Names Of Candidates Research Articles

Perceptions of the People of South Sulawesi Regarding the 2024 Presidential General Election

The Presidential General Election will be held in 2024, several names of presidential candidates are starting to appear on social media and electronic media. With the emergence of these various candidates, it is important to know the public's perception of the 2024 general election. This research aims to analyze the public's perception of the 2024 general election. This research uses a qualitative descriptive research method with a survey method. Determining the sample in this study used non-probability sampling, namely Snowball sampling. All respondents came from South Sulawesi Province spread across several districts and were aged 19 years or over and had participated in previous general elections. The research results show that almost all respondents know that general elections will be held in 2024 and only half know that February 14 2024 is the schedule for the presidential general election. There are several factors that influence people's perceptions, namely background, experience, attention and mental readiness. These several factors produce several important things that are the focus or attention of the public regarding the 2024 general election. First, information about the profile of the presidential candidate, namely the vision, mission, goals and supporting parties of the presidential candidate. Second, information about the implementation of general elections, namely the general election system, conditions and procedures for holding elections, election supervision, voter list, election schedule, election budget and voting places/locations. And the final results show that almost all respondents have not yet decided on their presidential choice for the 2024 general election.

Online political trust in Anies Baswedan and Ganjar Pranowo: Who is the new potential candidate?

Political trust has long been one of the indicators to assess whether the democratic system is running stable. This study seeks to develop this idea with new discussions, particularly the assessment of online political trust, by focusing on cases related to the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Election issue, which raised the names of potential new candidates in the regional elections. The identified candidates are Anies Baswedan and Ganjar Pranowo. This study used a quantitative approach with descriptive content analysis. Data collection is carried out based on the candidate's official account on Twitter and other relevant information. This study relies on the Nvivo 12 Plus analysis tool. This study found that political trust can be legitimized through online social networks such as social media. Anies Baswedan emerged as the dominant candidate influencing online political trust on Twitter. The high results of public discussion significantly affect the increase in trust in candidates who are often mentioned and popular on social media. Another dominant factor that influences is the online activity of the candidates. This study found the relevance of online political trust for candidates and democracy, namely determining the electability of candidates, elections, and political participation. Online political trust is increasingly important in the context of politics and democracy. In cyberspace, people access much information about political issues, which often shapes their political views and trust. The findings of this study also confirm that online political trust can be an essential indicator for assessing the progress of digital democracy in the future.

The Violence of Law-and-Order Politics: The Case of Law Enforcement Candidates in Brazil

This article analyzes the effects on violence of electing law-and-order candidates at the local level. It argues that law-and-order politicians embedded in the police will divert resources to favor their constituency, which in violence-prone areas could generate more murders. Using ballot names of council candidates in thousands of local elections in Brazil to accurately classify law-and-order candidates, it shows that the election of police law-and-order candidates causes more homicides. Moreover, georeferenced data on police activity and homicides show neglect in areas that did not support a winning police law-and-order candidate, despite these areas being home to the majority of individuals vulnerable to violence. This favoritism, however, is not present in places where preexisting local institutions make policing more transparent. Instead of persecution directed against minorities or the incapacity to battle criminal gangs, this research shows that surges in violence can be the result of typical forms of democratic representation.

Prediction of Indonesian presidential candidates in 2024 using sentiment analysis and text search on Twitter

This study aims to show whether Twitter analysis can predict and forecast candidates in the Indonesian presidential election in 2024. This study was conducted long before the election began. To reduce the gap and utopian attitude in analyzing, two forms of analysis were used at once, namely sentiment analysis and text searches on Twitter data. This study uses a quantitative approach with descriptive content analysis. The data was obtained from Twitter social media, with Twitter Search focusing on official accounts and topics surrounding the 2024 presidential election. The search and data collection first adjusted to the trend of poll results spread in online news. The trend resulting from the poll is used to adjust the names of candidates to be searched for on Twitter search. The analysis tool used also utilizes the Nvivo 12 Plus analysis software. This study succeeded in mapping out three potential candidates in the 2024 election, namely Anies Baswedan, Ganjar Pranowo, and Prabowo Subianto. The mapping of potential candidates also has correspondence with the results of opinion polls in newspapers. From these findings, the information and data on Twitter help make predictions and an alternative to using the poll method. The drawback of this study lies in the limited use of time, so it is recommended that further research be carried out to collect and analyze similar data regularly until the election period. This may indicate that Twitter can predict earlier or better than polls.

Design of Electronic Voting System for Visually Impaired Persons Using Arduino Mega 2560

People with visual impairment, even if they are availed to voting, they do not have the privilege to vote confidentially, because of their physical disability. Therefore, a user-friendly and confidential voting system is necessary for visually impaired people. In this paper, we build an electronic voting system for visually impaired people is a user-friendly device which can help those group of people vote independently with sound. The system is built on an Arduino Mega 2560 microcontroller board, a SD card module, an LCD module, several buttons, a buzzer, GSM SIM 900A and a headset. The system has a special voice feature stored in SD card to familiarize them with names of candidates. Also, the voice is passed through a headset for secrecy. In addition, a control unit of the system for polling officials is designed separately from a voting unit for the smooth election procedural. Once user votes, a buzzer is turned on and the system cannot accept the voting. If a control button is pushed, the buzzer is turned off and the system accepts voting. This mechanism is to avoid double voting. A result button is implemented to display final votes for each candidate and store them in the SD card. GSM SIM900A is interfaced with Arduino Mega 2560 to disseminate final results. We can encourage mass participation equally in democracy through the system electronic voting system.

IMPLEMENTATION OF APPOINTMENT AND DISMISSAL OF OFFICERS IN DEPARTMENT OF POPULATION AND CIVIL REGISTRATION AT MUSI RAWAS UTARA REGENCY BASED ON THE MINISTER OF HOME AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA REGULATION NUMBER 76 OF 2015

This study was aimed to analyze the mechanism for the appointment and the dismissal of officers in the Department of Population and Civil Registration at Muratara Regency based on Permendagri Number 76 of 2015, and the legality of the appointment and the dismissal of officers in the Department of Population and Civil Registration carried out by the Regent of Muratara Regency.The type of this research was normative that supported by interviews, using a statutory approach and research material sources of primary and secondary data which were collected through literature and field studies.The results of this study indicate that the mechanism for the appointment and the dismissal of officers in the Department of Population and Civil Registration at Muratara Regency is based on Permendagri Number 76 of 2015. The appointment and the dismissal of the Head of Department of Population and Civil Registration as a Primary High Officer Position in regency are under the authority of the Minister of Home Affairs, not the Regent. The regent is only authorized to make proposals for appointment (and dismissal) through the Governor and includes proposals for three names of candidates for appointment, then one of them be elected by the Minister, stipulated by a Ministerial Decree, and inaugurated. The appointment and the dismissal of officers in Disdukcapil carried out by the Regent of Muratara Regency is illegal, considering that the dismissal of the head of Disdukcapil Department (Kadisdukcapil) and his new appointment in 2016 was carried out by the Regent, not by the Minister. Besides, there are no reasons and considerations (including the proposal for the appointment of an official candidate) for the dismissal of the previous Kadisdukcapil as stipulated in Permendagri Number 76 of 2015.

Jordan's position regarding the establishment of the Palestine Liberation Organization until 1967

The Palestinians had representatives in the League of Arab States since its founding in 1945 despite its occurrence under the British Mandate, and the representatives of Palestine in that era were Musa Al-Alami, Abdul Karim Al-Alami, Ahmed Hilmi Abdel-Baqi and Ahmed Al-Shugairi, respectively.In the first Arab summit conference in 1964 called by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Palestine Liberation Organization was created to express the will of the people of Palestine and for there to be a body demanding their rights and self-determination. The conference mandated the representative of Palestine, Ahmed Al-Shugairi, to contact the Palestinians and write a report on that to be submitted to the following Arab summit conference, Ahmed Al-Shugairi made a tour during which he visited the Arab countries and contacted the Palestinians there. During his tour, the draft national charter and the articles of association of the Palestine Liberation Organization were drafted. Here are lists of the names of candidates for membership in the first Palestinian conference, which was held in Jerusalem between March 28 and June 2 of 1964 and was opened by King Hussein bin Talal. The conference was known as the First Palestinian National Council for the Palestine Liberation Organization.

Women's Representation through Political Parties in Parliament Period of General Election 2019-2024

This research aims to determine women's representation in the DPR RI as a legislative body in Indonesia during the general election in 2019 and determine the factors that influence women's representation in the legislative body. This paper's research method uses a qualitative method with a literature study approach that examines theories, references, and previous scientific literature related to the research object. The findings of the study indicate the level of representation of women in parliament after the holding of the general elections in 2019 has not reached 30%, where the level of representation of women in parliament is still in the number of 20.52% or as many as 118 female legislators and is still dominated by male legislators which reached 457 people or 79.48%. Although it has not reached 30%, the adoption of affirmative policies has led to a significant increase in women's representation in parliament, from 65 women legislators in 2004 to 118 women legislators in the 2019 general election. Political regulation factors with affirmative action and zipper system are two factors that affect women's representation by political parties. Affirmative action mandates every political party participating in the election to pay attention to women's representation of 30% by nominating female candidates for each electoral district. A zipper system requires parties to position at least one woman every three names of candidates. In general elections, political parties present legislation to the legislature. The affirmative action that regulates women's representation's involvement has become the main reason numerous events involve kinship the candidacy.

Notes on the Interregnum

Notes on the Interregnum Sidik Fofana (bio) I don't like to write about politics. I don't like to write about politics because I don't care about politics. I do care, but not that much. Generally, I see people get angry and I think, Why can't I get that angry? I pretend sometimes. I pretend because I'm a teacher and a writer and that means I'm supposed to be smart. Smart people are supposed to care about politics. But my confession is I'm oblivious. I didn't know what Mike Pence looked like until the vice presidential debate. I didn't know the New York governor's voice until I heard him talking about school closures. I don't know what Dick Cheney looks like. I know who Elizabeth Warren is, but not when I should have, and still her face is blurry to me. I know who Bernie Sanders is, but not when I should have. The same for Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. During the primaries, my acquaintances drop the names of candidates and often I pray they don't ask my opinion. Other times, I am defiant in my mind. I tell myself, If they ask me about so-and-so, I will simply say, "Who is that?" White people—the ones who didn't vote for him—are angry [End Page 319] about Trump. Sometimes, it's scary to watch. I'm angry, but not that angry. The Black people I know are angry too, but in general not as angry as the whites. The Blacks are angry. Don't misconstrue that. They are marching. They are on the bullhorn. But at my job, white people are more likely to denounce Trump than Black people are. Why is this? I've thought about it a lot. The world is going to shreds. Why am I not riled up? I've thought and thought about it and could only come up with one reason: because I'm Black. White people, generally, get to live in a world they created. Black people, generally, live in a world created for them. A white person's anger is, "This is not the world I want to live in." A Black person's anger is, "Alas, this is one more fucked-up reality I have to face." They're two different sentiments. A Black person is angry, but she is also resigned because she has spent all her life living in a space she has had no input in shaping. I'm from Boston. I'm from a neighborhood called Roxbury. It's the same neighborhood Malcolm X lived in. It's the same neighborhood Bobby Brown is from, and NBA point guard Shabazz Napier. I'm proud of where I'm from, but it can be a very rough place. The year before I started middle school, a boy was shot because he wouldn't give up his sneakers. When people think of Boston, they think of a milky-white city, but remember that there are always two Americas. My parents came to Boston in 1976 from West Africa, and they could only afford to live in one of three neighborhoods: Mattapan, Dorchester, or Roxbury. They happen to be the Blackest and the poorest. The three-family house I grew up in wasn't even a house before we moved in. Well, it was a house, but it was abandoned and gutted out. The mayor had this program that if you could scrape together five hundred dollars for a down payment, you could petition the city to fix the house up for you since nobody else wanted it. That's what my family did. When a white person moves to Massachusetts, they can move to Cambridge, to Brookline, to [End Page 320] Scituate, to Needham, anywhere they want. A Black person is constricted mostly to one of these three neighborhoods. It is not redlining but something more invisible and more insidious. To this day, when I meet a white person from Boston, it is almost always an awkward conversation. I ask them which part and they say Wellesley or Natick or Chestnut Hill. They ask me...

Forging the Golden Urn: The Qing Empire and the Politics of Reincarnation in Tibet by Max Oidtmann

Reviewed by: Forging the Golden Urn: The Qing Empire and the Politics of Reincarnation in Tibet by Max Oidtmann James Gentry Max Oidtmann, Forging the Golden Urn: The Qing Empire and the Politics of Reincarnation in Tibet. New York: Columbia University Press, 2018. xvii, 330 pp. US $65 (hb). ISBN 978-0-231-18406-9 The imposition of the so-called Golden Urn policy by the Manchu Qing dynasty in 1792 to recognize the reincarnations of Tibetan Buddhist lamas, and its sporadic use until the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1911, stands out as one of the most controversial issues in the history of Sino-Tibetan relations. The Qing implementation of this lottery-like selection process, in which Manchu officials and Tibetan Buddhist lamas would draw a single child's name from a ceremonial golden urn containing the names of all possible candidates, has been for decades at the heart of historical arguments for or against Tibetan geopolitical autonomy from China during the Qing period (1646–1911). This argument has been exacerbated by the recent revival of the Golden Urn policy by the PRC government in an attempt to wrest control over the recognition process from the Tibetan government in exile led by the Fourteenth Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso. The ongoing storm of controversy over the PRC's use of the Golden Urn in its selection of the Panchen Lama in 1995, and the mounting rhetoric about its similar designs to control the eventual recognition of the current Dalai Lama's reincarnation serve to highlight just how polarizing the issue of the urn's use has been in the contemporary struggle over the status of Tibet and its geopolitical future. Exiled Tibetans and most Western scholars of Tibet have referred exclusively to Tibetan-language documents to argue that Buddhist clergy in Tibet were uniformly resistant to the Qing Golden Urn policy, or when observing it would simply go through the formal motions but in the end select their own candidate. But Chinese scholars active in the PRC have argued with reference to Chinese documents that the Golden Urn policy was in fact consistently binding for Tibetans, particularly in the recognition of their most high profile and politically influential reincarnates like the Dalai Lamas and the Panchen Lamas. For PRC scholars, the urn's use stands as proof that Tibet's religio-political leadership acknowledged Qing sovereignty over Tibet from at least the late eighteenth century on. With Forging the Golden Urn, Max Oidtmann aims "to return to the original polyglot conversations of the Qing era and test these long-standing assumptions" (p. 4). In so doing, Oidtmann expertly mines Manchu-language and Chinese-language correspondences of the Qianlong Emperor and Qing imperial officials active in Inner Asian policy and governance, comparing these with Tibetan-language correspondences and biographical and historical writings of their monastic Tibetan interlocutors, to offer a strikingly fresh perspective on the issue of the Golden Urn that moves well beyond the current stalemate between Tibetan and Chinese accounts. Oidtmann's study traces the trajectory of the [End Page 233] Golden Urn from its inception as an adaptation by the Qianlong Emperor (r. 1735–1796) of a Ming-dynasty bureaucratic lottery to the Qing court's multipronged efforts between the years of 1791 and 1798 to successfully implement and legitimate its use among elite clergy belonging primarily to the Geluk school in the recognition of its most illustrious reincarnate lamas—or trülkus (Tib. sprul sku; usually pronounced tulku). Forging the Golden Urn is divided into a lengthy introduction, three "acts," and a conclusion. It also includes as appendices a useful "Chronology of Key Events" that took place between 1788 and 1798, the main time frame under Oidtmann's consideration; a "List of Usages of the Golden Urn," with the names, locations, and textual sources of all documented instances in which the Golden Urn was used between the years of 1793 and 1910; a handy record of "Tibetan Orthographic Equivalences" of the proper names referenced in the book; and, finally, a "Translation of the Qianlong Emperor's Discourse on Lamas" from the Tibetan, appearing here for the first time in English. The introduction sets...

Pemilu dan Korupsi : Dilema Konstestasi Caleg Mantan Napi Korupsi Pada Pileg 2019

This article discusses the contestation dilemma of former legislative candidates for corruption in the 2019 legislative elections. The main focus is on the attraction of interests that occur between political parties and electoral institutions (KPU) in nominating former corruption prisoners in the 2019 legislative election. The method used is literature studies through the approach of the political party recruitment function. At present there are thirty-eight names of legislative candidates who have entered the list of Permanent Candidates (DCT) in the 2019 legislative elections. There is a long process and political interest that occurs followed by the submission of a Judicial Review to the Supreme Court. The results of this journal writing formulate that the factor behind the nomination of ex-corruptors as candidates is the recruitment of partisanship political parties who tend to uphold cadre loyalty to the party, followed by a legal regulation stating that the nomination of ex-corruptors does match with law No. 7 about Elections. Meanwhile, the KPU's rejection of the former corruptor candidates is the KPU's professional stakes to create clean elections by building the integrity of the legislative candidates and candidates.

Consider printing diplomas in‐house to improve efficiency and save costs

Until two years ago, printing student diplomas at the University of St. Thomas was done the traditional way. The names of candidates for graduation were compiled months in advance of commencement, and diplomas were ordered from an outside source. It would take from six to eight weeks for the diplomas to be delivered to the university, and in turn, it would mail the diplomas to the students.

A name classification method using the I Ching name configurations for Taiwan local elections

The purpose of this study is to apply the methodology of the I Ching divination to examine whether names of government leaders and parliamentary representatives exist in particular configurations. Using samples from the elections held for municipal mayors and councillors in six Taiwanese municipalities in 2014, this model revealed a consistent and specific configuration of the names of candidates, incumbents, and the elected government leaders and parliamentary representatives. It was found that the majority of them fell into configuration type A1, F1, and D1. Moreover, similar results were found when input data from elections of county magistrates and councillors of the same year were considered, confirming that the names of government leaders and parliamentary representatives respect particular configurations, and that specific configurations of the names of candidates and the incumbents are correlated to the number of elected members. Configurations of names, therefore, may be employed as a tool to predict election results. The findings of this study can be applied to prediction methods used in elections and election management.

Encountering female politicians

The mandated exposure effect on voting represents a mechanism through which affirmative action policies such as quotas can improve prospects for candidates from underrepresented groups. In this paper, we identify an exposure effect by exploiting unintended variation in female candidates’ electoral results in a natural experimental setting. In a 2006 local council election in Korea, the names of candidates nominated by the same party for a ward appeared on the ballot in alphabetical order (based on the Korean alphabet). As a result, in certain districts, some female candidates were arbitrarily elected, based on their name-order advantage. In the subsequent election, those elected females were more likely to be nominated by the party and to win seats again. However, the accidental exposure to female politicians failed to generate positive spillover for other female candidates.

ELECTION JARGON: LANGUAGE MECHANISMS OF MEANING MAKING

The article is based on the material of the “Election Campaign Dictionary” by T.P. Tarasenko published in 2017. It classifies and interprets election jargon. Election jargon is a lexical corpus, the units of which combine the features of slang (expressiveness), professionalisms (relevance for election campaign) and terms (exact names of special concepts). According to the topics, jargon words may be divided into 4 groups: 1) names of processes (technologies, methods, devices and scenarios); 2) names of results of election campaign; 3) names of candidates; 4) names of political parties and political groups. Classification of election jargon according to its origin shows that there are Russian and borrowed words, and according to their stylistic coloring there are neutral words and evaluative lexical units (humorous, ironic, rude, disrespectful, pejorative), which proves expansion of this group of Russian vocabulary. Interpretation of election jargon from the point of view of language mechanisms that reveal themselves in word production proves that these mechanisms are compression and concretization of the basic meaning of the jargon. Among specific language mechanisms we find compression-expressive, lexico-semantic (change of meaning, narrowing of meaning and synonymy), word-building, syntactic (lexical combinability) and assessment mechanisms of concretization. These mechanisms contribute both to specification of notions connected with election discourse and economy of verbal means, accuracy of jargonisms, their memorability and suitability for oral and written speech of professionals and unprepared addressees.

SOCIETY ACTIONS

SOCIETY ACTIONS

The Ideals and Aims of the Ecological Society of America

The development of modern ecology has received its greatest impetus in a few localities where there are physiographic con ditions giving diversity of habitats in which environmental dynamics are apparent. While primarily concerned with the physiological relations of organisms to environment, and while tending to become to a marked degree an experimental science, the workers in the field have thus far derived, and probably always will derive, their inspiration from the dynamic relations of organisms to their environment?; from the diurnal, seasonal and secular changes in the environments of single species or of communities of species. Still, many investigators with interest in ecology and some actually working in the field, have not had an opportunity to see some of the most significant localities in which ecological field study has been conducted and thus are much handicapped in their understanding of the published ac counts, and in relating them to their less diagrammatic situations. The facts, the methods and terms of the different investigators in the field of this new science are accordingly not clearly ap preciated in a comparative and comprehensive way by the in vestigators themselves. It is not possible to carry demonstrations of these difficult natural phenomena to the places of meeting of the national societies, as many other materials are carried and dispLrped as demonstrations. Thus the Ecological Society of America has grown out of an attempt to accomplish what may be termed a display of the localities which have served to inspire workers in ecological lines. The various ecological investigators have developed methods for the study of environment and for the study of response to environment. These workers fall into two groups?botanists and zoologists?separated by the present-day organization of science but with much common ground which demands fusion. Methods and terois are not standardized, indeed nature does not bear close standardization, but much is to be gained by a thorough under standing. The diversity of interest in climatological work is illustrated by the topics of the various members of the Society's committee dealing with this one phase of modern ecological in terest. In all the meetings, correspondence and conversations with members of the executive committee and the organizing com 1

Predicting Bias in National House of Representatives Generic Ballot Questions

For reasons of cost, logistics, or the ability to compare vote choice across multiple congressional districts, survey researchers often make use of generic ballot questions when polling races for the U.S. House of Representatives. However, it isn’t clear that generic ballot questions give results that are fully comparable to questions that use the names of candidates. Given the prevalence of generic ballot questions in analyses of House elections, understanding the source and extent of this bias is vital. We explore the source and extent of this bias through a series of survey experiments carried out during 2010 Congressional elections and a historical analysis of bias in House elections.

Viability, Information Seeking, and Vote Choice

Existing research suggests that candidate viability influences strategic voting decisions among citizens. We argue that viability can influence electoral decision making beyond strategic considerations. We analyze original experimental data and novel observational data to examine viability’s impact on vote choice and information seeking. We conduct two mock primary election campaigns within the Dynamic Process Tracing Environment where we experimentally manipulate candidate viability. In both experiments, we find that subjects read more information about viable candidates, report more favorable ratings of viable candidates, and are more likely to vote for viable candidates. We demonstrate the generalizability of these results by assessing the relationship between viability, as measured with Gallup polls, and information seeking using observational data. There, we develop a unique measure of information seeking based on Google searches for the names of political candidates. These observational data reinfor...

Three Candidates Vie to Become APA’s Next President-Elect

Back to table of contents Next article Association NewsFull AccessThree Candidates Vie to Become APA’s Next President-ElectKen HausmanKen HausmanSearch for more papers by this authorPublished Online:6 Dec 2013https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.pn.2013.12a26AbstractElection season is under way at APA as the names of candidates who will be running for several Board of Trustees positions are announced. Two Areas will be choosing their representatives as well.Renee Binder, M.D., James Nininger, M.D., and Mark Rapaport, M.D..APA members will be able to choose among three president-elect candidates in the upcoming APA election who specialize in different areas of psychiatry but share extensive involvement in APA—Renȳe Binder, M.D., James Nininger, M.D., and Mark Rapaport, M.D.Binder is professor and director of the Psychiatry and the Law Program at the University of California, San Francisco, and associate dean for academic affairs for the School of Medicine and former interim chair of psychiatry. She is chair of the APA Committee on Advocacy and Litigation Funding and a former trustee at large and Area 6 representative.Nininger is a clinical associate professor of psychiatry at Weill/Cornell Medical College and in private practice with a subspecialty in geriatrics. He is APA’s Area 2 Trustee, on the American Psychiatric Foundation Board, vice-chair of the APA Steering Committee on Practice Guidelines, a past speaker of the Assembly, and served on the DSM-5 Clinical and Public Health Committee.Rapaport is the Reunette W. Harris Chair of Psychiatry and the Behavioral Sciences at Emory University School of Medicine and chief of psychiatric services for Emory Healthcare System. He is the founding co-editor in chief of the APA journal Focus: The Journal of Lifelong Learning in Psychiatry and a member of the Council on Medical Education and Lifelong Learning.The treasurer’s post, which is for a three-year term, is also up for election, and in that race Frank Brown, M.D., of Atlanta will face James Greene, M.D., of Memphis.One of the Board’s trustee-at-large positions will also be contested in this election cycle, with Anita Everett, M.D., vying with Stephen McLeod-Bryant, M.D. Everett is from Glenwood, Md., and McLeod-Bryant is from Old Hickory, Tenn. At-large trustees also serve three-year terms.Two of APA’s seven Areas will vote for trustees in the next election. In elections for Area trustee, the Area Council rather than the APA Nominating Committee chooses the candidates.Facing off for Area 2 trustee are Jack Drescher, M.D., and Vivian Pender, M.D. Area 2 includes all of the district branches in New York state. Area 5—which includes the Southern states, Puerto Rico, and the military district branch—will also be electing a trustee. The candidates in that race are R. Scott Benson, M.D., of Pensacola, Fla., and Gary Weinstein, M.D., of Louisville, Ky.Members-in-training (MITs) will also have three candidates from whom to choose as they vote for the Board position of member-in-training trustee-elect. Competing for that position are Vittoria DeLucia, M.D., a resident at the University of Maryland/Sheppard Pratt Program; Heather Liebherr, D.O., a resident at the University of Pittsburgh Western Psychiatric Institute and Clinic; and Ravi Shah, M.D., a resident at Columbia University - New York State Psychiatric Institute.APA announced the slate of candidates November 1, and while it is considered public, it is not official until the Board approves it at its meeting this month.All members for whom APA has a valid e-mail address on file will receive an electronic ballot. Other members will receive a paper ballot along with instructions on how to vote online if they so choose. All candidates and their supporters should review APA’s updated Election Guidelines. ■Election information is posted on APA’s website at http://www.psych.org/network/board-of-trustees/apa-national-elections. The election guidelines are posted at http://psychnews.psychiatryonline.org/newsarticle.aspx?articleID=1754317. ISSUES NewArchived