Members Of Nations Research Articles

Thy Will Be Done: German Catholics and National Identity in the Twentieth Century

One of the most difficult parts of the development of the modern era to understand is the challenge to use history, along with philosophy and theology, to find a coherent understanding of the world. In our secular age, the ability to separate firmly private virtue from public responsibility does not shock or even disconcert. And yet, certainly in the United States and in most European countries, the majority of the people and their leaders still define themselves, in a broad sense, as Christian. Without thinking too much about it, most people still acknowledge the desire for salvation or at least the validity of vaguely Christian values. Since what Ernst-Wolfgang Bockenforde has called the Christian ordo has disappeared, Christians must ask themselves how a Christian achieves salvation in the modern secular and pluralistic world if the Christian value system continues to demand a coherence of belief, values, and action.1 The Christian churches, the Roman Catholic Church among them, have risen to this challenge in a number of different ways. Since the publication of Pope Leo XIII's encyclical Rerum Novarum, Catholics have had a fairly clear basis from which to develop Catholic social teaching, the purpose of which is the perpetual struggle for social justice. Thus, there is plentiful evidence of how Catholics strive to live out their faith in the modern world. Not only the issues of abortion and of religious education, but also of economic justice, of peaceful conflict resolution, the education of children, and many other issues have found much attention by historians, philosophers, theologians, clergy, and the laity. And yet, this is not a coherent understanding of the world in a Christian sense. Consistency seems to be missing. A coherent and consistent understanding of the world, one on which both private and public morality are based, needs to address all areas of life. To achieve salvation, Catholics must be consistently Catholic. Perhaps one of the most difficult areas in which to achieve this consistency is the question of the Catholic's correct attitude to people, nation, and nationalism. Nationalism, the ideological belief that those of a particular nation have a particular destiny in history, is perhaps the most pervasive, universally accepted idea of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Its effect seems to be longer lasting even than that of Marxism and its heirs. At least in its extremes, it has been the most destructive idea of the industrial world. Conversely, for most people, religion has become either a private matter or a non-binding public conscience, but without influence or significance for policy formulation. From a religious perspective, few Christians see clearly the tension between patriotic commitment to their country and the imperatives of their faith. Yet they recognize, to some degree or another, the separation of church and state. From a political perspective, in pluralistic if not multicultural societies, it seems impossible to achieve a complete compatibility-Vereinbarkeit-of national and religious identities.2 Exceptions are such places as contemporary Iran or, almost a dire warning against the commingling of religion and nation, the Taliban's Afghanistan. Since the collapse of the Soviet bloc, the complete persecution of all religion by a state seems limited to exotic places such as North Korea. Nonetheless, for Christians, the relationship between national identity, the conscious self-identification with a particular nation and with a particular nation state, remains or should remain a lot more complex. An example of this complexity is the experience of Catholics in twentiethcentury Germany. Like members of other nations, Germans have multifaceted identities. They are members of religious groups, have regional identities, class identities, etc. One fairly broad characteristic is that more than ninety percent of Germans identify themselves as Christians, of whom roughly one-third are Roman Catholics. …

Consideration of cultural and lifestyle factors in defining susceptible populations for environmental disease.

To define mechanisms of susceptibility for populations affected by environmental exposures, both exposure and toxicity assessments must be considered. This review examines cultural and lifestyle factors that help define potentially susceptible populations in two groups, Asian and Pacific Islanders (API) and members of Tribal Nations in the Pacific Northwest region of the US and Western Canada. These groups, which may consume 10 times more fish and seafood than average US consumers, have special dietary practices that can lead to significant exposures to persistent pollutants and biotoxins found in fish and shellfish. The mechanism of toxicity of these contaminants is also important. Using the example of dioxin-like polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), different risk assessment approaches are presented and the analytical sensitivity needed to assess risk for different consumption groups is evaluated quantitatively. Our studies have also shown that regulatory agencies evaluation of fish consumption for average US populations do not always adequately consider unique consumption and cooking practices of these groups. Partnering with communities is important for appropriate exposure and risk assessments. This also empowers proactive action by communities to evaluate the risks and many benefits of fish and shellfish consumption and develop risk management strategies tailored for their communities.

Young Children's Evaluations of the Ingroup and of Outgroups: A Multi‐National Study

AbstractIn investigating intergroup attitudes, previous research in developmental psychology has frequently confounded ingroup favouritism and outgroup derogation. The present study, using unconfounded measures, examines the possibility that ingroup favouritism and outgroup derogation are distinct phenomena. Six‐year‐old children (n=594) from five, culturally diverse nations were asked to make various evaluations of the national ingroup and of four national outgroups. The data indicate that although there is overwhelming evidence that young children favour the ingroup over other groups, outgroup derogation is limited in extent and appears to reproduce attitudes held by adult members of the particular nations investigated.

Intertekstuele aanduidings van die wêreld van die boek Jubileë

Intertextual indications of the world as portrayed in the book of JubileesAn intertextual analysis of sections containing trends of retributive justice in Jubilees 14:1-28, 24:14-17, 30:1-25 and texts including apoca-lyptic trends in 1:7-29, 23:11-32, gives some indication of the time and world in which the author lived. The article argues that the author reconceptualized ideas of retribution in a unique apocalyptic system. The revealed truth was given in an historical revelation to Moses and is aimed at the collective entity of the people of God who are to stay pure for God. They are to abstain from marriages with members of other nations and keep the law and the religious festivals according to the heptadictical calendar. The author belonged to a tradition running parallel to the Danielic and Enochic stream. He was neither an apoca-lyptic nor an official priest, but was very much influenced by both groups.

Structure of News Coverage of a Peace Process

Newspaper coverage of a peace process is crucial to the success of a peace process. Given the critical role that newspapers play defining “others” in peace processes, it is surprising that little research has gone into the dynamics by which newspapers portray national “others.” Two schools of thought can apply to Western media:the indexing hypothesis and the zero-sum hypothesis. The indexing hypothesis suggests that to achieve balanced and unbiased coverage, newspapers will cover/cite both sides of an issue in proportion to their relative political strength. The zero-sum hypothesis suggests that under conditions of national stress newspapers abandon the indexing rule and that coverage/citation of fellow nation members comes at the expense of coverage/citation of national “others.” Logit and probit models of Israeli newspaper coverage of the Oslo peace process from September 1995 to October 1999 show that the zero-sum hypothesis is a more accurate model. Only under favorable conditions (e.g., a peace treaty ceremony and its political wave) does indexing operate.

"Mixed Blood" Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South (review)

Reviewed by: “Mixed Blood” Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South Kerry Wynn “Mixed Blood” Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South. By Theda Perdue. Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 2003. Theda Perdue’s “Mixed Blood” Indians appears at a crucial point in the study of colonialism, race, and American Indian history. This trio of essays, developed from a series of lectures, speaks provocatively to emerging studies of “the intimacies of empire,” as well as to the current concern about the ideological power of “blood” in American Indian communities1. Perdue argues against the privileging of race in assessments of American Indian societies of the American Southeast, critiquing studies that slip into generalizations about the cultural difference of “mixed bloods” — people of American Indian and European ancestry — from their “fullblood” kinsman. Synthesizing existing secondary work and re-interpreting selected primary materials, Perdue illuminates the intricacies of social interaction in southern Indian society in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The resulting study recontextualizes “mixed blood” men and women as members of American Indian societies and subjects of Euro-American civilization efforts. “Mixed Blood” Indians is divided into three thematic chapters, tracing “the incorporation of non-Indians into Native societies, the participation of their descendents in tribal life, and the construction of the racial category of ‘mixed blood.’” (x) The first chapter examines accounts of meetings between “Natives and Newcomers,” in order to demonstrate the ways in which kinship and traditions such as reciprocity and redistribution structured southern social relationships (1). Perdue’s analysis emphasizes the power of southern Indian nations to maintain and enforce traditional values in their interactions with Europeans and later Americans, and stresses their integration into American Indian society through ritual adoption or intermarriage. Perdue inverts the common paradigm by showing how Europeans adapted to American Indian society, rather than focusing on how American Indians fared in Euro-American situations. The second chapter focuses on the place of “mixed blood” men and women in southern Indian societies, emphasizing the lack of distinctions drawn between these people and other members of their tribes, all of whom, according to Perdue, shared “a bedrock of Native culture.” (32) Perdue describes the strength of matrilineal kinship systems in the American Indian Nations of the Southeast, and its role in the acceptance of “mixed blood” children as fully Indian. To demonstrate this point, Perdue highlights the continuing importance of the maternal uncle-nephew bond as a means to political power, the control of the American Indian mothers over the rearing of “mixed blood” children, and the inability to draw simple lines between the values and actions of “mixed blood” and “fullblood” members of Native Nations. This middle chapter contains the core of Perdue’s argument, providing evidence for her argument that the categorization of people by “blood” carried little meaning for men and women of these southern Indian nations. According to Perdue, they ordered their world with matrilineal kinship, not race. The final chapter addresses the racial construction of “mixed blood” men and women by tracing the resilience of this racial paradigm from early observers to recent historians. Perdue argues that although several scholars intended to dispute racial categories and speak of intra-tribal cultural differences, they often fell back upon a dichotomy between “fullblood” and “mixed blood,” naturalizing the relationship between blood and culture. She strongly cautions against this re-inscription of racially deterministic arguments that categorize southern societies by blood. In this last chapter, Perdue situates her lectures as a counterpoint to a historiographical tradition that has often assumed that persons with European ancestors would be quicker to accept “American civilization” than their fellow tribesmen. The effects of extensive intermarriage with Euro-Americans on southern tribes have long been discussed, and are sometimes used to question the authenticity of members of these groups. Perdue’s insistence on the unreliability of “blood” as a marker of culture warns the reader against any simple answer to this historiographical question. Perdue’s book expertly argues the acceptance of “mixed bloods” in an Indian world, but she does not deal extensively with the question of the place of the descendents of African men and women in Southeastern Indian societies. Admittedly, this is...

Every citizen a missile: the need for an emergent systems approach by law enforcement

Abstract The American psych is complex and is as mystifying to members of other nations as are the notions of martyrdom and murder for a cause alien to most US citizens. There is an irony in the fact that billions were spent on our intelligence infrastructure during the Cold War to assist in the bellicose posturing between the two Super Powers who, while capable, never intended to obliterate civilization while comparatively few resources are dedicated to the more complicated current intelligence requirements and a more genuine threat associated with events surrounding September 11 th . This disparity is not for lack of resources; rather it is grounded in self-serving, synthetic priorities that exist among law enforcement agencies or between those agencies and the justice department. These conditions serve to effectively limit any ability to gather and share information related to the national interest. The purpose of this project is to address a unique approach to the concept of intelligence gathering and sharing intended to protect our nation from terrorism and associated transnational crime. We intend to outline, in general, nonclassified terms, how different components of law enforcement’s intelligence sector operate, how the infrastructure is connected, and problems associated with information flow as a result of this coupling and/or degrees of cohesiveness. Constructively, we explore and provide preemptive methods, models, and measures intended to strengthen vulnerability inherent in current systems. Our process involves the science and literature of complexity, cybernetics, semiotics and signal theory, information theory, international cooperation, mathematics, and statistics.

Ethnical distance of the citizens of Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the nations of former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

The paper presents the study of Ethnical distance with the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The study was made using Bogardus' scale of social distance, on 1000 interviewees of the Federation of BiH and 850 interviewees of Republika Srpska. The citizens of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina reject the Romas the most, followed by the Albanians and Macedonians. This is followed by the Serbs and Montenegrians, while Slovenians and Croats are the least rejected. Prejudices of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Romas, Albanians, and Macedonians are much more important for the rejection or accepting of offered relations, than it was the case with open hostility and war conflicts with the Serbs, Montenegrians, and Croats. In the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina a distinction is made in the degree of ethnical distance of Bosniaks and Croats to the nations who lived in the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Offered relations are more rejected by the Croats than by the Bosniaks. The citizens of Republika Srpska accept the Muslims (Bosniaks) and Romas the least. This is followed by the Croats, Slovenians, and Macedonians, and the Montenegrians are rejected the least. The citizens of Republika Srpska refuse that they or the members of their family marry a member of another nation. Thus they object any possibility for the members of other nations to be found on managing position, or any situation where they themselves would be in a subordinate position in society in relation to the members of other nationalities.

Nationality in Ukraine: Some Rules of Engagement

Although the fall of empires gives rise to states, it need not create nations. The collapse of the Soviet Union 10 years ago did not instantly transform citizens of its successor states into members of nations. As in other postimperial settings, in post-Soviet Ukraine the modern nation is built, or not. The question of Ukrainian nationbuilding deserves the attention it draws from social scientists. Described as “the West of the East or the East of the West,” and straddling the faultline between Muscovy and Poland-Lithuania, Ukraine was partitioned among empires, and stood at the crossroads of various religious and cultural in uences.1 In today’s Ukraine we perceive ethnic and linguistic diversity, a poor match to modern national ideals where “state borders conŽ ne linguistic communities, and the languages of speech, politics, and worship are one and the same.”2 In Ernest Gellner’s terms, it is not at all obvious that the Ukrainian political and the national units are “congruent.”3 Attempts to make the nation match the state are called “nationbuilding,” although this term is extremely broad. In historical terms, attempts to build nations have ranged from wartime ethnic cleansing to peacetime textbook editing. Nation-building in independent Ukraine has received a good deal of attention in the past decade, with scholars evaluating the results as mixed. Studies of popular opinion question loyalties to the new state, while analyses of nation-building policies characterize them as vague and

The Border Crossed Us: Border Crossing Issues of the Indigenous Peoples of the Americas

or many years, the Tohono O'odham Nation in Arizona has transported tribal members from Mexico to the United States through traditional border crossings for medical treatment. The nation is the only one in the United States that grants full enrollment to its people who are citizens of Mexico. Thus, Mexican citizens who are enrolled members are legally entitled to access health and other services provided by the tribe to all its members. Since the recent militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border, these routine visits have become more rare and more dangerous. Frequently now, the tribal employees who provide the transportation for Mexican O'odham Nation members have been stopped and harassed by U.S. Border Patrol agents. These agents, operating on the lands of the O'odham Nation, have made the nation's elders and others who suffer from tuberculosis, diabetes, and other life-threatening diseases return to Mexico if they lack U.S. documents. This insistence on official U.S. documentation, rather than recognizing Tohono O'odham Nation memberu ship identification, strikes at the heart of Indian sovereignty and is the 159 focus of this article.

Kekuatan Mengikat UDHR 1948 terhadap Negara Anggota PBB, Khususnya Indonesia

Although, the Constitution of Human Rights 1948 accepted by General Assembly of the United Nations on December 10 1948 does not have a tightening power yurisdically, it has a more tightening power in the form of moral bound. This is due to an assumption issued by civilized nations of the United Nation members that the contain of the Article of Human Rights constitutes a minimum standard for human rights. Indonesia, which was admitted as a member of the United Nations after the Article of Human Rights 1948 issued, has morally responsible for this point. Therefore, this issue was also stated in the Temporary Constitution of the Republic of lndonesia 1950, and has been reflected on the 1945 Constitution following other regulations.

Nationalism and Civil Rights in Cuba: A Comparative Perspective, 1930-1960

For most of the twentieth century U.S. history and Cuban history have been closely interconnected. African-Americans and Afro-Cubans in particular share common bonds of struggle for civil rights and equality in their respective countries. But individuals are products of their environments and African-Americans and Cubans shaped distinct civil rights platforms in accordance with their national, political and social institutions. African-Americans and Cubans learned to respond to their political systems through a series of historical experiences that reaped success or failure over time. Cuba's Hispanic colonial heritage that recognized miscegenation and mestizaje provided a different mode of action than African Americans who lived for most of their history under a segregated U.S. system.(1) This essay will examine the Cuban struggle for social, economic, political and cultural equality from 1930-1960, while comparing those events with the civil rights struggle in the United States during the same period. Citizen's rights, to be sure, are uniquely national, if not constitutional constructions. According to Hegel, right in society is that which the law wills. Those rights, defined by the state, theoretically represent the collective views of the individuals who rule the nation.(2) Civil Rights which often refer to freedom from discrimination based on nationality, race, gender, religious liberty, as well as immunity from brutality must be scrutinized within a national framework. Members of particular nations define civil rights as the rights of citizens to pursue civil liberties within that nation. United States Civil Rights, for example, are based on a constitution dating back to 1789, and which continues to be redefined for inclusively. Part of the U.S. Civil Rights Movements was bent on redefining and reelaborating on issues that would include African-Americans in the citizen's phrase We the people.(3) Owing to the historically weak Constitution in Cuban history and its political and economic underdevelopment, what Cubans have come to expect as their rights as citizens have tended to take on a nationalist focus. Moreover, while nationalism in the African-American community often meant black nationalism and implied racial solidarity, self sufficiency, black capitalism, and often separatism, among Afro-Cubans, nationalism was a patriotic call to bring all Cubans of all races together in pursuit of sovereignty, often against foreign threats. To this end, Cubans passed several nationalist laws which would shape Afro-Cubans' civil rights drive. In 1910, the Cuban Senate passed the Morua Amendment to an Electoral Reform Law which prohibited the organization of political parties based on one race only. The subsequent race war that followed in 1912 was an aberration in post-abolition history.(4) Cubans found a variety of non-political ways to pursue economic and social rights and to attain social mobility. In 1918, Jose Armando Pla explicated options available to Afro-Cubans. First, there was the individualist approach in which educated Afro-Cubans could attain high levels of achievement despite the obstacles of society; second, the collective approach called for Afro-Cubans to join together to affect the political process; third, politically influential men, such as Martin Moria Delgado argued that blacks should associate themselves with established political parties, promoting their interests within the party system.(5) Two decades after the race wars and the passage of the Morua Law, the collective option was limited to cultural and non-political activities which would not challenge the state. Moreover these options must be understood in terms of the new generation of Afro-Cubans. The Cuban Republic had just come of age. Created in 1902, by the 1930's, a new generation born after independence became increasingly interested in national sovereignty and advancement. Patriotism and nationalism ignited the passions of Cubans of all backgrounds, motivating them to seek solutions to pressing problems. …

American Indians' Kitchen-Table Stories: Contemporary Conversations with Cherokee, Sioux, Hopi, Osage, Navajo, Zuni, and Members of Other Nations

American Indians' Kitchen-Table Stories: Contemporary Conversations with Cherokee, Sioux, Hopi, Osage, Navajo, Zuni, and Members of Other Nations

Concepts and Contents of Geographical Education in Future: International Trends and Their Reflection in the Czech Republic

The idea, concepts, aims and contents of geographical education need a substantial transformation. New approach towards geography training should include more stress on basic orientation in the world, understanding of spatial relations, ability to environmentally sensitive decision-making and knowledge of foreign cultures. The latter should help students to coexit with members of other nations. Expert-oriented and didactical training of future teachers must be modernized. Changes of advanced studies for practising teachers should become part of the general transformation.

Land allocation in comprehensive land claim agreements: The case of the Yukon land claim

Attempts to settle outstanding land claims through the negotiation of comprehensive land claim agreements have been under way in Canada for the past 20 years. A critical component of settlements is the allocation of land between First Nation members of a negotiating group. Although treaty negotiations date back some 200 years, there are no systematic precedents for land allocation and a variety of approaches characterize contemporary negotiations. The problem can be characterized as a location-allocation problem, with the added constraint that the methodology should be transparent and easily understood at the community level. Development of such an approach for the Yukon land claim is described and its possible application to other comprehensive claim negotiations critically reviewed.

Nationalizing the Work Force: Ethnic Restratification in the Newly Independent States

Whenever indigenous elites gain greater decision-making authority in their own homelands, they seek to use this newly acquired power to enhance the standing of their own nation relative to members of other nations living there. This “nationalization” or indigenization process typically includes attempts to raise the status of the indigenous nation's ethno-cultural characteristics (e.g., language, religion), to increase the competitive position of indigenes over non-indigenes in the socio-cultural and political sectors (e.g., less restrictive university entrance requirements for indigenous students, and ethnic favoritism in access to government jobs and benefits), to improve the relative legal standing of indigenes as “first among equals,” and to reorient hiring criteria so that an individual's membership in the indigenous nation becomes an important, even overriding factor. This paper examines the last dimension of this “nationalization” process, assessing the degree to which work force indigenization had...

ISO 9000 — Say what you do and do what you say

The ISO 9000 standard now sweeping the world was born from the UK standard BS 5750 model. This BS standard was first laid down in 1979 under the guidance of the U.K's DTI and MoD organisations. In 1987 the International Organisation for Standards (ISO) in Geneva represented by 91 nation members unveiled the ISO 9000 series of standards and Europeans brought them into the EEC. The basic principle built into the standards evolved from the older U.S. MIL and British standards. Its secret and the primary reason for its success is ‘simplicity’. It has been described as ‘a way of life’ and ‘common sense set down on paper’. Microelectronics is becoming increasingly involved in technologies related to customised end product as seen in the recent MCM technology. It is the customised product that responds readily to this standard. The ‘off the shelf’ standard product, such as memories and glue logic, only benefit in marketing. The manufacturer of millions invariably demand professional corporate policies and good housekeeping in order to avoid millions of rejects.

Israeli-Palestinian Coauthoring: A New Development toward Peace?

Reviewing Mark A. Heller's and Sari Nusseibeh's book No Trumpets, No Drums: A Two-State Settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict* provides an excellent opportunity to place the joint venture of two scholars working on both sides of the green line within the wider context of an historical introspection on coauthorship in a situation of existential conflict.' Indeed, the mere writing of such a book by a Palestinian and an Israeli intellectual-at the time affiliated with, respectively, Birzeit University and Tel Aviv University-raises the question of whether two patriotic and pragmatic members of nations at war can cooperate in arriving at a single analysis of their realities. A second question that poses itself is to what extent the joint exercise of writing such a book sets a precedent. We will begin, therefore, by addressing the general background of coauthoring in the Israeli-Palestinian context as part of a process that gradually brought individuals in the disputed land to translate into writing their shared and unshared visions. Besides the coauthoring experiences of Arabs

Most US Troops May Leave Somalia by May; Military Medicine Still Likely to Have Role

OPERATION RESTORE HOPE in Somalia may become a United Nations—centered peacekeeping effort within the next 8 weeks. But US military medicine probably will remain involved, because the planned 25000-member United Nations force is expected to include about 4000 military personnel from this country. Those 4000 contrast with the 24883 US military members who were serving in Somalia at the beginning of last month. There has been concern on the part of US military medical people and others in recent days because of an increase in violence, some directed against Americans and members of other nations' military units, on the part of warring factions and those intent on robbery. In addition to potential violence, there is the risk of death or injury from unrelated accidents. And the hot-weather season also is about to begin. Temperatures in Mogadishu, for example, increase in April to a mean daily maximum of 32°C (90°F) and

MUSIC PATRONAGE AND THE RISE OF BOURGEOIS CULTURE IN THE LOW COUNTRIES

The Netherlands in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries was an ur ban culture, in which artistic activities were more closely linked to the Flemish and Brabantine towns than to the Burgundian-Hapsburg court, variously resident in Brugge, Mechelen, and Brussels. Ecclesiastical and civic support of the arts was manifested publically in the region's cele brated choirs and wind bands, musical symbols of their pride and pros perity. The rising bourgeois culture sought power through their orderly world of associations, including confraternities, trade guilds, merchant nations, and literary societies. This urban corporate society became a new and formidable music patron that diminished the role of nobility and clergy by demanding a more functional music. Nowhere is this transfer of artistic influence to the newly-rising strata of society more ap parent than in Antwerp, the largest and wealthiest trade center of nor thern Europe. Unlike neighboring cities, Antwerp was never a university, court, or major government center. The city was a margraviate in name only, its elite the elected officials and entrepreneurs. Guicciardini claimed there were few noblemen there and because the city was so engrossed with commerce, they too were involved in the trafficing of merchandise. Art and music as commercial commodities were a natural develop ment of this culture geared for industry and trade. Paramount among the haute bourgeoisie were the thousands of foreign businessmen, mem bers of merchant nations resident there ?the Spanish, Portuguese, Flo rentines, Genovese, English, and North and South Germans. With their support, the trades of music printing and instrument building flourish ed in Antwerp as they did in few other centers: the English commission ed printed liturgical books for their rite; the Spanish, Portuguese, and Genovese financed music books intended for use by the foreign resi dents of Antwerp and for export to their homeland; and the Germans col