176 Reviews critics have longrecognized thatthese novelscomplicate certainissuesthat Clark's reading of thenon-fiction makes straightforward: theexactnatureofprovidential orderingin A Journal ofthe PlagueYear;sincerity and repentance in Moll Flanders; andambivalence towards finance andcreditinRoxana. Teachersofundergraduate courses will be sorrytoseevirtually no treatment of thenovels-even theoriginal Crusoegetslittle attention. Defoe scholars, however, will be glad toreadtheexcellent chapters onDefoe's historical visionand on the Anglo-Scottish Union of1707.Pace Pocock,Clarkcredits Defoewith 'being oneof the firstthinkers to articulate theview thathis age was one inwhich commerce was supplanting conquestas a historical force'(p.3), elucidating hisviewsofexchange and plurality, competition and commerce, discovery and improvement, as divine injunctions. Herein,Clark draws linksbetweenDefoe and the ideasof Scottish Enlightenment thinkers halfa century after hisdeath.Forexample, A General His tory ofTrade (1713) 'shows Defoe developing modes ofargument associated with philosophical history andenlightened theories ofprogress'(p.107)-he anticipates AdamFerguson's andDavidHume's beliefinthe maturation ofcivilization through exchange and trade. Pickingup IlseVickers's mantle from Defoeand the New Sci ences(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1996),Clark arguesthat Defoe's approbation ofBaconian sciencederivedfrom his sensethat God intended man to populatetheearth, mine itstreasures, improve themthrough industry, and foment trade amongitspeoples.Defoe endorsedcredit where itfacilitated trade,industry, and progress, but tradinginciphers(stock-jobbing) offended his epistemological sensibility, creating a dissonancein meaningthat subverted God's will. The book ends with an invitation for more research on this topic (p. 210). Itwill be interesting toseewhetherthisisaccepted, whether Defoe's orthodoxyis tobe challenged ormerelyde-emphasized, andhow the prosefictions fit intothepicture. UNIVERSITY OF NOTTINGHAM NICHOLAS SEAGER Scottish and Irish Romanticism. ByMURRAY PITTOCK.Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2008. ix+292 pp. E50. ISBN 978-o-19-923279-6. MurrayPittock's Scottish and Irish Romanticism isabookdividedagainstitself. On theonehand,Pittock wants tojoinall those who haveprecededhim inprotesting againstthe manner in which the workofsix male poetshasbeen allowedtohijack a literary period.Like those who haveso successfully reclaimed the womenwriters of theperiod,Pittock discoversinScottish and Irish writersa 'social Romanticism' that countersthe Romanticism of 'esemplasy and solitude'(p.129) associated with Wordsworth and Coleridge. On the other, he wants to claim forScottish and Irish writersa place alongsidetheBig Six, insisting, forexample,that'theerasureof RobertBurnsfrom theliterary history of the Romanticperiod' (p. 5)hasprevented recognition ofhis formative rolein Wordsworth's poeticdevelopment. The incon sistency oughttobe disabling.In fact, it becomesthesourceofthe book'svalue,for itallowsPittock himself toassumethe'double voice' thatfor himbestdistinguishes the writersthat he considers. MLR, 104.1, 2009 177 His twotheoretical mastersareBakhtinandFrantz Fanon.The first allowshimto represent Scottish and Irish writing as inclusive, carnivalesque, freed from constric tive hierarchies. ButFanonpersuades him that Scottish and Irish writers producea 'literature ofcombat', characterized byitsstubborn preservation of 'altermentalities' definedinoppositiontoEnglishness. At timesthetwoapproachesareresolvedin paradoxes that seem a little too easy, aswhen he claims thatEdgeworth developed the'national tale'as a genrethat'challenges thepossibility ofcoexistence between Englandand Ireland while rhetorically promoting it'(p.185).Elsewherethey com bine toproduceunusuallynuanced readings. Fergusson wrote 'serious, critical, educated poetryinScots' (p.121),three epithets thatseemtoadmitprecisely those 'hierarchies of language'that Pittocklaterarguesthat Fergusson's poems contest, butinthis chapter thetwoapproaches allowa doublenessthat seems whollyappro priatetoFergusson himself and tohisplace,thetown whichwas atonce 'Edina'and 'Auld Reekie'.Burnsseekstoput 'Scots andEnglishtongues on a level, bothhuman, bothequal' (p. 150), a projectthatseemsalmosttoo fair-minded, but inpoems suchas 'Tamo' Shanter', Tam,who,unlike Wordsworth's leech-gatherer, splendidly refuses tobecome thevehicleofan edifying truth, leavesthepoem's speakercon templating 'a worldheadmires emotionally butisdetachedfrom rationally' (p.163), experiencing hisown,andperhapshisculture's, confusion. Pittock's book isdedicatedto theideaof a 'four nations'Romanticism, buthe looks beyond GreatBritainandIreland. Scott'sreception in Catalonia, Hungary, and the Czech-speakinglandsoffers evidencethatthenovels,forallScott'sdedication tothe Union,helpedtoinspire nationalist movements, and inhis final, most specu lative chapter Pittock advancesthethesisthat henamesfratriotism, the notionthat the Scotsand Irishshareda historical experience thatledthemtosympathize more deeplythantheEnglish with thevictims ofBritain'simperial expansion. General Napier's remark, 'wehave no right to seize Sind, yetwe shall do so' (quoted p. 241), is perhapsthe brusquest example ofdouble-mindedness that Pittock records through out.Pittocklooksbeyondthefour nations, andbeyond Europe,perhaps,inorderto intimate that Scotlandand Ireland shouldbeunderstood notjustintheir relation to England, butas independent nationsthat havetheir owndistinctive globalidentities. He detectsin the writers he discussesa balanceor a conflict between'anglopetal' and 'anglofugal' tendencies that hisownbook shares. His writers communicate to their domestic audiences meaningsinaudibletotheir Englishreaders, and thistoo isa trait that Pittockincorporates. He willbe readdifferently bystudents ofScottish and Irishliterature andbystudents ofRomanticism. But for a time whenNorthern Irelandisgoverned...
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