Participation In Movement Research Articles

India's Maneuvering in Nepal

The author employed descriptive and analytical research methods to achieve the purpose of examining Indian excessive oversight in Nepal. The author found that India lags behind Nepal in terms of Indian maneuvering. Geo-location, an open border, socio-cultural connection, language proximity, public diplomacy, and India's participation in every political movement have defined Nepal-India relations. Although India does not promote democracy in Nepal, the country's government and administration do. To gain this possibility, Nepal must embrace unilaterally favorable accords such as Tanakpur (Mahakali), Koshi, Gandaki, and others. Since the Maoists and the SPA reached a 12-point agreement prior to the adoption of the current constitution, Indian maneuvering has wrecked Nepal's politics and government.

The role of activists’ sexual orientation and gender identity in their participation in LGBT movements: a case study from Yunnan, China

The role played by activists’ sexual orientation and gender identity in their involvement and commitment to LGBT movements is an understudied area in the Chinese context. Using identity and dramaturgical theory, this qualitative study explored how activists’ work and commitment toward promoting LGBT rights and services is shaped and influenced by their identities. The study draws on data from life history interviews conducted with 20 long-time LGBT activists in Yunnan, China. The findings indicate that their sexual orientation and gender identities were, in the long run, seen as assets by the activists that shaped their work and commitment in the LGBT movement. Despite initial challenges in establishing identity-based connections with co-workers/clients, the emergence of sense of inclusiveness through recognition of activists’ efforts, particularly when working with diverse gender and sexual minorities, stands out as a prominent theme in this context. This dynamic is important in bolstering the longevity of activists’ commitment and building the continued momentum of LGBT movements in the region and internationally.

"Grupa B". Współpraca polsko-bułgarska podczas drugiej wojny światowej

The article by Violeta Nacheva discusses Polish-Bulgarian cooperation during World War II, specifically focusing on the activities of Group B, which was part of the Polish section within the Bulgarian resistance movement. The author recounts the history of the Polish diaspora in Bulgaria, starting from the pre-war period when Poles were actively involved in Bulgarian social life. After the Nazi invasion of Poland, the Polish community became key participants in the resistance movement in Bulgaria, and Group B was established as a response to the Nazi occupation. The article examines the relationship between the Polish section and the Bulgarian Communist Party, describing their joint activities and challenges faced in their fight against the Nazis. Nacheva emphasizes the importance of international solidarity in the struggle against tyranny and the role of Poles in the resistance, highlighting the difficulties they had to face amid persecution. The author concludes the article by pointing out the significant impact that Group B had on subsequent Polish-Bulgarian relations and on shaping the historical memory of both nations.

Ambivalent effects of anger in Chinese feminists’ refusal to patriarchal marriage and family

ABSTRACT Studies have shown that emotions play an important role in the emergence, unfolding, and demise of social movements. Many studies argue that anger is one of the most propelling emotions promoting movement participation, while others demonstrate the ambivalence of anger within social movements. Previous studies have suggested that the context in which emotions play a role in social movements remains underexplored. This study focuses on the self-organized feminist online space, where the political and private dimensions overlap, and contextualizes anger among online feminists who question the inferior position of women in patriarchal marriage, the family, and women’s low social status in contemporary China. Based on previous literature on emotions in social movements and methods of emotion discourse analysis, this study aims to deliberate (1) the subversive feature when anger is directed to the structure and opponents and (2) anger misaligned with other emotions in that its subversive power is suppressed. The findings revealed that anger represents subversive power when feminists oppose the source of injustice and confront their opponents’ denigration without fear. However, frustration, grievance, and pain come to the forefront when anger is suppressed in affective relationships. Additionally, when feminists successfully cope with emotional conflicts and emphasize the empowering side of their anti-marriage stance, their feminist identities are reinforced.

Онтология институционального дизайна современных общественных движений

The article offers an ontological conceptualization of the institutional design of social movements and outlines its func-tioning mechanism in modern society. The purpose of the article is to identify the specifics of the institutional design of contemporary social movements. Institutional design is described as an integrated unity of virtual and real practices, incorporating a technological component. The core of this design is the project activity of social movement partici-pants, and the construction of the reality through their participation in social and political life in both online and offline spaces. An ecosystem of design is presented, which includes a structure of opportunities and conditions for the creation, functioning, and institutionalization of social movements. Within this ecosystem, participants interact with an institu-tional environment that contains rules and regulations, as well as opportunities for participation in socio-political life. In a digital society, social movement participants have tools to create new algorithms for constructing reality using mobile applications and social networks. The ecosystem of institutional design expands as social movements gain political opportunities and organize both offline and online interactions with government authorities to address social issues.

Unmasking Southern White evangelicalism in U. S. history education: Racialized theopolitical discourses at work

White evangelical churches and organizations play a significant role in mobilizing congregants as participants in the white Christian nationalist movement. This fusion of faith and politics has made white evangelicals “ambassadors” of white Christian nationalism (Miller, 2022). This paper interrogates the history, theology, and politics of white Christian nationalism to understand its influence in the U. S. educational system, specifically its implications for K-12 history curriculum in public schools. Beginning with current legislation around critical race theory, this paper traces the intersection of evangelical and conservative discourse in the Southern United States. This historical analysis shows how the white, Southern evangelical record on race and racism accommodates the theopolitical ideology of the white Christian nationalist movement. This paper argues the current white evangelical challenges to critical race theory and demands to teach “alternative histories” about America’s racial past not only limits discussions around race and power in classrooms but distorts the curriculum with white Christian nationalist tenets disguised as truth.

Citizen awakening? Exploring legal consciousness in a context of mass political mobilization

AbstractUnder what conditions will people be inclined to seek remedy when facing rights violations? While some socio-legal scholars have found structural position and/or the ideological macro-context to be the key factors shaping individuals’ legal consciousness, often inhibiting their pursuit of remedies, others contend that social experiences and political interventions, including participation in social movements, affect people’s willingness to demand redress. What happens, then, when a diffuse popular mobilization challenges a state’s fundamental normative framework and demands justice and rights for long-excluded sectors of the population? This article offers empirical and theoretical insights to these debates based on results from a nationally representative survey conducted in Chile at the height of such a mass political mobilization. In this context of widespread citizen engagement and collective claim-making, we find that participation in the protests and self-perceived knowledge of where to turn are statistically related to individuals’ professed willingness to pursue a formal remedy across two hypothetical rights violation scenarios. These findings suggest that participation in protests might have an empowerment effect on those who take part, even among disadvantaged groups, opening new avenues for research at the intersection of socio-legal and political participation studies.

Tsow hope, reap progress: young people strengthening the rural

This study aims to analyze the perspectives and opportunities for rural young people to remain in their communities. The approach consists of carrying out a systematic review of Brazilian scientific literature to offer an overview of recent national research on rural youth. A search was carried out on the Capes Periodicals Portal, from 2019 to 2023, resulting in 23 articles, which were categorized into three main groups. The study categorized 23 articles into three main groups. The first, with ten studies, explored perspectives and permanence of rural young people, addressing motivations for staying or leaving, participation in social movements and female exodus. The second category, with seven studies, focused on formal education, including agricultural technological teaching and Alternation Pedagogy. The third category, with six studies, addressed opportunities such as courses, training, employment, income and rural microcredit. A double movement stands out in the rural world, with young people remaining or migrating to urban centers, highlighting the need for public policies that meet the demands of rural youth.

PREFIGURING PRAGMATICALLY? Prefigurative Politics and the Constellation of People Power Strategies for Winning Affordable Housing in Cape Town

AbstractThis article contributes to ongoing discussions about the practice of prefigurative politics by urban social movements, and the relationship between prefiguration and other political practices. We argue that urban social movements can deploy prefigurative power in combination with other political strategies with which it is often contrasted and opposed. To demonstrate, we explore Cape Town's Reclaim the City movement that occupied several inner‐city buildings to create affordable housing for low‐wage Black communities—prefiguring the kind of affordable housing that they were demanding. They developed this strategy iteratively after having tried to play by the rules through litigation and mobilize through protest. When those approaches failed to shift decision makers, they tried to prefigure their goal for housing through occupation. Prefiguration offered distinctive strategic advantages: it helped demonstrate that affordable housing was possible and provided direct relief for people facing housing stress. These advantages not only engaged new participants but contributed to new affordable housing commitments from the City of Cape Town and the courts. We show how movement participants understood their prefigurative occupation as part of a constellation of people power strategies and suggest that this points towards the potential for prefiguration to be deployed pragmatically as well as ideologically by urban social movements.

AN UNFINISHED POLEMICS “AMONG OURSELVES”

The paper examines the polemical dialogue on the national question between two Ukrainian literary classics, Ivan Franko and Lesia Ukrainka, which took place in the late 19th and early 20th century, as well as its impact on other writers, social, and political figures. There was a noticeable divergence in the positions of two prominent writers, with Ivan Franko criticizing the trans-Dnieper Ukrainian intellectuals for distancing themselves from the people, while Lesia Ukrainka justified their participation in the statewide all-Russian movement. This is primarily explained by the asynchrony of social development in the conditions of the Russian autocratic empire and the Austro-Hungarian constitutional state, but there was still another factor. The views of both Ivan Franko and Lesia Ukrainka were formed under the influence of the social-democratic ideas of Mykhailo Drahomanov. However, by that time, Ivan Franko had already shifted towards national positions, while Lesia Ukrainka continued to share Drahomanov’s principles. The evolution of Lesia Ukrainka’s views suggests that it was rather a temporary misunderstanding than an ideological confrontation with Ivan Franko. During the Soviet period, this opposition articulated by Ivan Franko as the one “among ourselves” and temporary “polemical controversy” (Lesіa Ukrainka) was intentionally ignored, as the communist regime in the USSR made efforts to silence the presence of national movements. Interest in this polemic appeared already in the first post-revolutionary years in Ukraine (Mykhailo Drai-Khmara) and remained vivid within the Ukrainian emigration (Dmytro Dontsov, Yurii Lavrinenko). Subsequently, it was revived in literary works during the period of Ukrainian state independence, with contributions from Ivan Denysiuk, Mykhailo Nechytaliuk, Vasyl Horyn, Halyna Levchenko, Mykhailo Hnatiuk, and Bohdan Tykholoz. The polemic between Ivan Franko and Lesia Ukrainka proves its relevance in current circumstances as well.

Youth political participation and digital movement in Indonesia: the case of #ReformasiDikorupsi and #TolakOmnibusLaw.

The younger generations have always been at the forefront of and contributed significantly to social movements that are critical of state policies or respond to socio-political situations. This is also what happened in large movements involving young people in Indonesia, conventionally in the form of demonstrations and digital movements. This study seeks to explore the relationship between youth political participation, digital media, and the development of youth political identity by analyzing young people's engagement in some of the most significant political protests in Indonesia during the mass protests of #ReformasiDikorupsi, a movement opposing the amendments of several important bills, and #TolakOmnibusLaw, a movement opposing the establishment of a new single bill related to labor and investment, between 2019 and 2020. By analyzing quantitative data through data mining from Twitter from October 2019 to November 2020 with the social network analysis method, this study discusses online youth participation in social movements and the way they shape their political identity. Our research found that young people play an active and central role in building online and offline movements. In particular, the online movement contributes to the growth of the offline protest movement, and vice versa, because of concerns about the practice of illiberal democracy.

“SAVAGE DEMOCRACY” BY C. LEFORT AND M. ABENSOUR

The article examines one of the interpretations of radical democracy, which in the works of C. Lefort was called “savage democracy”. Based on the analysis of the historical development of political regimes of the modern era, Lefort comes to the conclusion that the victory of democracy is not a historical necessity. He proposes to go beyond the understanding of democracy as an established political regime and think of it as a constant conflict of political forces. M. Abensour reveals the term “savage democracy” as the power of people, manifested in the actions of people at the moment of historical rupture. At such moments political institutions are reestablished, and new political languages reflecting the interests of participants in popular movements are formulated.

Socialization 2.5: Social Education in the era of Aggregator Platform

The article is devoted to the analysis of an urgent problem – the emergence and development of new phenomena in the field of Russian social education – children’s public organizations integrated into state macro-information systems. The “Movement of the First” is the most striking example of this kind, in which its digital and “living” human components are closely interconnected. The metaphor “Socialization 2.5” in the title of the article reflects the position of the authors that socialization under the conditions of the developing Internet environment in Russian conditions has already outgrown the distinctive features of “Web 2.0”, but has taken a different path than the proposed version of “Web 3.0”. The article argues the position according to which children’s public organizations (movements) engaged in social education are independent socio-technogenic factors. Organizations (movements) of this kind are a tool for removing, levelling the social and cultural characteristics of differentiated social groups and solving a number of other social, educational and cultural tasks. It is shown that the real conceptual model of the subject area of business processes of the “Movement of the First” (romanized: Dvizheniye pervykh – RDDM activities) is described in the language of economics, sociology, computer science, the language of business trainings adapted to a youth audience, but does not use the language of traditional Russian academic pedagogy. The article identifies a number of new problems of social education, which are a consequence of its development in conditions of integration with digital technologies: the inclusion of man-made components in the process of identifying a child with the movement, in acts of initiation (occupation of a certain status, including membership in the movement), in communication, the absolute absence of anonymity. Possible threats to the development of the children’s organization “Movement of the First” are noted as: a bias towards “virtualization” of the proposed activities, up to the replacement of activities in the physical world with its “digital footprint”, the risk of using exclusively formal indicators of movement development, the problem of motivating the activity of subjects, the problem of balance between the requests of movement participants and the “resource intensity” of the proposed “activities”. In the perspective, it can be assumed that the digital component of the movement will develop intensively, expanding the degree of automation, the use of artificial intelligence systems, which may lead to further deformation and adaptation of the system of social interactions within the movement to the possibilities of the digital environment. All named problems are a challenge in relation to the theory of social education and require serious research based on an appropriate methodological basis.

Reclaiming racial justice and building solidarity in Oakland's educational justice movement

ABSTRACT This article examines the ways in which teachers and community-based activists collaborated to advance an anti-privatisation agenda within an urban school district. The article emerges from our respective studies of privatisation in Oakland, one a historical study of the advance of neoliberalism and the other a case study (Merriam 2007, Qualitative Research and Case Study Applications in Education: Revised and Expanded from Case Study Research in Education, 2nd ed. Jossey-Bass) of teacher and community organising against privatisation and school closures. Utilising interviews with key activists and organisers as well as observation and participation in the education justice movement, we describe a set of collaborative political education projects through which activists reclaimed racial justice as the framework to strengthen the movement against privatisation. In these projects, activists called attention to the centrality of antiblackness in advancing privatisation and to the shared disposability and precarity of students of color and the teachers and schools that served them. By shifting from a ‘defend’ public schools to a ‘transform public schools’ framework, they also increased solidarity between teachers, the teachers’ union, and the local community. In the context of the school reform's industry's appropriation of racial-justice language, these political education projects were both a counter-hegemonic and power-building strategy.

Youth political participation and digital movement in Indonesia: the case of #ReformasiDikorupsi and #TolakOmnibusLaw

The younger generations have always been at the forefront of and contributed significantly to social movements that are critical of state policies or respond to socio-political situations. This is also what happened in large movements involving young people in Indonesia, conventionally in the form of demonstrations and digital movements. This study seeks to explore the relationship between youth political participation, digital media, and the development of youth political identity by analyzing young people’s engagement in some of the most significant political protests in Indonesia during the mass protests of #ReformasiDikorupsi, a movement opposing the amendments of several important bills, and #TolakOmnibusLaw, a movement opposing the establishment of a new single bill related to labor and investment, between 2019 and 2020. By analyzing quantitative data through data mining from Twitter from October 2019 to November 2020 with the social network analysis method, this study discusses online youth participation in social movements and the way they shape their political identity. Our research found that young people play an active and central role in building online and offline movements. In particular, the online movement contributes to the growth of the offline protest movement, and vice versa, because of concerns about the practice of illiberal democracy.

Segmenting Bitcoin Transactions for Price Movement Prediction

Cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin have received substantial attention from financial exchanges. Unfortunately, arbitrage-based financial market price prediction models are ineffective for cryptocurrencies. In this paper, we utilize standard machine learning models and publicly available transaction data in blocks to predict the direction of Bitcoin price movement. We illustrate our methodology using data we merged from the Bitcoin blockchain and various online sources. This gave us the Bitcoin transaction history (block IDs, block timestamps, transaction IDs, senders’ addresses, receivers’ addresses, transaction amounts), as well as the market exchange price, for the period from 13 September 2011 to 5 May 2017. We show that segmenting publicly available transactions based on investor typology helps achieve higher prediction accuracy compared to the existing Bitcoin price movement prediction models in the literature. This transaction segmentation highlights the role of investor types in impacting financial markets. Managerially, the segmentation of financial transactions helps us understand the role of financial and cryptocurrency market participants in asset price movements. These findings provide further implications for risk management, financial regulation, and investment strategies in this new era of digital currencies.

A critical activist orientation predicts lower latent ableist bias

AbstractDespite legal efforts to reduce societal barriers, people with disabilities still face ableist bias, stereotyping, and stigma. According to the social movement hypothesis, people's participation in and identification with activist movements may reduce bias towards social outgroups. Alternatively, people's intergroup attitudes and bias may influence their participation in activist activities. This study used structural equation modeling to investigate whether reduced bias towards people with disabilities is associated with critical activism and/or personal, familial, or work experience with disability. Undergraduates (N = 497) completed an online survey including measures of ableist bias, critical activist orientation, experience with disability, and demographic characteristics. The relation between having a critical activist orientation and lower ableist bias was bidirectional, suggesting reciprocal influences between individual‐level attitudes and participation in progressive social movements. Aligning with intergroup contact theory, personal (lived) and familial experience with disability correlated with reduced ableist bias, and familial and work experience with having a critical activist orientation. Male gender correlated with increased ableist bias, and male gender, White race, and higher social class with lower endorsements of a critical activist orientation. The results suggest that disability experience and social status influence critical activist identity, which predicts lower bias.

The 2-aminoethyl diphenylborinate-based fluorescent method identifies quercetin and luteolin metabolites as substrates of Organic anion transporting polypeptides, OATP1B1 and OATP2B1

Organic anion transporting polypeptides (OATPs), OATP1B1 and OATP2B1 are membrane proteins mediating the cellular uptake of chemically diverse organic compounds. OATP1B1 is exclusively expressed in hepatocytes and plays a key role in hepatic detoxification. The ubiquitously expressed OATP2B1 promotes the intestinal absorption of orally administered drugs. Flavonoids are widely found in foods and beverages, and many of them can inhibit OATP function, resulting in food-drug interactions. In our previous work, we have shown that not only luteolin (LUT) and quercetin (Q), but also some of their metabolites can inhibit OATP1B1 and OATP2B1 activity. However, data about the potential direct transport of these flavonoids by OATPs have been incomplete. Hence, in the current study, we developed a simple, fluorescence-based method for the measurement of intracellular flavonoid levels. The method applies a cell-permeable small molecule (2-aminoethyl diphenylborinate, 2-APB), that, upon forming a complex with flavonoids, results in their fluorescence enhancement. This way the direct uptake of LUT and Q, and also their metabolites' could be investigated both by confocal microscopy and in a fluorescence plate reader in living cells. With this approach we identified quercetin-3′-O-sulfate, luteolin-3′-O-glucuronide, luteolin-7-O-glucuronide and luteolin-3′-O-sulfate as substrates of both OATP1B1 and OATP2B1. Our results highlight that OATP1B1 and OATP2B1 can be key participants in the transmembrane movement of LUT and Q conjugates with otherwise low cell permeability. In addition, the novel method developed in this study can be a good completion to existing fluorescence-based assays to investigate OATP function.

Building A Black Appalachian Metropolis: Black Women’s Activism And Labor In Knoxville, Tennessee

Abstract: This article explores the multifaceted roles of Black women in East Tennessee during and immediately after the First World War, spotlighting their profound impact on both local and regional politics and social structures. Positioned uniquely at the intersection of racial uplift and self-determination ideologies in the Black Belt South, these women leveraged a combination of labor and activism to reshape Black political and social thought. Through an intensive examination of archival, biographical, and historical sources, the study reveals how notable figures such as Mrs. Cora Burke, Lillian Cansler, and other race leaders navigated the complexities of the New South’s Jim Crow landscape. Their efforts not only bridged the gap between local challenges and global aspirations but also propelled them into leadership roles in movements such as women’s suffrage and the New Negro Movement. This essay underscores the essential yet often overlooked contributions of Black women from a myriad of different class backgrounds in East Tennessee, presenting them not only as participants in established movements but as architects of new frameworks of resistance and empowerment within the early twentieth-century American South.

Zhenshchiny i Olimpijskie igry: tendencii i problemy sovremennogo zhenskogo sporta

The article is devoted to the consideration of issues related to women's participation in the Olympic Games in history and modern world. Special attention is paid to the analysis of sociological researches aimed at the identification of problematic aspects of women's sports at the Olympic Games. The authors analyze the tendencies of the influence of feminist movement on the development of the women's participation in the Olympic movement and sports equality, the development of traditionally female and “non-female" sports. It is shown that the development of feminism rhetoric in sports has negative consequences for the social status of female athletes and changes the ideas on the sports ideals.