Scholars have observed varied patterns in the relationship between political trust and political participation. Nevertheless, it is generally agreed that distrust is correlated with noninstitutionalized or mobilized participation, as citizens who do not believe that the government is willing and able to serve their interests are more likely to chal lenge it.1 In western democracies and developing countries alike, distrust in govern ment has been found to be associated with approval of street protest and confrontation, as well as actual involvement in riots, civil disobedience and violence, land invasion and strikes, boycotts, demonstrations, protests, civil disorder, and antisystem activi ties.2 Researchers, though, have disagreed about the effect of trust on institutionalized participation. Some have argued that there is no relationship between trust and voting turnout or meeting attendance.3 Others have suggested that more trusting citizens are more likely to vote. 4 Still others have observed that trust is negatively correlated with voting for change, as the more distrusting were more likely to vote for the nonincum bent major party or third parties.5 As for how participation affects political trust, it is generally agreed that partici pation tends to reinforce the trust or distrust that may underlie it. In this view, institu tionalized participation such as voting enhances trust, whereas noninstitutionalized participation deepens distrust. Likewise, peaceful protest, in which the trusting and the distrusting are equally likely to participate, has little effect on trust.6 These arguments share two assumptions. First, although political trust has multi ple sources and dimensions, it can be adequately measured by a single index con structed with multiple indicators.7 Individuals are considered to have a certain level of overall trust or distrust in a political entity; thus, there is little need to be alert to situa tions in which they might have different levels of trust in different dimensions of the same political entity. Second, political participation is either institutionalized or nonin stitutionalized, although the distinction is not always clear-cut and the boundary between the two may shift over time.8 Both assumptions, however, have been challenged lately. For one, scholars have begun to emphasize that political trust is dimension-specific. It has been suggested that popular trust in government may vary significantly along different dimensions, such as integrity and competence, fairness and responsiveness, and outcome and process.9 In