Case Of Myanmar Research Articles

A community-operated landslide early warning approach: Myanmar case study

A landslide early warning system based on monitoring acoustic emission (AE) generated by slope movements has been developed that can deliver alerts direct to a community at risk, with relevance to low- and middle-income countries. The Community Slope SAFE (Sensors for Acoustic Failure Early-warning) (CSS) approach uses steel waveguides driven into the slope to transmit detected high frequency noise (AE) to a sensor at the ground surface. CSS gives a measure of slope displacement rate. Continuously measured AE is compared to a pre-defined trigger level that is indicative of decreasing slope stability (i.e., landslide initiation), and a visual and audible alert automatically generated so that a community can follow a pre-defined course of action (e.g., evacuation). This paper describes the CSS approach and details a field trial of the system at two sites in Hakha, Chin Sate, Myanmar. The trial, which included training a group of youth Landslide Response Volunteers to install and operate the CSS system, increased landslide awareness and knowledge in the Hakha community, delivered the required real-time continuous operation, and demonstrated the practicality of using the CSS system for community landslide protection.

Internet Shutdowns

The internet is a double-edged sword: civilians can mobilise it to assemble and voice dissent, but illiberal regimes can also weaponise it to consolidate power and suppress any form of opposition. Internet shutdowns – intentional disruptions of internet services – represent one method used to limit citizens’ freedom of expression, information, peaceful assembly and other associated rights in the name of national security. Julia Ryng, Guillemette Guicherd, Judy Al Saman, Priyanka Choudhury and Angharad Kellett examine the cases of Myanmar and Belarus: two distinct political regimes that nonetheless converge on similar strategies of repression. Through this comparative analysis, the authors highlight how future repression is likely to work and how compelling policy responses can be formulated. ◼

Strategic Denial of Rohingya Identity and Their Right to Internal Self-Determination

Denying the identity of a race is the step towards committing the crime of genocide, which may also result in ethnic cleansing. This article has tried to strategically depict the nexus between the identity denial and ethnic cleansing of Rohingyas. From the very inception to now, the gradual development of ignoring the identity of Rohingyas is evident to deny their rights. Also, Buddhist extremism has outnumbered the demands of Rohingya as an ethnicity among 144 races of Myanmar. Then, it has claimed the proposition that might become applicable for their internal recognition, which is ‘right to internal self-determination’. This article also discusses the development of the Gambia versus Myanmar case, which may contribute to the resurrection of Rohingya identity within the lands of Myanmar. Internal recognition of the Rohingyas under the legal instruments of Myanmar will restore their fundamental rights along with their political and social recognition.

Authoritarian Rule and the Weaponisation of Natural Disasters: The Case of Myanmar from Cyclone Nargis to the COVID-19 Pandemic (2008–2021)

Myanmar’s 2021 military coup paved the way for a ruthless weaponisation of the COVID-19 pandemic, aimed at crushing opposition groups and ethnic minorities who opposed the army’s power grab. The manipulation of natural disasters for political purposes, however, is nothing new for Burmese praetorian regimes, which employed a similar strategy in the aftermath of the 2008 Cyclone Nargis in order to further marginalise and subjugate their internal enemies. To a large extent, such a callous decision stems from the powerful political implications brought about by natural disasters, which are perceived by authoritarian leaders as exogenous shocks capable of triggering a process of heightened popular contestation and regime change. In the case of Myanmar, this specific fear thus persuaded military rulers to weaponise the impact of natural calamities and health crises as part of a longstanding counterinsurgency playbook, centred on the so-called ‘four cuts’ doctrine. As a result, those who do not conform with the Bamar-Buddhist image of Myanmar professed by the army—or dare to criticise its dominant position in Burmese politics—have been deliberately excluded from post-disaster relief efforts, in what appears as a further testament of the junta’s unwavering resolve in retaining the reins of power. Building upon the existing literature on the political implications of natural hazards in authoritarian settings, the following article sheds light on the drivers and rationale that persuaded Myanmar’s Generals to weaponise humanitarian crisis against ethnic minorities and opposition forces, by looking at the two case-studies provided by Cyclone Nargis and the COVID-19 pandemic.

Can regime change improve ethnic relations? Perception of ethnic minorities after the 2021 coup in Myanmar

AbstractRegime change often exacerbates ethnic conflict. This article examines the curious case of Myanmar, where a 2021 military coup was met, on the surface, with broad-based resistance across a divided society. An important question that therefore arises is whether, below the surface, this unity also took a more positive form of national solidarity. Were deep ethnic cleavages intensified or alleviated by the 2021 coup? This question bears theoretical relevance for the study of ethnic conflict and has social relevance for a nation marked by a long history of civil war and a recent experience of genocide against Rohingya Muslims. The article engages in a systematic examination of 180 social media posts uploaded in Burmese by key opinion leaders both before and after the coup. A qualitative analysis of major positive and negative themes indicates a shift in attitudes. The quantitative analysis shows that ethnic relations, measured by a change in themes, ratings and virality, improved significantly in the immediate aftermath of Myanmar's 2021 coup.

The spatial politics of land policy reform in Myanmar and Laos

ABSTRACT Land policy reform has dominated the development agenda across the Global South over the past two decades. In contrast with earlier distributive land reforms, contemporary policies reflect an amalgamation of neoliberal, state territorial, and social justice agendas. This paper demonstrates how land policy changes reflect the spatially extensive and multi-scalar politics of land contestation and control, employing the cases of Myanmar and Laos. Myanmar's short-lived democratic transition enabled civil society actors to exert uneven influence on policy reform. In contrast, communist party and state dominance in Laos has constrained, although not wholly obstructed, policy intervention by non-governmental groups.

Myanmar's strategy in the China–Myanmar Economic Corridor: a failure in hedging?

Abstract This article examines Myanmar's hedging strategies in China's Myanmar Economic Corridor (CMEC), a key component of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Myanmar has avoided being overly reliant on China by strategically hedging and diversifying its foreign relations with other countries in the region. However, Myanmar's ability to hedge is compromised by its domestic fragmentation, caused by the protracted civil war and rising civil–military tensions. We focus on the two advanced projects in CMEC, the Muse–Mandalay railway and Kyaukphyu deep seaport, and have conducted qualitative, semi-structured interviews with key actors involved in China–Myanmar relations (2016–2021) under the National League for Democracy (NLD). Through the fieldwork findings, we problematize the assumption in the hedging literature which takes for granted a country's competence to act strategically in their foreign policy. Our findings from the Myanmar case suggest that the state's level of fragmentation and capability to hedge are inversely proportional. The multiple actors in Myanmar's political space complicate its China policy and limit its ability to hedge effectively. This is augmented by the military coup in February 2021, which further fragmented the country, compromising Myanmar's China policy even further, making hedging a less viable framework to examine Myanmar's China strategy.

Public-Interest Litigation before the International Court of Justice: Comment on The Gambia v. Myanmar Case

Public-Interest Litigation before the International Court of Justice: Comment on The Gambia v. Myanmar Case

COVID-19 Pandemic Impact on Socio-Economic Status, Agriculture, Livelihood, Food Security and Nutrition: Case of Myanmar

The COVID-19 novel coronavirus spread around the world since December 2019. The first official case in Myanmar was reported on March 23rd, 2020 where the first set of containment measures was introduced. In Myanmar, COVID-19 infection rate was low at the 1st wave but at the 2nd wave, confirmed cases increased in the months of August, September and October, 2020 while the 3rd wave came recently on June 2021 where infection rate is at first low, however, it became more serious on July 2021 compared to the previous one.

Technical Efficiency of Mung Bean Producers: The Case of Myanmar

Agriculture plays a key role in Myanmar and it is the backbone of the country’s economy. Among the major export-earning crops in Myanmar, mung bean is one of the important, and it creates many opportunities for smallholders. About 90% of the total production of mung bean is exported for overseas or border trade and has extended markets, especially China, Vietnam and EU countries. This study aims to measure the level of technical efficiency of green mung bean producers and determine the factors influencing the technical efficiency of mung bean production in Tatkon Township, Myanmar. Data from 144 farms were analyzed using a DEA model and Tobit regression. The empirical results reveal that about 46% of farmers had an efficiency score of more than 0.90, which indicates that 54% of farmers were relatively inefficient in their production. The results also show that socioeconomics factors, such as age of farmers, farmers participating in associations and soil fertility, had a significantly positive impact on technical efficiency. Gender, education, access to credit and extension services had a positive impact on the technical efficiency of mung bean production in the study area. To reduce inefficiency, the government should consider providing more services to male farmers and older farmers to improve their capacities, as well as providing an extension of services, new technologies, credit and improved variety for mung bean production.

Early-life exposure to earthquakes and its long-term effects on human capital outcomes: The case of Myanmar

This paper investigates the long-term effects of early-life exposure to natural disasters on a range of health and educational outcomes, utilizing the spatiotemporal variation in two large earthquakes that occurred in Myanmar in the same year as a natural experiment. The results indicate that cohorts exposed to earthquakes have a higher probability of having at least some difficulty with four activities: seeing, hearing, walking, and remembering. We adopt a battery of alternative specifications and arrive at similar results. Our further results show that earthquakes adversely impact the long-run educational attainment of individuals, exacerbating the pre-existing gender gap in schooling. The findings of this paper provide additional evidence of the importance of timely disaster management as one straightforward way to address the early-life roots of unequal opportunities.

Integrating Pixels, People, and Political Economy to Understand the Role of Armed Conflict and Geopolitics in Driving Deforestation: The Case of Myanmar

Armed conflict and geopolitics are a driving force of Land Use and Land Cover Change (LULCC), but with considerable variation in deforestation trends between broader and finer scales of analysis. Remotely-sensed annual deforestation rates from 1989 to 2018 are presented at the national and (sub-) regional scales for Kachin State in the north of Myanmar and in Kayin State and Tanintharyi Region in the southeast. We pair our multiscaled remote sensing analysis with our multisited political ecology approach where we conducted field-based interviews in study sites between 2018 and 2020. Our integrated analysis identified three common periods of deforestation spikes at the national and state/region level, but with some notable disparities between regions as well as across and within townships and village tracts. We found the rate and geography of deforestation were most influenced by the territorial jurisdictions of armed authorities, national political economic reforms and timber regulations, and proximity to national borders and their respective geopolitical relations. The absence or presence of ceasefires in the north and southeast did not solely explain deforestation patterns. Rather than consider ceasefire or war as a singular explanatory variable effecting forest cover change, we demonstrate the need to analyze armed conflict as a dynamic multisited and diffuse phenomenon, which is simultaneously integrated into broader political economy and geopolitical forces.

Humanitarian crisis in Myanmar: Another failure for “responsibility to protect”

In 2005, the R2P was adopted unanimously at the UN World Summit. After the discussions and resolutions, the R2P has been invoked and implemented in several crises. Despite human rights violations and war crimes in Myanmar, the UN Security Council has failed to respond to these crimes and to implement R2P in this case. The passive approach of the UNSC led to atrocity crimes. In 2017, the Myanmar military launched a “clearance operation,” thousands of people had to leave the country. Since then, the UNSC has neither adopted a resolution, nor applied sanctions or reminded the R2P to Myanmar government. This article explores the Myanmar crisis and analyzes the UN Security Council's muted response to the Rohingyas crisis. In conclusion, we argue that the veto power of China and Russia restrains the effectiveness of the UNSC in Myanmar case.

The Standing of Indirectly Injured States in the Litigation of Community Interests before the ICJ

Abstract This article explores the legal challenges related to the standing of indirectly injured states before the International Court of Justice in relation to violations of obligations erga omnes and erga omnes partes. After an examination of the emergence of these kinds of obligations, the article addresses the evolution of the approach of the Court in relation to the issue of standing, in light of the works of the International Law Commission on state responsibility. Especially after the 2012 Belgium v. Senegal case, the Court does not hesitate to recognise the standing of indirectly injured states. Yet, some aspects related to standing – such as the requirement of a special interests and the coordination between the reaction of the directly injured state and the indirectly injured ones – are still imprecise. The Court should take the opportunity to elaborate on these issues in the merits phase of The Gambia v. Myanmar case.

Globalization, deglobalization and human security: the case of Myanmar

Abstract Increased nationalism, greater protectionism and a gradual move away from a rules-based international order by some members of the international community do not bode well for vulnerable populations around the globe. Human security is threatened by a host of non-traditional security challenges catalysed by the growth of physical technologies and require multifaceted responses from a variety of actors. Many of those actors look to transnational networks built on globalized liberal order's social norms—what we call social technologies—for protection. The dwindling interconnectedness of deglobalization is likely to further empower corrupt governments at the expense of vulnerable citizens. This results from a decreased willingness by states and international institutions to defend human security. Whether one looks at the plight of persecuted citizens during Burma's military junta, human slaves in the fisheries off the coast of Indonesia, or farmers uprooted from their land by palm oil plantations, without social technologies to counterbalance the negative implications of physical technology the international community will lack the political capacity (sanctions, arms embargoes, travel restrictions, etc.), to aid those most in need. Ultimately, the effects of deglobalization on human security will depend largely on the trajectory of social technology developing alongside advances in physical technology.

Crimes against Rohingya Muslims before the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice

Since 2017, the Republic of the Union of Myanmar has carried out severe repressions against the Rohingya people. These atrocities resulted in numerous international reactions from the States, international organizations, NGOs as well media. This article evaluates the proceedings of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the Gambia v. Myanmar case and the Bangladesh/Myanmar situation in the International Criminal Court.The International Criminal Court (ICC), with its extensive interpretation of the 1998 Rome Statute, found the cross-border element necessary for the perpetration of certain crimes, and despite Myanmar's non-membership in the Statute, the ICC found its jurisdiction over the crimes committed during the deportation of the Rohingya from Myanmar to Bangladesh. Meanwhile, the ICJ for the first time is facing a Case which is brought before it by an indirect victim State i.e. Gambia who has based all its allegations on the mysterious concept of violation of obligations erga omnes partes. This paper first provides summarized information on both pending proceedings and then will examine the challenges that international law has to find a proper solution for the Rohingya crisis through these judicial and criminal adjudication processes.

BUDDHISM, THE ROYAL IMAGINARY AND LIMITS IN WARFARE: THE MODERATING INFLUENCE OF PRECOLONIAL MYANMAR ROYAL CAMPAIGNS ON EVERYDAY WARRIORS

ABSTRACT Rules on the treatment of civilians and other non-combatants in conflict are often attributed to Western origins, particularly the increasingly widening circles of empathy that grew out of the European Enlightenment and found international implementation in the twentieth century. Nevertheless, such limits were pursued or encouraged by many non-Western societies as well, particularly amongst indigenous Americans. The present article examines the case of Myanmar and the ways in which the Myanmar court set limits on violence in administration and limits on warfare. These limits were not an imposition of the West but emerged entirely within the Myanmar-Buddhist historical experience. It is argued that these provide an existing, discernible and indigenous model for limiting violence in warfare in Myanmar society. The article also explains why this model was forgotten. The removal of the king and disintegration of the standing army that came with the end of indigenous rule in 1885 did away with crucial moderating influences, while the violence of the brutal Pacification Campaign from 1885 erased from Burmese social memory the idea that there could be limits in warfare.

Real Interest Rate Behaviour and Monetary Policy in Myanmar:Based on Financial Libralisation Hypothesis

McKinnon’s complementarity hypothesis articulates that money and physical capital complements each other instead of substituting under a repressed financial sector. In spite of various economic and financial reforms in Myanmar, the financial sector of Myanmar is lagging behind international standards. Thus, this study is designed to test McKinnon’s complementarity hypothesis in case of Myanmar. Time series studies has been analyzed for said purpose. This study not only determines unit root problem but also tests unit root problem in presence of structural break. Long run relationship is testified through bounds test in presence of structural break. Long run and short run estimates are determined in order to check McKinnon’s complementarity hypothesis in static and dynamic setting as bounds testing approach distinguish feature is to provide static long run estimates along with dynamic short run estimates. Moreover, this study applies innovative accounting approach to determine strength of casual relationship between variables of the study. Results of the study confirms McKinnon’s complementarity hypothesis in long run and no evidence is found in case of short run. Thus, it can be deduced that investment is restricted due to availability of finance rather than cost of capital in Myanmar.

The Failure of the International Community to Apply R2P and Atrocity Prevention in Myanmar

Abstract The case of Myanmar has become one of the most glaring examples for the failure of the international community to realise the promise made with the adoption of the responsibility to protect (R2P) norm in 2005: ‘Never again’ has turned into again and again. A mix of unwillingness and inability to prevent atrocity crimes has in Myanmar over the past ten years led to several instances of atrocity crimes and genocidal violence against the Rohingya. Most recently, the military coup of February 2021 has showcased that the notion of an international community exercising a responsibility to protect the population of Myanmar against crimes against humanity and other atrocity crimes dissembles into a few states openly shielding the perpetrators, a few condemning and countering the newest cycle of violence, and many silent bystanders to the ongoing atrocities. This article discusses the role of the R2P norm in the case of Myanmar and introduces the different contributions that comprise the special issue on Myanmar and the failure of R2P.

Building Peace in the Shadow of War: Women-to-Women Diplomacy as Alternative Peacebuilding Practice in Myanmar

ABSTRACT Conventional assumptions locating peacebuilding temporally after violence have largely prevented exploration of how peacebuilding is practiced amidst conditions of ongoing violence. This article addresses this gap by analysing how Myanmar women’s activists have devised strategies in pursuit of peace, amidst ongoing armed conflict, from the 1990s and onwards. The findings demonstrate that women’s inter-ethnic cooperation contributed to transform conflict divides long before the initiation of formal national peace negotiations in 2011. Further, theorizing these peacebuilding practices, the article provides new insights into the dynamics of women’s peace activism of relevance beyond the case of Myanmar.