Motivations Of Voters Research Articles

Ethnic diversity and electoral democracy in Sudan before and after the Arab spring

ABSTRACT This study investigates the impact of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy in Sudan, a nation grappling with ethnic, sectarian, and regional identity politics. Using a mixed-method approach, the study employs Time Series analysis from 1990 to 2019, followed by theoretical analysis to explore the relationship between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy. The framework of this study draws from relevant studies on this nexus, incorporating factors such as racial/ethnic voting motivations, corruption, institutional dynamics, conflict, and individual income. The study bridges a gap in the existing literature by providing insights into the mechanisms through which ethnic identities shape democratisation processes in the African region. The findings reveal an influence of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy, as evidenced by factors such as violent conflicts, political institutions, and economic inequality. Additionally, the study delves into contemporary implications of ethnic dynamics on democratic processes, particularly examining the military confrontations between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) since April 2023. The practical implications of this study lie in developing effective strategies to mitigate the political repercussions of ethnicity, thereby fostering a peaceful democratic transition. Therefore, the findings may not be readily applicable to other regions or nations with distinct historical, cultural, or geopolitical contexts that might influence the interplay between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy differently.

Voting out autocrats: evidence from Zambia

ABSTRACT The world is currently undergoing a period of autocratization, often led by democratically elected presidents who begin to dismantle democratic institutions. In countries with reasonably free and fair elections, the electorate’s ability to vote out the autocratizing incumbent is an important democratic safeguard. Does autocratization matter to the voting public? How do citizens weigh concerns about democratic decline alongside partisan attachments and performance evaluations? This study examines Zambia’s 2021 election, in which citizens voted out an autocratizing incumbent. I use a multimethod approach to illuminate what motivated voters, including analysis of constituency-level election data, qualitative analysis of open-ended responses in an original 300-person survey, and regression analysis of the nationally representative Afrobarometer data. The results indicate that while partisanship and negative evaluations of the incumbent’s economic management were important for voters, so were concerns about the decline of democracy. Voter motivations differed across constituency-level partisan context. Key voters in competitive constituencies were motivated by both economic woes and concerns of democratic decline, while voters in incumbent strongholds defected to the opposition primarily for economic reasons. The study has important implications for understanding voter motivations across partisan contexts under autocratization.

Unpacking second-order elections theory: The effects of ideological extremity on voting in European elections

The proposition that extreme parties should perform better in second-order national contests when compared to adjacent, first-order, national elections has so far received scant attention from scholars. Correspondingly, it lacks a developed theoretical framework and systematic empirical testing. This study strives to fill these lacunae, offering a comparative analysis of all European and adjacent national elections in the last six decades. Contrary to expectations, I find a negative effect of ideological extremity on party performance in (second-order) European elections. Moreover, the effect of ideological extremity is also conditional upon party size and the temporal distance of the European election to the last national election. However, these effects are at odds with theoretical expectations of existing research. These findings have broader implications, especially in terms of transformations of European politics. For instance, they can be indicative of shifts in voter motivations and the electoral costs of governing for extreme parties.

Efficient consensus algorithm based on improved DPoS in UAV-assisted mobile edge computing

Aiming at the problems of low decentralization, low motivation for node voting, and malicious behavior of nodes for the traditional DPoS consensus mechanism in the blockchain-based UAV-assisted mobile edge computing environment, this paper proposes an improved DPoS-based consensus mechanism approach. First, the framework of a blockchain-based UAV-assisted mobile edge computing system is given, and the consensus mechanism design problem in this framework is analyzed. Second, a proxy node selection model is established based on the rights and votes obtained by the blockchain nodes, and the proxy nodes are selected to participate in the consensus process of the current cycle. Then, the voting behavior, block generation behavior, and block verification behavior of nodes are classified into positive and malicious behaviors to reward and punish the reputation value of nodes. Finally, a blockchain-based UAV-assisted mobile edge computing experimental environment is built, and the TDPoS algorithm, ADRP algorithm, and RDPoS algorithm are used as benchmark algorithms to experimentally compare with the proposed improved DPoS consensus-based algorithm. The experimental results show that the algorithms in this paper can improve network throughput, reduce block-out delay, and increase the proportion of secure proxy nodes.

What’s on a Party Member’s Mind? Voting Motives in Competitive Party Leadership Elections

ABSTRACT Procedures of party leadership selection have attracted considerable scholarly attention in recent years, but voting motives of party members in leadership elections have not been fully studied yet. This paper presents a new model of voting in party leadership elections that is inspired by previous models that were mostly tailored to more exclusive selectorates (such as the parliamentary party). We adopt an inductive research strategy that is based on an open question in member surveys that were held on the occasion of three Belgian party leadership elections. As a result, we obtain a comprehensive model with eight different vote motivations: policy positions, electability, competence, perceptions of personality traits, socio-demographic characteristics, personal relationships, party-organisational reasons and negative voting. Our findings also show that the kinds of motivations that are put forward by members are dependent upon the number of contenders.

From convergence to Corbyn: Explaining support for the UK’s radical left

Against many predictions, the 2017 UK General Election saw the Labour Party increasing its representation under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. Corbyn shifted the Labour Party away from its past convergence, becoming more radically left-wing in its policies. Following this unexpected success of Labour in 2017, this article examines the individual-level motivations of voters to see how far support for this radically-shifting party is explained by populist attitudes amongst voters, or by policy-proximity (spatial) considerations of these voters — analysing the latter based on economic, cultural (personal rights and values), and migration policy dimensions. Looking at how Labour evaluations changed between the 2015 and 2017 elections, from BES panel data, the article finds that levels of populism amongst voters do not explain support for Labour. The article also finds policy-proximity to offer a limited explanation of support for Labour, but also finds unexpectedly high support for this party from spatially-distant voters.

First Order for some. How Different Forms of Politicization Motivated Voters in the 2019 European Parliamentary Election

AbstractDifferent theories of politicization in EP elections entail very different conclusions for EU legitimacy. The somber predictions of second‐order election (SOE) theory have been challenged by theories of polity politicization in recent years, but many scholars still believe policy politicization to be most desirable from a normative point of view. Despite its importance, there are few studies investigating the meaning citizens attach to their voting decision, which is crucial for disentangling different forms of politicization. We address this gap by choosing a qualitative and explorative research design, conducting 107 semi‐structured interviews in France, Germany and Poland on the day of the 2019 EP elections. Our analysis of voter motivations provides evidence of SOE behavior, but also of European‐level polity and policy politicization. The fact that voters are motivated by different forms of politicization challenges the hegemony of SOE theory. For some voters, EP elections are first order. This is good news for EP legitimacy.

Local voters have their reasons. Mapping voting motives in local elections in Belgium

AbstractVoting motives are one of the most studied but still much contested question in political science. There has been much less concern at the local level although two main tendencies can be discerned. Some consider local elections as second order political contests. Others emphasize place‐bound patterns in voting motives. Still, more research beyond those theoretical presumptions is needed to empirically determine motives for the local vote. Therefore, this paper aims to address two questions: (RQ1) Which types of motives do voters attribute to their choice in local elections? (RQ2) What explains similarities and differences in RQ1? To answer these questions, we draw on the data of the Belgian Local Elections Study 2018 in which respondents were invited to answer an open‐ended question about their voting motives for the local elections. Voting in local elections does not appear to be of second order: voters predominantly have general and specific place‐bound reasons.

Voter Motivation

Voters have many motivations. Some vote on the issues. They vote for a candidate because they share that candidate's policy positions. Some vote on performance. They vote for a candidate because they think that candidate will produce the best outcomes in office. Some vote on group identities. They vote for a candidate because that candidate is connected to their social group. This paper is about these motivations. I address three questions. First, which of these motivations, were it widespread, would be best for intrinsic democratic values? Second, how do the motivations of actual American voters affect the value of American democracy? Third, what motivations should individual American voters have? I argue that widespread issue voting would be best, followed by performance voting, followed by group voting. I argue that American voters do not much contribute to the value of American democracy. Their behavior makes it hard to achieve many democratic values. Finally, I argue that, were America an ideal democracy, American voters would have reason to vote on the issues. But, in their non-ideal democracy, American voters merely have reason to avoid voting on privileged group identities.

Assessing Political Brand Relationship as Leverage for Voter Preference in Ghana

This research is an empirical assessment of political brand relationship as leverage for voter preference and choice of candidates by voters in Ghana. The objective of the study is to ascertain the use of political brand relationships for leveraging the preference of voters. The study used a total sample size of 10 key party and labor union representatives. The research found out that voter identification and differentiation of a political party from one another, as a process, has positive effects on the voting motivations of respondents and their choice of candidates. The research established that the political brand of a party causes voters to accept and identify with a particular party. Finally, the research revealed that the desire to help voters, fulfilment of promises, the creation and sharing of wealth, and safety issues were of paramount concern to voters. The study also found out that, political brand relationship building has a positive impact on voter attraction/preference of the voter. Voters identified themselves with political brands on the basis of brand characteristics such as economic freedom, social status, safety, recognition, and personal achievement. The study further found out that political parties are liable to be neglected by voters when there is a failure to establish a brand relationship. The research recommends that in order to track or monitor changes in aspirations and needs, political parties should undertake regular marketing research with a view to obtaining current information regarding what voters want. The study further recommends that politicians should segment, target, and position their parties or candidates properly in the political market space if they are to be victorious in elections.
 

Idiosyncratic voting in the UNGA death penalty moratorium resolutions

ABSTRACT On 18 December 2007, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) adopted a landmark resolution calling for a global moratorium on the use of the death penalty, with 104 votes in favor and 54 votes against. By 2018, there had been seven such UNGA resolutions tabled and passed. This article examines UN member states’ voting practices over these seven resolutions to answer the question: why do states vote as they do? UN member states’ votes on the resolutions are largely a reflection of their existing domestic laws on the death penalty: voting in favor if they have abolished the death penalty in law for all crimes, and voting against if they retain the death penalty in law and continue to use it. Not all member states, however, vote in a manner consistent with their domestic legal stance. Through analysis of the roll-call voting data, political statements from national leaders, background material on each country’s death penalty practice, together with interviews with representatives from several relevant UN Missions in New York City, in this article the authors discern and explain patterns in the idiosyncratic voting motivations of these states.

The Use of the Endorsement Heuristic in Swiss Popular Votes

AbstractThere already exists an impressive body of literature studying the use of voting recommendations in elections and popular votes. The main shortcoming of most of these observational studies is the measurement of voting recommendations. There is rarely any direct evidence to show that voters did indeed follow a recommendation when making a vote decision. Thus, it is not clear how widespread the use of such voting endorsements is. We measured the use of endorsements by evaluating the voting motives reported by the voters themselves. Employing this measure, we could show that endorsements have an impact on Swiss referendum votes. Depending on the issue at stake, between 2 and 27 percent of the voters admitted that they based their decision on recommendations. Moreover, the use of endorsements heavily depends on motivation, project‐specific knowledge level, and degree of ambivalence towards the issue at stake.

The Medical Library Association (MLA) voter: a survey of attitudes, perceptions, and voting practices in MLA national elections

Objective:Voting in professional associations is critical for selecting leaders who will implement a desirable vision for an association. Members of the Medical Library Association (MLA) were surveyed to assess their attitudes and perceptions of the voting process to elect the MLA national offices of president and members of the Board of Directors and Nominating Committee. Survey data were also used to test the hypothesis that committed MLA members are more likely to always vote.Methods:SurveyMonkey was used to deliver a 46-question survey to 2,671 email addresses of MLA members who were eligible to vote. Survey data were analyzed using quantitative and qualitative approaches.Results:A total of 676 responses were received, resulting in a 25% response rate. Respondents indicated that the most desired qualities in candidates included experience in professional positions, contributions to MLA, and a vision for the association, whereas candidates' personal characteristics were rarely considered. Respondents expressed doubts about the use of a single slate, had positive views of campaigning but were doubtful about its impact, and were generally accepting of the current voting process. Committed MLA members were significantly more likely to always vote in MLA national elections.Conclusions:The survey results provide insight into understanding the concerns and motivations of MLA voters and add to the limited literature on professional association voting.

Electoral Behaviour in a European Union under Stress

Is electoral behaviour affected by the current challenges of the EU and, if it is, through which channels and mechanisms? This study offers a cross-national analysis together with a broad understanding of both the crisis phenomenon and electoral behaviour. To investigate this research question appropriately, we first distinguish at the most general level between the two main behavioural alternatives at play when it comes to electoral behaviour, namely abstention and vote choice. Second, and no less important, we differentiate between the mechanisms that mediate the relationship between the ‘EU under stress’ and electoral behaviour, namely egocentric and sociotropic economic voting motivations. Drawing on data from the European Election Study 2014, our article provides important insights into the study of electoral behaviour in an EU under stress. First, we are able to show that the multiple crises that have hit the EU have the potential to determine both turnout and the decision to vote for a Eurosceptic party. Second, different mechanisms are in play for each of the two behavioural alternatives: Turnout is clearly related to egocentric determinants and thus depends on individuals’ personal exposure to the financial crisis. Conversely, the decision to vote for a Eurosceptic party is based on a different mechanism. Voters—without necessarily being personally affected by the crisis—have a higher propensity to vote for a Eurosceptic party if they perceive their country to be threatened by such an EU under stress. These findings add to a better understanding of the EU’s multi-level democracy.

What Drives the Right-Wing Populist Vote? Topics, Motivations and Representations in an Online Vox Pop with Voters for the Alternative für Deutschland

Abstract In a recent study (Miglbauer, Marlene and Veronika Koller (2019). “‘The British People have Spoken’: Voter Motivations and Identities in Vox Pops on the British EU Referendum.” Veronika Koller, Susanne Kopf and Marlene Miglbauer, eds. Discourses of Brexit. Abingdon: Routledge, 86–103.), we investigated vox pops (short for ‘vox populi,’ i.e. ‘voice of the people’) with self-declared Leave voters in the run-up to the 2016 British EU referendum. The study presented here complements this research with a comparative perspective, exploring the motivations expressed by voters for the German right-wing populist party AfD (Alternative für Deutschland). On the day of the 2017 general election, the German news website Zeit online (ZON) invited its readers to say why they voted AfD. Although the AfD voter profile and the ZON readership profile are noticeably different, the question elicited 468 replies numbering a total of around 59,000 words, which we compiled into a corpus. Working with corpus analysis software AntConc 3.4.1w, we first prised out topics and motivations by analysing this collection of online vox pops for word frequencies as well as collocates and concordances for selected lexical units, before manually grouping the different lexemes into ten topics. In a second step, we manually analysed the data for social actor representation (van Leeuwen, Theo (2008). Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.) and appraisal (Martin, James R. and Peter R. R. White (2005). Appraisal in English. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.). The results of the analysis show that next to previously documented motivations for right-wing populist votes – e.g. in-group bias and rejection of the Other as morally deficient (Heinisch, Reinhard (2008). “Austria: The Structure and Agency of Austrian Populism.” Daniele Albertazzi and Duncan McDonnell, eds. Twenty-First Century Populism: The Spectre of Western European Democracy. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 67–83.) –, the group of AfD voters represented in the written vox pop have specific additional reasons, namely a focus on German chancellor Merkel as an ‘anti-hero’ and a belief of being victimised by the media. An additional, unexpected finding was that a number of posters to the dedicated comment forum explicitly distance themselves from perceived stereotypes of right-wing populist voters. Our findings therefore also problematise previously identified characteristics of right-wing populist discourse as anti-elitist and anti-intellectual (Wodak, Ruth (2015b). The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean. Los Angeles: SAGE.) and call into question the support from workers, and associated fears of wage pressure and competition for welfare benefits, as one of the main factors in the success of right-wing populism (Oesch, Daniel (2008). “Explaining Workers’ Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland.” International Political Science Review 29.3, 349–373.).

Voter motivation and the quality of democratic choice

The efficiency of committee voting and referenda with common-interest issues critically depends on voter motivation, i.e., on voters' willingness to cast an informed vote. If voters are motivated, voting may result in smart choices because of information aggregation but if voters remain ignorant, delegating decision making to an expert may yield better outcomes. We experimentally study a common-interest situation in which we vary voters' information cost and the competence of the expert. We find that voters are more motivated to collect information than predicted by standard theory and that voter motivation is higher when subjects demand to make choices by voting than when voting is imposed on subjects.

Do Votes Speak Louder than Motives? Moral Judgments and Tolerance in the 2016 Presidential Election

AbstractWhen judging a voter's decision, does that voter's reason for casting their vote influence moral and interpersonal judgments about them? In the context of the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election, past research suggests two competing predictions. First, people regularly account for an actor's intentions when forming judgments of the actor, indicating that judgments may vary according to a voter's motives. However, people are unlikely to see nuance among outgroups, especially amid divisive political partisanship, suggesting that judgments would ignore information about voters’ motives. In Study 1, results supported the first prediction, showing that both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump supporters distinguished between different voting motives when making moral and interpersonal judgments of outgroup voters. In Studies 2 and 3, when some voters’ motives became more extreme, Clinton and Trump supporters again distinguished between voting motives for outgroup and ingroup voters, respectively, albeit in a different pattern of results.

The Conservative Party Leadership Election of 2016: An Analysis of the Voting Motivations of Conservative Parliamentarians

This article provides the first systematic examination of the voting motivations of Conservative MPs in the final parliamentary ballot of the Conservative Party leadership election of 2016. We identify the voting behaviour of each Conservative parliamentarian as part of a unique data set that we use to test, through the use of multivariate analysis, a series of hypotheses based around social background variables (i.e. gender and education); political variables (i.e. parliamentary experience, electoral marginality, the electoral threat posed by UKIP and ministerial status); and ideological variables (i.e. attitudes towards same-sex marriage and Brexit). Our findings demonstrate that ideology did matter in terms of voting. Attitudes towards Brexit were central to the appeals of both Theresa May (to Remainers) and Andrea Leadsom (to Leavers). We also demonstrate that in terms of support for Leadsom, Brexit was not the only significant driver, as opinion on same-sex marriage, year of entry and ministerial status also influenced voting behaviour.

Engendering Bilateralism: An Exploration of Possible Sources of Non-Centrism in Government Formation

This paper seeks to identify factors that may lie behind the tendency for parliamentary governments to form primarily from one side of the left-right spectrum and to adopt non-centrist policy positions. Because of measurement limitations as well as the inherent complexity of the processes involved, this exploration is undertaken through simulation experiments. The new software created for these experiments allows the potential impact of a wide variety of factors, including voter and party motivations and distributions, policy space dimensionality, and constraints on government formation, to be assessed. Although the results cannot tell us what fosters non-centrism in the real world, they do reveal some factors that appear to be conducive to that end and thus serve as a guide to further research on this neglected topic.

Voter Motivation and the Quality of Democratic Choice

The quality of democratic choice critically depends on voter motivation, i.e. on voters' willingness to cast an informed vote. If voters are motivated, voting may result in smart choices because of information aggregation but if voters remain ignorant, delegating decision making to an expert may yield better outcomes. We experimentally study a common interest situation in which we vary voters' information cost and the competence of the expert. We find that voters are more motivated to collect information than predicted by standard theory and that voter motivation is higher when subjects demand to make choices by voting than when voting is imposed on subjects.