservation of their territory and the integrity of the state. This raises the question of the need at the state level to create all the necessary conditions for strengthening the communicative and demographic potential of the Ukrainian language, improving the linguistic culture of the population, increasing the share of Ukrainian- language cultural and informational products, and enhancing the status of the Ukrainian language as a language of interethnic communication and understanding. The aim of the research and its main objectives are to investigate the state and issues related to the formation of the Ukrainian national information space in the context of war, substantiate the need for improving the state language policy towards the promotion of the Ukrainian language, and strengthening the Ukrainian language in the communicative and information space of Ukraine. Analysis of recent research and publications. The development of the information society in Ukraine and the issues of state information policy in Ukraine have been studied by I. Binko, V. Karpenko, O. Kondratenko, O. Lytvynenko, S. Matviyenko, and Yu. Shmalenko. The delineation of previously unresolved parts of the overall problem. Unresolved important issues include the formation of the Ukrainian national information space, where the Ukrainian state language would dominate, and the quality of Ukrainian- language content. This has become particularly relevant during the war, as the functioning of the Ukrainian national information space impacts national consolidation and the formation of Ukrainian national identity. Teaching the main research material with an explanation of the obtained results. The national information space is an important factor in ensuring the informational component of national security and the formation of national identity. It should be based on objective information, quality national informational products in the state language, and cultural diversity. A crucial aspect in the process of shaping and operating the Ukrainian information space in accordance with new socio-political realities is ensuring citizens' rights to receive objective information in the state language and the creation of high-quality Ukrainian- language content. The legal basis for these processes is provided by the laws of Ukraine "On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language" and "On Media." Conclusions and Prospects for Further Research. In the process of shaping the Ukrainian language and information space and defending national interests in the information sphere, it is advisable to ensure: legislative recognition of the status of the national information space, protection at the legislative level of the Ukrainian information space from foreign influences; state support (tax, financial, organizational) in the creation and popularization of quality Ukrainian-language cultural and informational products; filling the media space of Ukraine (television, radio), internet resources with Ukrainian- language cultural products; monitoring compliance with legislation regarding the functioning of the Ukrainian language as a state language. The subject of further scientific research will be the question of public initiatives to promote the formation and protection of the Ukrainian national information space.

National we in Ukrainian media texts in 2022: construction of identity during the anti-colonial war

Background. National identity is a dynamic phenomenon that is discursively constructed through use of various language means, including the pronoun “we.” Perception of a nation as a political community results in usage of the national we in specific contexts, while practical use of the national we in various discourses has an impact on construction and support of the national identity.Сontribution to the research field. This research sets the parameters of discursive construction of the Ukrainian national identity represented in the media texts through use of the national we.Purpose. The purpose of this article is to analyse the use of the national we that appeared in Ukrainian media texts in the year of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. Study materials were selected from the articles published on The Ukrainian Week’s website during 2022.Methods. A descriptive method was used for this research as a part of the discourse analysis.Results. Semantic zones related to the discursive construction of the Ukrainian national identity using the national we were highlighted: 1) the need to understand one’s national identity; 2) national character (stereotypical Ukrainian); 3) physical measurement of existence of a nation (people and territories); 4) historical memory; 4) culture; 5) present; 6) future; 7) tasks to be solved for adequate existence of the nation. The important element of understanding the national uniqueness is determining one’s distinction from the enemy which, among other things, is verbalised through we — they opposition. The common past that determines the present and the future, and the tasks the Ukrainians face are mentioned more often than the other semantic zones.Discussion. In all semantic zones construction of the national we is affected by the colonial past of Ukraine and the necessity to resist the Russian imperial narratives and defend against the full-scale armed invasion of Russia. The direction for the research is to study the discursive construction of the Ukrainian national identity during ХХ–ХХІ centuries in the context of the postcolonial research trends using various language means.

Ukrainian Identity: Ontological Foundations and Essential Features

Turning to the phenomenon of Ukrainian identity as a multiverse of national values, as an objective ontological reality, an integral component of European civilization, becomes important in the institutionalisation of the spiritual and practical paradigm of our desire for freedom and independence. The Ukrainian national identity is based on the archetypal principles of human existence. This is a systemic and multi-level phenomenon that is embodied in a number of diverse criteria: biosphere, geological, anthropological, civilizational, ethnic, political, etc. In this context, the following dimensions of Ukrainian identity are decisive: anthropological code, territory (space of life), geopolitical determination, life activity, culture, and politics (state). Identity is based on the perception and understanding of one's own land, family, language, and culture as native and unified. The strengthening of the Ukrainian political nation should be included among the indisputable positive trends of social development. It is formed by the Ukrainian ethnic group and all national minorities in the country. Common to all is the citizenship of Ukraine - the state that they create for themselves to protect the rights and freedoms of each member of society, the national interests of the country in general. Congregationalism becomes the ontological foundation of the creation of a national state as a guarantor of the nation's self-preservation and the creation of the necessary political, economic, social, and other conditions for its development and establishment in the international community. Identity at the level of state policy means the ability of state authorities to organise collective action in such a way as to enable guaranteed opposition to real and potential aggressors. The ideological orientation of social consolidation in Ukraine is the national idea, which will determine the state-building priorities of social and political life based on civic principles. The fundamental feature of the Ukrainian national idea is its creative nature. This is motivated by the need to establish a constructive dialogue between values traditional to Ukrainian society and cultural innovations that penetrate globalisation processes.

SHEVCHENKIV ANNIVERSARIES AND UKRAINIAN PUBLIC CENTERS AND ORGANIZATIONS IN ODESA IN THE LAST QUARTER OF THE 19TH – BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY

The purpose of the article is to reconstruct the history of commemoration of Shevchenko's anniversary in the context of the activities of Ukrainian public centers and organizations in Odesa in the last quarter of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Research methods have become personalistic and systemic. Sources: archival and published documents, as well as epistolaries, journalism, memoirs gleaned from Ukrainian periodicals. The main results consist in understanding the process of commemorating Shevchenko's anniversary as an important factor in the formation of Ukrainian national consciousness and identity among the population of Odesa – an important socio-economic and socio-political center of southern Ukrainian lands. It is shown that the preservation of the historical memory of the great Ukrainian poet and thinker T. G. Shevchenko had a long history in Odessa from the last quarter of the 19th century before the First World War. Commemoration of the Shevchenkiv anniversaries can be traced in the activities of various Ukrainian public centers and organizations, in particular the Odesa Ukrainian Community, the Odesa «Prosvita», the Odesa «Ukrainian Club» and the «Ukrainian House». The main forms of holding Shevchenko's commemorations were literary, musical and vocal evenings of memory; reading reports, lectures, abstracts about Kobzar; publications about T. G. Shevchenko in newspapers, magazines, brochures, bibliographic indexes, etc.; organization of appropriate memorial services. In the 1870s and 1880s, measures to perpetuate the memory of T. G. Shevchenko were held illegally, and from the end of the 19th century gained publicity and relative mass. A notable role in the organization and implementation of events to perpetuate the memory of the Ukrainian poet and thinker belonged to such figures as L. A. Smolenskyi, O. O. Andrievskyi, P. O. Zeleny, M. F. Komarov, I. M. Lutsenko, D. D. Sygarevich, A. V. Nikovskyi, S. P. Shelukhin, and others. The commemoration of Shevchenko's anniversary faced internal difficulties of an organizational and ideological nature that arose in the Ukrainian ethno-national community of a polyethnic and multicultural city. Shevchenko's measures, first of the Odesa Ukrainian community, and later of the Odesa «Prosvita» and its successors, were in the field of view of the local administration, gendarmes and police, who exerted undisguised pressure and repression on conscious Ukrainianism and its public centers and organizations, sought to block the process of spreading Ukrainian national consciousness and identity in the city. However, the punitive and protective measures of the Russian imperial regime could not stop the activity of conscious Ukrainianism in Odessa to perpetuate the historical memory of T. G. Shevchenko, which was of great importance for the revival and preservation of the historical heritage of Kobzar, the spread of Ukrainian national and cultural values in the Russified and at the same time multifaceted in ethno-cultural, ethno-national and social dimensions of the region. Concise conclusions. It has been proven that from the end of the 1870s to 1914, Ukrainian public centers and organizations accumulated important historical experience in commemorating Shevchenko's anniversaries. This activity contributed to the national consolidation of local conscious Ukrainianism, the formation of the modern Ukrainian ethno-cultural landscape.